Art. 1.—Ethnographical Considerations on the Whence of the Maori.
[Read before the Otago Institute, 22nd November, 1870.]
Native tradition has indicated the Navigators' Islands as the directly prior home of the Maoris or aborigines of New Zealand, from whence they are said to have migrated through, or by way of Rorotonga, which latter island is still denominated “the road to Hawaiki,” an island of the former group. (“Story of New Zealand,” by Dr. Thomson). With tradition this paper has little to do, as our object is to examine the ethnographical relations of the Maori with other races of the world, in as far as his physical form, customs, and language will guide us. To enable us to perform our task with any degree of satisfaction, we must give wide scope to our observations by first taking a glance at the map of the old world, tracing thereon the seats of the great divisions of the human family.
The human family may be reduced to three primary divisions—by colour, white, red, and black; or by name, Caucasian, Mongolian, and Negro, between which there are innumerable subdivisions and modifications of shade, and diversity of form, customs, and language. Before the discoveries of Columbus and Vasco de Gama, which gave such wide expansion to the white and black divisions, the seat of the first was confined to that area extending from Iceland over Central Europe to the confines of Hindostan; the seat of the second was over North Europe, North, Central, and Eastern Asia; while the seat of the third was confined to the continents and islands of the tropics, extending from Cape de Verde to Malicolo. Where one division bordered on another at various points they intermingled, and thus graduated one into the other, or the weaker
gave way and died out. Yet each leading division had great geographical barriers to separate them; thus, the black and white divisions were separated in a great measure by the Deserts of Zahara and Arabia, and the red and white by the Himalaya Mountains and the arid steppes of Tartary; and it is a remarkable fact that upon one point of the surface of the earth all three divisions had easy convergence—this point is the peninsula of Hindostan. This notable fact has intimate bearing on the enquiry before us, so will be referred to hereafter. In the meantime I must point out how much the physical geography of the world has to do with the spread and currents (if I may so express myself) of the divisions of humanity. It is a fact well known to physiologists that the pure offspring of the white man, when confined to the tropics, dies out in the third generation, and again, much beyond the same limit, we know of no purely black race existing; the red man alone appears to have a constitution fitted to endure in all regions habitable by the other two. Hence, he extends across the Equator, from Cape Horn to North Siberia.
In that dim chaos of pre-historic times, into which reason has enabled us but partially to penetrate, it will appear to have been one of the arrangements of nature that the Negro should have at one era populated the plains of Hindostan, as well as Africa and Papuanesia, and which plains are in the middle distance of his extreme range East and West. Abutting closely on this middle area were energetic hordes of white and red men settled in the mountain valleys of Aria and Thibet. These valleys were situated on the flanks of the highest region in the world. Ethnographical enquiry, while proving the above fact, also traces the descent of these hordes on the fertile plains of India, the former by the valley of the Indus, the other by those of the Bahrumputra and Ganges, driving out or enslaving the simple and unwarlike black inhabitants.
In scanning an ethnographical map of the world, it will at once strike the observer that the Negro division has extended itself only either by the sea coasts or from island to island in close contiguity, thus indicating a rude, primitive, and unskilful knowledge of navigation, and which required vessels little superior to the canoe. The red race, on the contrary, has evinced surprising powers of locomotion both by sea and land, a proof of their superiority. Again, until these latter ages, the white man has been confined to a limited area, and as his skill, boldness, and intelligence, must be acknowledged to be superior to the other two divisions, may we not accept this as one of the proofs of his later development or increase? Otherwise, how are we to account for his tardy intrusiveness on the habitats of the other divisions, and which within the last three centuries have had such mighty exposition.
The relative superiority of intellect, as evidenced by the capacity of the skull, may here be shortly noticed. In a paper that I furnished to the
“Journal of the Indian Archipelago” (vol. i., 1847), I gave the result of measurements that I made on crania of the three divisions. The system of measurement was explained in that journal, being by squares on a central section of the head, the standard line, being drawn through the meatus auditorius and base of the nose. I then found that the brow of the European equalled 88, of the Eastern Asiatic 71, and of the Negro 60. The ape of the Indian Archipelago, I may add, equalled 44.
The jet black native of Central Africa may be likened to one pole of humanity, and the fair, light-haired native of Scandinavia may be likened to the other, between which there are links innumerable till the chain is joined. Thus, while in physical aspect there are graduations from one race or tribe to another till the most remote are joined, so in language, the same law has been found to appertain. Affinities of language must not only be judged of by glossaries, but by phonetic systems and ideology. On this branch of the subject the late Mr. J. R. Logan (than whom there was no more ardent an enquirer), by a laborious and exhaustive comparison of the various languages of Asia and Polynesia, has drawn the following conclusions. He says (“Jour. E. I. Arch.,” vol. vii.) “That there is reason to believe that the strong Africanism of some of the lower South Indian castes is really a remnant of an archaic formation of a more decided African character. In some places Tamil books record that the original inhabitants had tufted hair, and some of their customs were Africo-Papuan. The black Doms of Kumaon have hair still inclining to wool. The phonetic elements of the Dravirian (South Indian) formation are numerous, and some of them have a somewhat African and Australian character.” It is probable, therefore, he continues, “after a lengthened analysis of the various languages, and on linguistic evidence alone, that the Dravirians (as above described) occupied the plain of the Ganges and all India before the present Gangetic tribes imported or diffused the ultra Indian and Thibetan elements which are now found in their languages. India, from its position and climate, was destined to receive and not to send out dominant races. It has only been less recipient and passive than Asianesia.” Again, “the main affinities of the Dravirian formation point two ways, the linguistic chiefly to Sythic, the physical chiefly to an African origin or fraternity.” Of other Asiatic languages, he remarks “that the principle languages, from the Fin and Hungarian in the West to the Japanese in the East, have many phonetic characters in common, particularly that of vocalic harmony. The Sythic languages, as a whole, appear in their earlier form to have embraced the entire range of the simple definitives. In this respect they resemble the Thibetan, Ultra-Indian, Dravirian, Caucasian, South African, and Asianesian systems.” He adds “that, ideologically, the Dravirian and Sythic formations have a close agreement, and in some common traits
they differ from the Thibetan.” The positive results which he sums up, after a most full and laborious exposition, including in the process numerous investigations and examples, are, “that the bases of Thibeto, Ultra-Indian, Dravirian, and Sythic formations are strongly allied to Chinese, not only by their monosyllabic character, but by many structural traits, and it may be added by glossarial affinities also. The three formations are further and more closely connected with each other by syntactic characters which are not Chinese, by the possession of a harmonic phonology—feeble in the Thibeto Ultra-Indian languages, and powerful in the Sythic, and by numerous common roots.”
Thus I have endeavored to show, by as short extracts as possible, from the writings of an acknowledged high authority, that there are links of language between Archaic South India and the rest of Asia, which will prepare the mind to pursue other connections from the same region with Polynesia, and which latter is the immediate subject of this paper.
Between the various Polynesian languages a certain degree of relation has been proved to exist, and this extends to Madagascar. Those ethnographers who have given special attention to the subject, amongst the most eminent of whom are Marsden, Humboldt, Bopp, Hale, John Crawfurd, and J. R. Logan, are somewhat divided in opinion on the origin and cause of this phenomenon, one side maintaining a derivitive origin of the various tribes from one common stock, while the other adheres to the primordial theory of rude hordes speaking ab initio languages of their own. Into these speculative subjects we need not enter, as they do not materially affect the enquiry before us. Logan, with the view of ascertaining generally the position of the insular languages with reference to others, states (vol. iv. “Jour. E. I. Arch.”) “that he compared the structure of those of which he had a knowledge with the Burman, Chinese, Tartarian, Thibeto-Indian, Older Indian, African, and American groups, and made a comparative vocabulary, of little more than 300 words, of 135 of the Indo-Pacific languages.” These he partially compared with 150 continental languages that appeared to have connection with them. As a general result of his investigations I may mention the following, that though the enquiries, as a whole, proved far beyond the grasp of one person, after discoursing on the various languages of Africa and Asia, he states, “that if any oceanic language be examined it will be found to have strong resemblances and even coincidences in words and structural traits to one or another branch of all or several of the great linguistic families of Asia, bordering on the ocean or intimately connected with the border natives—Lau, Chinese, Japanese, Tartarian Thibeto-Indian, Burman, Old Indian, Syro-Arabian, Ancient Egyptian, African, and even Iranian and American. The investigation of Ethnic evidence afforded by Oceanic languages is therefore exceedingly complicated. One general conclusion is that the human history of the Indian
Archipelago is of very great antiquity. Amongst the foreign influences tha can be traced, the first is African or Indo-African in character—that is, embracing the Indian Archipelago, Australia, and Papuanesia. The Melanesian languages are still probably Indo-African.”
For two, out of many glossarial resemblances given by the author, I would refer the reader to Appendix I. as illustrative of this part of the subject.
Of insular languages the author goes on to state that “they present contrasts of harsh and soft phonologies such as those that are found in the Continent of Asia and elsewhere, but their prevailing character is vocalic, harmonic, and flowing. These phonologies have largely influenced the languages of Melanesia and Micronesia, and they have degenerated in Polynesia into extreme softness and weakness. In some respects Polynesia has a closer resemblance to Malayan than to Eastern Indonesia. It is greatly distinguished from the latter by its comparatively crude phonology, in its low degree or absence of fluency and adhesiveness. It is nearer the Malay, while it possesses many traits of the E. and N. E. Indonesian ideology, which is not found in Malay, as well as some very striking ones that are peculiar to it.”
Mr. Hale has shown that the more eastern dialects of Polynesia have been derived from the western, and have lost or changed some of the forms of the latter. The Samoan group is considered by that authority as the first location of the Polynesian race, from whence it spread south to New Zealand, and east to Tahiti. Again, Logan states that the Australian languages, with many characteristics in common with the insular, yet possess a primary form radically distinct. They have also more modern connections, attributable to the influence of the Indo-Polynesian and Papuanesian languages, exerted chiefly on the East Coast. The eastern or Molluccan languages he affirms to be, probably, the parents of all Polynesia.
Of the Andaman language, which is of great interest, owing to its Negro tribes having been so long preserved separate from surrounding continental nations, Logan observes that it is purely Indonesian, and its words are dissyllabic. At the dawn of our present ethnic light, vocalic languages occupied the Malacca basin, and the fragments of a Negro population still existing in the Andaman Islands and the Malay Peninsula speaking these languages, attest to the fact that the spiral-haired Negro race were in these regions prior to all others. The extensive enquiries of the above distinguished ethnographer have, therefore, led to the conclusion that a Negro race once spread itself over Hindostan and India beyond the Ganges, and whose languages even yet resist extinction by later intruding tribes.
Crawfurd (whose purely speculative views I need not notice) has given a laborious disquisition on the Malayan and Polynesian languages, from which I
give several quotations (“Journal of Ethnological Society,” London). By an analysis of a Malagasi dictionary, consisting of 8,000 words, he discovered 140 to be Malayan, or 1–57th part of the whole; 60 of the Malayan words were of natural objects, and 13 were numerals. Of the Tagala language (Philippine), in a dictionary containing 12,000 words, he found 77 to be Malayan, 20 to be Javanese, and 150 to be common to both languages. This gives a proportion of 32 words to the 1,000. There were also 24 Sancrit terms. Of the Bisayan language (also Philippine), in a dictionary containing 9,000 words, 72 were Malayan, 17 Javanese, and 197 common to both, making about 30 in 1,000. There were also 13 Sancrit terms. Of the Maori language of New Zealand, in a dictionary of 5,500 words, 107 were Malay, making about 20 to the 1,000. Of the Negro languages of the Andaman Islands and Keddah, or Queda, he remarks that he found in their vocabularies no two words alike; this was also the case with the Papuan language of Wajeou (near New Guinea). This dissimilarity he states to be the case with all Negro and Papuan tribes. Comparing also the languages of the islands in the Torres Straits with those of Malicolo, Tanna, and New Caledonia, no two words were found to be common. Further, he found no Malayan word in any of the languages of Australia; this fact he accounts for by the low social state of the latter.
Crawfurd has scarcely touched on the phonology and ideology of the languages reviewed, which is to be regretted, and he evidently ascribes the possession of common words by various races over so large a portion of the world to Malayan origin, disseminated by tempest-driven proas, and other accidents of the sea, a theory adverse to the conclusions arrived at in this paper.
Having availed myself hitherto of so much of the materials collected by prior writers, I now proceed to a portion that is more peculiarly my own. During my long sojourn in the East Indies I made drawings of various individuals of several tribes, with no intention of ever bringing them to any use further than for the amusement of home friends, but as they serve, in some measure, to illustrate my paper of this evening, I will now refer to them. Commencing at the westerly range of the Negro, viz., Africa:—
Bashier, of Muscat, a native of Central Africa, presents a specimen of the coal-black type.
Furham and Barrahk, of Zanzibar, are of mixed race or Arabo-Negros.
Next are two men and one woman of the Sumnali tribe, natives of the Straits of Babelmandeb, of brown complexion. The men especially are very lanky, figure approaching to the physical form of the Arab, yet otherwise having all the characteristics of the Negro.
Next is a Pariah of the Coromandel Coast of South Hindostan, a nearly
black native of the Dravirian type, with curled hair, approaching much to the features of the Negro.
Then comes a Hindoo of the same region, of dark-brown complexion, yet whose lanky hair and oval features prove a further removal from the Negro type, and nearer to the Indo-European.
Next is a Hindoo of Coorg, in the same region, who, having been the son of a chief, has a light brown complexion, sharp features, and small lips and chin, showing a more northern derivation than the two latter, and in whose countenance none of the Negro characteristics are to be observed.
These drawings, as far as they go, give illustrations of the graduations of the human race, from the coal black Negro to the olive-colored, and then the white Arian, Caucasian, or European. Now go to the most easterly range of the Negro. Here are two drawings of Papuans, natives of New Guinea. While exhibiting cerebral contours equally as low as those of the most westerly range, in their prognathous jaws, retreating foreheads, oblong faces, and thick lips, they are of lighter complexion, viz., dark brown, with spiral hair, a feature which distinguishes them from the African type.
Next we have an albino of the same race—mistaken by the credulous for a European—but whose red weak eyes, scaly skin, protruding lips and jaws, small brow, and long thick-jointed fingers, prove him to have had his origin in Papuanesia.
Now we come to the Bajow or Oranglaut, of the Indian Archipelago. Campar, evidently allied to the Mongolian division, but the Negro features in him are slightly apparent, while in his sisters Puteh and Smih (both albinos) the Mongolian features are predominant. This tribe is evidently derived from the Mergui Archipelago, and remotely from the valleys of the Irrawaddy and Bahrumputra. They are strong and muscular, also piratical and regardless of shedding blood. These I would point out as being most likely the descendants of the first intruders on the Negro Equatorial area.
Next are a man, woman, and child of the Seletar tribe of Johore—river nomads—whose closer contact with the present natives of the Malay Peninsula graduates them further into the Mongolian type, as shown by their square faces, small oblique eyes, and brown yellow complexion.
The next in order may be classed together, all having Mongolian or Thibetan features, viz., a Jakun of Johore, Muka Kunings of Battam (mother and son), Sabimba of Johore (man, boy, woman, and child), Mintera of Salangore (man and woman). All these are wild tribes, living solely in the dense forests of the interior of the islands and peninsula of Malacca, evidently deriving their origin in archaic times from the valleys of the Menan and Irrawaddy. These are now popularly known as the primitive inhabitants, but the ethnological researches already quoted prove them to have been preceded
by the Negro. Their features being also closely Thibeto-Chinese, their more northerly origin is corroborated. Some of these tribes live in savage freedom within 30 miles of the settlements of Europeans, such as Malacca and Singapore, totally unaffected in habits or manners by the civilisation so nearly brought to them for a period of three and a half centuries—that is, since the advent of the Portuguese in the year 1511.
Next is a Jawee Pakan of Malacca, a man of mixed race, evidently Malayo-Dutch. Thus, in these portraits the graduations or links from the Papuan to the Indo-European are exhibited.
As examples of the pure Mongolian races that now occupy the Indian Archipelago, the following are exhibited:—1st. Two women and a child of the Silat, in the Singapore Straits, claiming to be Malays; 2nd. A man, woman, and child of Waju in Celebes. These claim to be Bugis, and belong to the most enterprising race in the equatorial East.
Last is a Mug of Burmah, who, being nearer to Thibet than any yet shown, has features more closely approximating to the natives of the eastern Himalayan spurs than any other. It will be observed by those acquainted with the images of the Thibetan Buddha, how closely similar the features of the face are to those; the straight nose, round face, and rectangular eyebrows of those people presenting a beau ideal of beauty, grace, and symmetry in these regions of the earth. This portrait gives the link between the Thibet and Indonesian races. (Copies of these drawings are necessarily excluded from this work.)
Thus, while the language of these tribes or nations have been shown in the preceding part of this paper to graduate one into the other, so have their physical forms, colors, and complexions been proved (imperfectly, it must be admitted, for want of more drawings) also thus to graduate. Now to the question before us—which of these approach nearest to the general type of the Maori? On this point Dr. Thompson, in his “Story of New Zealand” (a very competent authority) describes “the Maori males as averaging 5ft. 6¼in. in height and 10 stones (without clothes) in weight, their body being longer than that of an Englishman, while their legs are shorter. The head hair is abundant, and generally black, but some have a rusty red tinge. A few have lank head hair, a few frizzly, but the majority have dark hair with a slight wave in it. Their beard and whiskers are occasionally considerable, but on the trunk it is scanty; few become bald, although many are grey; the skin is olive-brown, with many shades, some so fair that blushes in their cheeks can be seen, while others are so dark that the tattoo marks can scarcely be detected; the mouth is coarse, the face broad, and the upper lip long, the forehead high, narrow, and retreating. They are a mixed race, and may be divided into brown, reddish, and black. In different tribes the numbers of each complexion vary.”
To compare for ourselves the correctness of this description, we have not far to go, for we have the prisoners of the North Island in Dunedin, and the Maoris of the Lower Harbour to contemplate, and we have also Chinese now in our streets. Though the countenances of the Maoris will be found to differ widely, yet the general cast will be admitted to approach none of the three great distinctive divisions of mankind. They are clearly a cross, whose affinities are Dravirian or South Indian of the oldest class. On this subject I may be allowed to speak as one who has had experience, having resided in countries where both races were to be daily seen; and while I would ascribe the affinities of the Maori physiognomy to be nearest to the Dravirian, yet I would also support an hypothesis that the race was also affected by an archaic connection with some of the first off-shoots of the Thibetan and ultra-Gangetic races, such as are now represented by the Bajow or Oranglaut, to whose physiognomy there is a striking approximation in many individual Maoris whose countenances have been scanned by me. This tribe are sea nomads, and frequent all waters and islands of the Indian Archipelago. The above opinions would indicate a more remote and westerly origin to the Maori than has yet, as far as I am aware, been enunciated by prior writers; but, before dealing with this hypothesis, it will be necessary to examine into the grounds of the generally received opinion of their Malay origin.
The idea of the Malay origin seems to have been accepted by various writers, owing to partial glossarial resemblance and great similarity of phonetic system and idiom; but the Malay is only one dialect amongst 300 or more spoken over the wide area of the Indian Archipelago, many of which have nearer resemblances to the Maori than the Malay has. Before, therefore, we can proceed, the hitherto accepted hypothesis of the Malay origin of the Maori requires refutation.
The original seat of the Malays is ascribed to Malayala, on the Malabar Coast, as the Javanese to the Yavanas, of Central Asia. This may be fanciful or true; I would rather adhere to the more practical theory, that the name of Malay was derived from the river Malayu, the highway to their Menangkabau territory in Sumatra, this being the common mode of naming tribes in these regions at the present day—such as Orang Johore, the people of the river Johore; Orang Ache, the men of the river Acheen, etc. So I would also derive the generic term for the inhabitants of Java, from the fact of the island being called by the natives Tannah Jawa—literally, the land of rice fields—and as such it is pre-eminently the granary of the Archipelago, hence by surrounding tribes, the inhabitants are called Orang Jawa, which we translate into the term Javanese.
According to the “Sijara Malayu” or “Malay Annals” (a copy of which is on the table) the Malay Rajas descended from no less a personage than Alexander
the Great, through issue by his Queen Shaher ul Beriah, daughter of Raja Kida Hindee (Porus). A descendant of these, named Raja Suran, carried an Indian army (of Klings or Dravirians) as far as Tamasak, the ancient name of the south part of the Malay Peninsula. This Prince or Raja married Putri Onang Kiu, a daughter of the King of Klang Kiu. Again, a descendant of this royal race, named Sangsapurba, was miraculously translated to Paralembangan (ancient Palembang) in the country of Andelas (Sumatra), where he is related to have married a princess of the Malay race, and was elected king. His son, Sang Nila Utama, was in due time united to Wan Sri Bini, the beautiful daughter of the Queen of Bentan (Bintang), and remained to rule that country. The father, Raja Sangsapurba, after visiting various countries, at length proceeded to Menangkabau, to the throne of which country, the principal seat of the Malays, he was elected. An illustrious princess of renowned beauty, named Nila Panchadi, was affianced to his son, Sri Tribuana, to whom she was duly married. Sang Nila Utama remained at Bentan, but after a while was seized with a desire to visit Bemban (modern Tanjong Bomban), from whence, viewing the white sands of the beach of the shore of Tamasak, he crossed over the strait and settled there, giving the new country the name of Singapura (Singapore). Here the Malay annalist remarks that Singapura was a very extensive country, and its populous parts became much frequented by merchants from all parts.
Such is a very abridged native account of the descent of the Malay race from the interior of Sumatra, on the Straits of Singapore, and lands adjacent, the date of which is given by Crawfurd as a.d. 1160, and probably this is very nearly correct, for Marco Polo, the renowned Venetian traveller, passed through the Straits in the year 1291, when he remarks of the settlement then existing as being governed by a king, the people having a peculiar language of their own, the town being large and well built, a considerable trade being carried on in spices and drugs, with which the place abounds, but nothing else presenting itself to notice. Shortly after the latter date the Malays were driven out of Singapore by the Javanese, after which they founded Malacca, from whence also their princes were driven out by the Portuguese in the year 1511.
It will thus be seen that the Malays had but a comparatively modern and short possession of ancient Tamasak, whose straits hold the key of the Indian Archipelago. So their influence in prior and archaic waves of migrations passing through this great water-way of Asia and Polynesia must have been null. Having personally visited all the capitals of their so-called empires, viz., Bintang, Singapore, and Malacca, I can state that none of them even showed any proofs of former power and grandeur, there being no ancient monuments, nor the remains of structures such as are to be so amply discovered
in Java. It is rather from the accident that the Malays were found in power in the Straits of Malacca at the time of the first advent of Europeans to these regions, that their name has been so largely associated in European ideas with predominance in the Indian Archipelago. On mature enquiry it will be found that, with the exception of the small interior state of Menangkabau, the Malays had no real hold on any other territories. Beyond that small area they extended themselves only as traders or holders of river entrances, and this only over part of Sumatra, Borneo, and the peninsula of Malacca. The interiors of these countries were peopled by other tribes, alien to their dialect or language, customs, and religion. Map, Appendix I., will show this more plainly.
During the era of their power, viz., between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries, no doubt their language or peculiar dialect had spread as the lingua franca of the East, from Malacca to Ternati, but this only affected merchants and dealers, and in no way the local dialects and languages of the indigenous populations. Even in Sumatra, their native island, their language was confined to but a small area, not exceeding one-sixth of the whole. The other tribes or nations, such as the Achinese, Battas, Lampongs, Korinchees, etc., having languages of their own, and in two cases also distinct alphabets.
The descent of the Malays from the mountains of Sumatra, on some of the islands and coasts of the Indian Archipelago, has therefore been of too modern a date to have specially, or in any degree, affected the languages of Polynesia in general, or of New Zealand in particular. All that can be admitted of them is that they, in common with other tribes of the Archipelago, possess the same roots of one archaic language, whose influence not only extended over that archipelago, but was also carried westerly to Madagascar, and easterly over all Polynesia.
Had the pioneer European navigators first found their way to Celebes, and there encountered the Bugis—a nation of traders, with a different language and literature, a nation more bold and enterprising than the Malays—no doubt they would have held the place in European estimation that the latter now occupy; and to them alone would the possession of the Archipelago be popularly ascribed, and also, with equal appearance of truth, for their settlements are as numerous, as widely diffused, and native history attests that their power was as great.
Lyell, in his work on the antiquity of man, remarks that the historical period is quite insignificant in duration when compared with the antiquity of the human race. The earliest reliable date recorded by literature being the first Olympiad, 776 years b.c., and the monumental records of Assyria and Egypt are asserted only to go back 1500 b.c. The most modern geological formations are calculated with considerable precision, and extend at least
100,000 years back, such as the alluvial deltas of great rivers, and in these the remains of man have been found in strata, whose date carries us far into the above period. The science of ethnography may, therefore, be said to form a link of connection between the records of the rock and the records of the book, or, in other words, between geology and history. Hence, in considering the subject before us, we must cast our minds back to times anterior to history, and, using the materials provided for us by the labours of ethnographists and philologists, evolve a theory in accordance with their facts and teachings.
It is now a generally accepted axiom that to understand the past we must know the present, and to apply this rule we must enquire as to how modern transmutations of humanity over the globe affect races and languages. Take the Jews for instance, within the period of history a race once speaking one language, now scattered over the world—black as the darkest of Indians on the coast of Malabar, where they have been settled for ages, and there speaking the language of the country only—white, in many cases, as the whitest of Europeans, in Europe, and there again speaking only the language of the nationality amongst whom they have intruded themselves. Then a later example have we in the Portuguese, who formed settlements in various parts of the world in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Dark as the Bengalee of the Sunderbunds, or as the Jawee Pakan of Malacca, and retaining only a few of the roots of the language of their European ancestry, and which they enunciate with the idiom of the race amongst whom they have been settled. Of the descendants of the English and Dutch, whose tropical colonies were fully a century later, the same remark applies in equal ratio. Then the crossing of northern nations with tropical indigenes tends to the gradual disappearance of the features or languages of the intruders, and the uneducated progeny more and more perpetuate the features and idiom of the mothers. Thus the modern incursions of the northern races in the area of the Indian Archipelago have likewise had no impression on the roots or idioms of the languages and dialects.
To illustrate this important fact I have carefully analysed Marsden's Malayan Dictionary, consisting of 5,624 words, and in a few cases only have I been able to discover that primary words have been engrafted in it, though the influence of surrounding races are abundantly apparent. Thus, the Sanscrit speaking race (the Arians), whose intercourse with the Archipelago dates at least 3,000 years back, have given 306 words of the above; the Persians, whose intercourse may have extended over 2,000 years, have given 110; the Arabs, in probably an equal period, have given 568; the Portuguese, whose intercourse commenced three and a half centuries ago, have given only 34; the English, with 200 years, 9; the Dutch, coeval with the last, 4; and the Spanish, 2. The above, it may be noted, are all northern nations, possessed
of energy, literature, and science. Again, in the case of nations on a level with, or a little superior to the Malays, how little they have engrafted on their language may be seen by the following examples, and this after an intercourse even more ancient than any previously mentioned. The Javanese have given 40 words; the Chinese, 3; the Japanese, 3; and the Tamilians or Klings, 2; but here also no primary words have been engrafted. Thus, the Arabic words are expressions connected with religion, law, and science; the Sanscrit with war, literature, and mythology, with a few words expressing primary wants; the Persian with commerce and medicine; the Portuguese and Javanese with titles, customs, and articles foreign to the social wants of the Malays. Such may be said of the few others, as, for example, in the English words adopted are found, general, order, sloop, etc.
The above facts indicate how tenacious a tropical language is of its roots; they may be said to be eradicable only with the extinction of the tribe. It cannot have escaped the notice of those who have made ethnography their study, that conquering nations eradicate the languages of weaker nations only in their own zones of latitude, or rather in the iso-thermal lines; when they overcome tropical people, they neither extrude the natives, nor in any degree expunge the roots of their language. As their northern energy dies out, or as their intercourse ceases, the remnant of their dominion is only shown by partial intermixture of blood and a slight glossarial adoption of words expressing abstract ideas or foreign necessities. Thus, the Angles planted their blood and language over the middle portion of Great Britain, extruding the Celtic population and their language; and the Saxons over the southern, in a parallel line. So also the Franks over the northern portion of France, again parallel, to both of these movements. The Vandals forcing their way South as far as Barbary, effected no permanent change on the conquered races or languages. Again, in more modern times, the British have overrun North America, extruding the natives, eradicating their language, and planting themselves and their own. Equally have they overrun Hindostan, but with no visible effect on the races or languages. Northern nations may cross the tropics, and implant themselves and their languages in their respective opposite zones, but if they intrude beyond the iso-thermal lines of their original habitat, they degenerate, and their languages deteriorate or die out. Thus, the Portuguese have affected the natives and languages of equatorial Brazil but partially, while the Spaniards on the La Plata, in a climate congenial to them, have spread out and extruded the indigenous inhabitants. So it is in the region more immediately under discussion, viz., the Indian Archipelago.
The Chinese, Thibetan, and Ultra-Gangetic natives have had intercourse with the Indian Archipelago from time immemorial, and from whence a
constant flow of population has proceeded, so much so that over a large area once solely populated by the Negro, as proved in the preceding part of this paper, the people have now pure, or nearly pure Mongolian features. A Chinese in a Malay dress cannot be distinguished from a Malay, the features and stature being so similar. From the Indian Archipelago the blood of the Negro has almost entirely disappeared, yet the roots, phonology, and ideology of his language remain an indelible proof of his former sole occupation of the region. How this has occurred modern experience also provides a plausible theory, if not a complete solution.
Slavery is inherent in tropical customs and manners, and is but slightly interrupted by the exertions towards its suppression by European powers—thus slave hunting is as great an institution to-day as it was in the times of Nimrod, the more skilled thus prey on the weaker, and the Negro is not alone the victim to the vice, as the European would say, or to the social necessity, as the Asiatic would express himself. Thus, during my day, and under my own experience, I have listened to the relations of the personal encounters of the Keddans with the Negros of the Andaman Islands, to which parts the former tribe proceeded annually in search of edible birds' nests. Here frequent skirmishes took place with varying results, the victors bearing off the vanquished as slaves. This constant system of bloodshed or capture little affected the increase of the more numerous Mongolian race (the Keddans), but gradually thinned out the ranks of the Negro. Such has been the case from time immemorial, but under this slow process of extinction, how has the Negro language been preserved and perpetuated by his conquerors? It is accounted for in this way.
The traditional and invariable policy of Eastern Asiatics has been to prevent the emigration of women. Thus, even in modern times, though thousands of Chinese annually migrate to the Indian Archipelago, no women accompany them; so those of the emigrants that settle to agricultural or trading pursuits (and this a large portion do) take wives of the indigenous inhabitants, and whose children remain in their own countries even though the fathers return to their original homes. These children acquire the language of their fathers but partially, but of their mothers completely, and the grandchildren lose knowledge of the former entirely. Thus, the tropical language remains intact, while the race is suffused with new blood and impressed by foreign physiognomy.
Again, where slavery and polygamy prevail universally, a large portion of the lower orders, by these institutions, remain unproductive, and the superior orders, in this case Chinese, in a great measure increase the race. Thus has the aboriginal Negro gradually, and by slow process in the course of many centuries, been extirpated from that portion of the Indian Archipelago
that has been most easily accessible from China and Ultra-India. Hence, the Negro is supplanted in Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Celebes, etc. Physiognomists inform us that Negro features disappear in the fourth remove; thus, though the mothers of the present natives of these regions have been Negros, their forms and colour are now no more. The partial remnants of this race are only to be found in sequestered spots, such as in the mountains of Keddah and Cochin China, and in the Andaman and Philippine Islands, as collateral proofs of their former wide extension and pre-occupation.
Now, applying the same process to a similarly situated region, viz., the peninsula of Hindostan, whose aboriginal inhabitants have also been proved to have been of the Negro race, we have only to trace the descent of the energetic races of the trans and sub-Himalaya mountains on the tropical plains of Coromandel and Malabar, where the Negro mother would transmit her language through her offspring, till the mixed race had decreased, by the pressure of superior races, to the few fragments of which indications only are now to be discovered, as before stated.
Again, why have the races of the Indian Archipelago, while modified so much in physical form by the inroads of the Mongolian, accepted so much of literature and language from the advanced hordes of the Caucasian—such as form the Arian and Semitic tribes. This may be answered from present and historic experience. The language of China is harsh and monosyllabic, and its literature hieroglyphic, totally adverse to the genius of the soft dissyllabic and polysyllabic tongues of this part of the Tropics; while, on the contrary, the language and literature of Hindostan and other western parts accord with the system. Another cause may be adduced, in the case of which we have given examples, which makes a people borrow from the higher rather than the lower adjacent races. Hence, since archaic times, the most advanced races of the Archipelago have borrowed from the west, nothing from the east of Asia. Further, their politicians, historians, accountants, and arithmeticians, were of Hindoo or Arabic origin. Thus we account for the large impress of the literature of these races in the Indian Archipelago as formerly demonstrated. Indeed, in the histories and traditions of the Malays, their kings and princes have always been derived from Roum (Persia) or Hindostan; while the Chinese in the same histories, when noticed, are done so with contempt and derision. Thus, in the Sijara Malayu it is related that for certain diseases with which the Emperors of China were afflicted the most effectual cure was the urina regis of Malacca. Further, the superstitions implanted in the minds of the Asianesians are Hindoo—that is, so far as they have not been put down by Mohammedanism.
Under the light of the above facts and deductions we may now be said to be prepared to enter into the prime inquiry of this paper, viz., the Whence of
the Maori. The two theories on the origin of Man, maintained by separate Schools of Ethnography, viz., the primordial and derivative, as stated before, affect the question but little. Crawfurd, who supports the former, amongst other arguments adduces, on the authority of Cook, “the ape-like inhabitants of Malicolo, the diversity of tongues spoken in Polynesia, the entire glossarial independence of the Negro tribes of the Andamans, Keddah Wageou, Malicolo, Tanna, New Caledonia, and Torres Straits;” yet he neglects the more important fact of their near approximation in their physical form, and the common phonology and ideology of their languages; and when we consider that some of these tribes can only count so far as two, others no more than six; also, that some are so low in their social wants as only to covet a spear, a fire-stick, and an eel hung over their backs, as warlike material, household goods, and larder; we need not wonder that the whole expression of their few wants require no more than 300 words to enunciate the same; so glossarial analogy (except in purely primary words), to which the above authority has principally given his attention, is of less consequence than the other two characteristics. To show how glossaries may alter in ages, I may remark that it is common for some tribes to drop words on the death of chiefs, or on the occasion of certain calamities, and others have artificial dialects besides the vulgar one, all tending to change. Thus, the Malays have the common colloquial as well as the Basadalam or Court language, unknown to the vulgar; but besides this they have the curious Basa Cappor or Camphor language, used by and confined to the searchers of that valuable product. Three languages in one people. Hence very rude tribes are acquisitive of words though tenacious of the original ones, but, as their wants increase, they borrow largely from more powerful neighbours. Thus, without attempting to reach a beginning, which the most abstruse science only clouds in unprofitable speculation, I am led to the following opinions:—1st. That primary terms are the most certain indications of connection in race. 2nd. Wanting primary terms, a connection is also indicated by common phonology and ideology. 3rd. That in the Tropics, as between the black and the red man, language is more permanent than race; in other words, the obliteration of an intervening race does not destroy the ethnographical links between two distant regions where language remains.
This leads us to the ethnographical connection between the large island of Madagascar and Polynesia, a proper understanding of which is necessary to the ends of this paper. The theory of the Malay origin, common to the Maori and Malagasi, so generally accepted, has, to my mind, certain difficulties attached to it that may have escaped the notice of its supporters. Thus, on a careful examination of thirty-three vocabularies of the Indian Archipelago, collected by Wallace, this fact becomes very patent—that of all the dialects
those of the Molucca group (including both Papuan and Asianesian races) have the greatest affinity to the Maori—this glossarially as well as phonetically, and in comparison with which the latter is very remote from the true Malay, as spoken at Singapore and Malacca. So, if the origin of the Maori was to be sought in the Indian Archipelago, it is in the Molucca group it would be most reasonably placed. Yet, even if this determination were accepted, the affinities of the language of Madagascar to those of the Indian Archipelago are again to be accounted for before it could be acceptable to the unbiassed inquirer. The theory of Crawfurd, that the Malagasi were planted on their island from Sumatra by storm-driven proas, is contrary to all experience, for in no place have we confirmatory examples of such. Thus, the ocean space between Africa and South America, a distance of only 1,560 geographical miles, had been insuperable to the natives—equally so from North America to the Sandwich Islands, a distance of 2,400 geographical miles. How, then, could a large nation, such as the Malagasi, have been implanted by distressed and storm-driven natives over an open ocean distance of 3,000 miles?
So the broad fact yet remains that the language of Madagascar is not only glossarially allied to the dialects of the Indian Archipelago, but Humboldt (the most eminent authority on the subject) attests to its identity of construction, phonologically and ideologically; thus, these distant races, notwithstanding the insuperable barriers to direct intercourse, have had one focus of origin. To find this focus we are forced by the above arguments to seek for another region, and South Hindostan geographically stands alone as that possible common parent. Proofs of the archaic Negro blood and language of this region, already quoted, also lead to this supposition. If, then, in the first place, South India be accepted as the focus of such extensive migrations, we must see what proofs there are to support this new aspect.
Looking first to the earliest historical data that I have had access to, Marco Polo, writing in the 13th century, says of Madagascar, “Leaving Socotra, and steering a course south and south-west for 1,000 miles, you arrive at the great Island of Madagascar, which is one of the largest and most fertile in the world. The island is visited by many ships from various parts of the world, bringing assortments of goods, consisting of brocades and silks of various patterns, which are sold to the merchants of the island and bartered for goods in return, upon all of which they make large profits. The vessels that sail from the coast of Malabar (South India) for this island, perform the voyage in twenty to twenty-five days, but in their returning voyage are obliged to struggle for three months, so strong is the current of water which constantly runs to the southward.”
Thus there seems, prior to the advent of the Europeans, to have been constant and intimate intercourse between Madagascar and South India, and
that by well equipped merchants and navigators, for he (Marco Polo), in the same chapter, speaks in high terms of respect of their “mariners and eminent pilots.” No small compliment this to their skill and enterprise, when issuing from the pen of one of the most renowned travellers going forth from Venice in the height of its power and splendour.
Independent of the above authority, the natives of Malabar and Coromandel have been known from time immemorial to be skilful navigators, and whose voyages, while extending westerly to Madagascar, also reached easterly as far as Java, Bali, and Ternati. Their system of docking vessels, sometimes exceeding three hundred tons in burden, and raising them high above the influence of the tide, has even claimed the praise of the Anglo-Saxon engineers of modern times—not only for the simplicity of the process, but for its high effectiveness and trifling cost.
I may here now notice a material proof of connection between South India and New Zealand in the Tamil bell belonging to Mr. Colenso, F.L.S., and found by him in the interior of the North Island. The owner informs us that the relic has a history, so I trust he will have it duly recorded. When I first saw it displayed in the New Zealand Exhibition of 1862, I must confess that I looked upon it with feelings of interest amounting almost to enthusiasm, so much so that, with the permission of the owner, I had the same photographed, and copies of which were forwarded by me to various parts of India. The photograph, when shown to the Klings or Tamils, was at once recognised by them as exhibiting the upper part of a ship's bell, such as is commonly used by them at the present day, and I had translations of the inscription returned to me—one from Ceylon, by the favour of Mr. Edward Cargill, the other from Penang, by favour of a lady friend in that settlement; both gave the same translation, viz., Mohoyideen Buks—ship's bell; and the Crannies or Tamil writers of Penang favoured my friend with what they termed to be the modern written language, thus implying that the character of the specimen was ancient. On examining both it is seen that the ancient inscription has twenty-three letters, the modern twenty-one, while there is great difference in the forms of several of the letters, the modern being inclined, and the ancient having no punctuation. The Ceylon Crannies declared the grammar of the inscription to be bad, but may not this be owing to the obsolete style. The bell had been beautifully cast, so no doubt the best language of the times would be engraved on it. For instance, let us select two or three sentences of the good old English from Chaucer, and judge what a modern schoolmaster would think of them. “Bet is (quod he)” “Ne shud he not have daunted” “For al so siker as cold engendereth hayle.” These sentences, as they stand, would certainly be declared to be bad English. The style of letters also differs as much as old English does from the modern. When exhibited the bell had all the appearance of being
an ancient casting, so might easily have been brought from Tongataboo by the first Maori immigrants, as noticed in the preceding part of this paper, and the great expansion of the South Indian navigation prior to the advent of Europeans on the scene would favour this view. At the same time, as no doubt the vessels of the natives of India were not only captured in great numbers by the Portuguese, Dutch, English, and Spanish, but used by them within these last three centuries, the wreck to which the bell had belonged may have been navigated by any of these natives, and been cast away on the shores of New Zealand. The degree of interest which the Tamil bell brings to the subject before us must evidently rest in its age, and of this we yet have too little evidence to warrant strong opinions. Under the eye of a learned and expert numismatologist of Indian experience, such as Prinsep, the relic would have its value ultimately and correctly defined. If it proved to be as ancient as I suppose it to be, then it would have an intimate connection with the migrations of the Maori, and so hold a very high value.
I would now ask attention to a map of the primary era (Map II.) which defines the three main divisions of mankind in their special areas. Humanity may be likened to clouds on the face of the earth, having different colours; where the clouds intermingle, the colours graduate; where one cloud overshadows the other, then the latter disappears. The dark colour shows the original boundary of the Negro division, the yellow that of the Caucasian, and the red that of the Mongolian. For the sake of perspicuity, we must now call South India or Hindostan by its ancient name of Barata; the south point of India beyond the Ganges in like manner Tamasak; and also South China, Manji. The influence of the Arians and Thibetans on south coastal regions has already been shown on an originally Negro population, and the wide expansion of a language whose basis was Negro has also been shown, extending from Barata to Madagascar on one side, and to the Moluccas on the other. Under the ethnological experiences already detailed, what power could have given to the Negro so wide an expansion? The power is not in himself, for he has never been known to increase beyond the limits of a petty and disjointed tribe. The Barata expansion can only be ascribed to the first infusion of the energy drawn from Central Asia, and from whence there has been a constant flow, or tides of migration, if they may be so called. The Negro controlled, propelled, and directed by such infusion, now named the Barata, was then quite capable of issuing forth from the teeming plains of his native country (always exuberant of life), and planting his race and language east and west amongst a sparser and simpler cognate people. So wide an expansion as that mentioned would be the work of centuries, and is properly called the primary or opening era—the age when the Negroloid Barata was permitted undisturbed to obtain the privileges of civilization—that is, to overrun and extrude other less expert nations of his own colour.
I have already shown that the focus of the original energy could have been in none other than Barata. Tamasak, the only other possible point, has always, owing to unfertility of soil, had a sparse population. * But as ages rolled on, so circumstances altered—the ever restless waves of migration continued their flow from the regions of Aria and Thibet, and ultimately absorbed the Barata on his own soil, expunging his race and language. Thus, the link between the east and west branches of a great aboriginal race was broken.
We must now look at the map of the secondary era, which shows (see Map III.) the clouds of the Caucasian and Mongolian races to have extended themselves, descending on the southern coast line of Asia and the Indian Archipelago, mixing with or obliterating the dark shadow of Negro races. The Thibetan, Arian, and Semitic races have overspread Hindostan and Arabia, and the Mangians are occupying the islands. Thus, at the commencement of the secondary era, we find the western Baratas cut off in Madagascar, where we may now leave them, and have our attention engaged solely with the eastern migration. These, also, are cut off from the parent focus, and now extend themselves from Tamasak to Ternati, the latter point being, probably, the original extent of their expansion. Beyond this, as traders, they would have no incitement to go, for here were the coveted spices, nutmeg and clove, to be obtained, which, no doubt, ministered to the fastidious palates of the Barata heroes, as they do now to those of the modern epicures of Europe. Here, also, were to be had the gorgeous plumage of the birds of Paradise, which might deck the heads of the chieftains, as they now crest the imposing turbans of our noble duchesses. Thus for an age, it might be many centuries, we have the Barata maintaining his influence and race through the whole extent of the Indian Archipelago—following in his course the present great sea highway—and insensibly and gradually undergoing modifications of colour, physiognomy, and language, through the descent and migrations of the Mangians and Annamese on the same region—the modern process and effects of which have already been described.
We must now leave him for a little to notice a parallel movement, as it supports the argument by its collateral proof. While the eastern branch of the
[Footnote] * If other proof of this were wanted, it may be here stated that none of the tribes of the Indian Archipelago have been known now, or in historic times, to have extended their voyages west of Sumatra. All their trade westerly is, and has been, in the hands of the Hindoos, Arabs, or Europeans. Marco Polo, writing in the thirteenth century, also gives one or two facts in support of this view. He was one of an expedition engaged in carrying a Chinese princess to be married to the Shah of Persia, and in his voyage he notes the countries touched at Amongst many others, he gives the names of Ferlak and Fanfur, which is the Arabic pronunciation of Perlak and Panchor, towns in Sumatra, thus showing that he derived his information from Arab navigators, and not from the Malays.
Barata was maintaining its existence easily amongst the rude and weak tribes of the Indian Archipelago, their parent state was being overrun, and almost extirpated, by energetic and bold northern races, now filling up Hindostan, and the Tamilian race gradually spread itself over South India. These, again, sent off waves of migration in the direction in which they would have least opposition, viz., as shown by Logan, along the volcanic chain of Sumatra and Java to Timor, whence they extended to Australia—the native languages of which yet maintain strong Tamilian affinities, while the physiognomy may be said to be identical with the lower castes of Dravirian. That the second systems of migration should have taken this direction may be accounted for in the barriers formed by the descending Mangian on the central part of the Archipelago. Also, a westerly migration would be opposed by the Semitic migrations in South Arabia.
Thus, our ethnographical inquiry proves two great eastern systems of migration out of archaic South India. The first we have traced to the eastern part of the Indian Archipelago, the second to Australia. We must now follow the further advance of the former, which we left in the region of the Moluccas. No doubt many succeeding migrations from the same fecund soil have taken place, the most notable amongst which is due to the Arian energy. Its effect on the glossaries of the Indian Archipelago has been already shortly noticed, and I would not have further alluded to it had an eminent authority, so often quoted (Crawfurd), not indicated the range of the influence of their language, even as far as New Zealand, by similarity in two words, viz., apiti, to join, and taboo, to forbid. These, I think, may be rejected, as apet, in Malay and Sanscrit, signifies to press or squeeze, and tapa, in Sanscrit, means religious penance; the analogy is, therefore, too remote to require consideration. No doubt the ruder tribes of the Indian Archipelago have the institution of the taboo, under the name of pantang, and their sacred spots are as numerous, though not so rigidly guarded, under the name of berhalla, at, or before which superstitious rites are enacted. But this only goes to prove the very archaic connection, which it is the business of this paper to illustrate.
The next question then is, how did the descendants of the Barata reach New Zealand? As the first step to answer this, we must have recourse to present observation in similar tribes and circumstances. To bring the propriety of this home to ourselves, I may cite the stone age of Europe as being over three thousand years bygone, but the stone age of New Zealand cannot be reckoned as more than thirty, for have we not the remains of chert saws, files, and axes, of almost yesterday's manufacture, in the interior of Otago, abounding over the valleys of Manuherikia and Taieri. Thus, by personal observation, we know the habits of the modern Maori who used them, and
thus we may discern the habits and modes of life of similar races in prehistoric ages. Then, looking at the main causes that incite the dispersion of human families in the tropics (the zone of our enquiry), we have—1st. Slavehunting expeditions. 2nd. Over-population. 3rd. Storms and drifting from loss of course. And 4th. Mercantile adventure. That the first is the most fertile source, may be surmised from observation in the Indian Archipelago in the present era. Most of the sea tribes are notoriously addicted to this pursuit, and pre-eminently so the Bajow and Illanuns, the former by petty expeditions, the latter by large fleets. Both range over the whole Archipelago, capturing trading vessels, and making raids on villages on the coasts, ravishing the inhabitants and carrying them off to distant parts for sale. This piratical system extends from one end of the Archipelago to the other, neither the people of Nias, on the extreme west, nor those of Timorlaut, on the far east, being beyond the reach of danger, and the inhabitants of which are transported to known marts. Even at the present day large importations of slaves are clandestinely made into the settlements of European Governments. Thus, the first cause of dispersion of races above-mentioned, at the present day, viz., slave-hunting, extends over 2,400 geographical miles of longitude, and 1,500 geographical miles of latitude. Both these races of habitual pirates and man-hunters are as unlettered as the Maori of New Zealand; that they are not cannibals, though unlettered, is saying little, as the Battas of Sumatra, notoriously given to man-eating, possess a literature and alphabet of their own.
The Illanuns, who are the more formidable of the two, construct vessels 91 feet in length, 26 feet in breadth, and 8 feet in depth. These carry ninety fighting men, and row forty oars on each side, and they advance with the speed of five to six knots an hour. Thus they can make over a degree a day, at which rate a voyage from Ternati, in the Moluccas, to Hawaiki, in the Navigators' Islands, could be made in forty-nine days, which is no longer, nor in any way more difficult than those annually taken in their usual pursuits. It may also be mentioned that the whole distance is studded with islands, seldom more distant from each other than a day's sail. These numerous piratical expeditions are often ended by shipwreck, or by the pirates settling on various salient points suitable for further operations. Thus, I have met individuals of the race settled on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula left there from one or other of these causes.
Very recent and modern European sentiment differs on this subject from the tropical; to the latter, the practice is innate and irresistible, and without a critical knowledge of the habits and condition of the people, their impulses are not to be understood. As it is, slave-hunting is the most powerful incitement to roving that I know—it is the same in nature and effect as sent our illustrious navigator, Dampier, all over the world as a pirate, and so much
does he appear to have been imbued with the habit, that when he actually visited the haunts of these very Illanuns that I now mention, he did not consider the subject worthy of notice.
The next cause is over-population and wars of extrusion caused by this. The worsted party, or remnants of such, are too frequently the subjects of tradition or history to require illustration. Æneas fled to Latium; and even in New Zealand here we are not without examples, though humble and obscure. Thus Reko, well known to old Otago settlers, fled from the bloody inroad of Rauparaha, in his native place, Kaiapoi, to Tuturau, a distance of 240 miles—thus, with his family and followers, founding a new settlement in one generation, at a distance from his birth place of one-third the whole length of New Zealand. This is a very small distance compared with the modern migrations of the whites, yet to a savage people such are more difficult than passages by sea, and in the distance between South India and New Zealand via Hawaiki, supposing such was the measure of migrations in each generation, it would require only thirty-three to carry them; so counting a generation thirty years, the time would be 990 years. The traditions of the Maoris, as related in the “Story of New Zealand,” by Dr. Thomson, set forth that they left Hawaiki owing to civil war causing a chief named Ngahue to flee the country. His accounts of the new country on his return incited others to migrate, and the names of the canoes that carried the expedition were even given. These were of the double construction now long disused; yet they were held in use till the time of Van Diemen, who encountered them in the year of his discovery of the islands, 1642, and they appear, from his account, to have been very formidable. The date of the first landing of the Maori in New Zealand, as given by Dr. Thomson, is about the year 1419.
The third cause, viz., storms, drifting, and loss of course, though very frequent, cannot have had the extensive influence that the two preceding have had, especially on distant points.
The fourth cause, viz., mercantile adventure, would not affect a rude tribe, though it may be mentioned that the Bugis extend their voyages from North Australia to Sumatra, a distance equal to that from Ternati to Hawaiki, and from the latter place to the extreme islands of Polynesia.
The only place in Polynesia in which American remnants have been found is Easter Island; these consist of huge images, but the people who constructed them have passed away, and have been succeeded by a race having a common origin with the Maori, Sandwich, and Marquesas Islanders, all referable to Hawaiki. The distance of the Sandwich Islands from Hawaiki, as the crow flies, is 1,440 geographical miles, and between which there are such frequent intermediate islands as to present favourable resting places, and for wooding and watering. Looking at the prevailing winds, however, the course taken
by the native emigrants was most probably more circuitous, and as far easterly as the Marquesas, from whence the prevailing wind is favourable. On the subject of winds the natives are practically even more observant than Europeans; their notice of physical phenomena is also acute and discerning. Thus, the arrival of drift or pumice stone from windward, such as might occur from Owhyhee, on the groups to the leeward, would to them be sure indications of land, as I have known of the natives of the Indian Archipelago remark of the volcanic drifts of Tamboro, which were carried more than 1,000 miles distant.
The present piratical and mercantile voyages taken by natives of the Indian Archipelago, who are not more bold, and only a little more expert, than the Polynesians, will, I think, prove to the candid inquirers that the distances reached are in no manner insuperable, and as doubts by various writers have been cast on the possibility of the Southern Asiatic, though eminently maritime, finding his way in the course of ages to all parts of Polynesia, these doubts must evaporate when we call to recollection the tiny barks of early European voyagers, such as those with which Megallhaen, Drake, Cavendish, Frobisher, and others conquered space, and braved death in its grimmist forms of scurvy and starvation. Compared with the deeds of these heroes, the voyages that dispersed the descendants of the Baratas over the calm waters of the Pacific from island to island were but pigmy child's play. Then the ease of the accomplishment of the dispersion from point to point easterly supports the ethnological connection already given.
Looking, then, at this branch of our inquiry, we are surprised at the great periods required for the dispersion of barbarous races, as called for by the ethnographist, and whose periods are acquiesced in by the geologist, and were our conclusions made independent of these two sciences, that dispersion might well be begun and ended with the time spanned by written history.
As the knowledge of numbers is one of the first wants of mankind, they form one of the roots of his language; a table of these, extending over the area of the world that we have had in review, will, with the other branches of information, not be unacceptable. (See Appendix II.) It will be at once seen that Tamil, or modern South Indian, bears no resemblance to the numerals of any other of the languages, though, in the middle of the two extremes, the cause of which has been already explained. Then, taking Malagasi as a standard, it will be seen that nine out of ten in the Maori are radically similar, which is also the case with the languages of Enohee, Owhyhee, and Tahiti Islands; three out of five in Malicolo (Negro); nine out of ten in Papua, New Guinea; all identical in Mindanau and Lampong, while in modern Malay there are only five out of ten identical. Thus, as there is one law or principle in everything, even by this very confined system of comparison, it will be seen
that the Malays, who are nearest to the Malagasi by position, are yet most distant by ethnology, and, on the contrary, the most distant tribes are yet, by language, the nearest—in other words, the earlier the migrations from the parent state, the nearer are the similarities, the more intimate the connection. Referring to New Guinea and Malicolo, this principle applies to Negro as well as mixed races. Thus, if we may be allowed to reason on the above narrow basis, there seem to have been periodical waves of migration emanating from the focus of energy—South India or Barata—the first and most distant wave reaching far Polynesia, the second Madagascar, Sumatra (interior), and Mindanau; a subsequent wave carried a new language to Australia, and between that and modern times the Sanscrit impulsion has been by far the most notable, in giving letters, arts, and science to a large portion of the Indian Archipelago.
That the archaic language of the South Asian Negro was highly vocalic may also be indicated by the following comparison, corroborative of the above principle. Thus, the most distant and earliest waves of migration have the fewest consonants in their alphabets, viz., Sandwich, six; Marquesas, seven; New Zealand, eight; Tahiti, nine; Awaiya of Ceram, ten; Malicolo, twelve; Tanna, thirteen; Malagasi, twelve; Wugi (Celebes), fifteen; Mindanau, sixteen; and Malay, eighteen. In other words, those races who have been nearest and most in contact with the modern or historic consonantal languages of Asia, have in the course of ages borrowed most.
In order to give an idea of the comparative time taken in the changes of roots of languages, I have drawn up a short vocabulary (Appendix III.) of the English and Saxon, in juxtaposition to the Malay and Maori, with intermediate tongues. I regret that I have not had access to a Sanscrit dictionary, so I have been only able to obtain three words of this. Over 800 years of separation has had no radical effect on the European languages, and of the Polynesian words given, with immensely longer separation, this might almost also said to be the case.* It will require further to be remarked that a modern English dictionary contains about 80,000 to 90,000 words, of which
[Footnote] * “Maori Races of New Zealand, by Wm. Colenso, F.L.S.” “Its grammar is peculiar as compared with those of western languages, having neither declension of nouns by inflection, nor conjugation of verbs as there obtains, all such being clearly done by simple particles affixed or suffixed. Its singular is changed into the plural number by prefixing a syllable. There is no auxiliary verb “to be,” but the particle ano often supplies its place. Every verb has a causative as well as active and passive meanings. Intensitives, superlatives, and diminutives, abound. It has double dual pronouns, and also a double plural, both of which may be termed inclusive and exclusive, allowing of great grammatical precision when speaking.”
[Footnote] Such might be the description used in writing of the languages and dialects of the Indian Archipelago, of which the Malay is now the best known to the European.
not more than 3,000 to 4,000 can be attributed to Saxon origin; while the Maori Dictionary contains 5,500, of which upwards of 100 are Malay.
Sanscrit and Hindu are the connecting links between European and Polynesian languages, but not as regards their roots, only abstract or secondary terms having been imprinted in the latter. Yet it is notable that the number two runs through all, and in several cases there are analogies. The strong analogies between Hindu and Greek cannot have escaped the notice of even those but partially acquainted with them.
Summing up the evidence, therefore, before us, we are led to conclude:—1st. That Hindostan, as well as the Indian Archipelago, at one time contained a Negro population. 2nd. That waves of migration issued from the South Peninsula, or Barata, east and west. 3rd. That no western emigration ever proceeded out of Tamasak, or the south part of the Peninsula of Malacca, or Sumatra, so as to affect Madagascar. 4th. That the progress of the Barata is traceable eastward by language to the Moluccas, of which Ternati is the principal settlement. 5th. That the race was modified in colour and physiognomy by the incursions of the Mangians and Anamese, but not in language. 6th. With the Moluccas as a basis, a stream of the mixed race flowed eastward, from island to island, over Polynesia—one branch finding its way to New Zealand, via Tongataboo. 7th. Barata, or South India, was, therefore, the Whence of the Maori.