Go to National Library of New Zealand Te Puna Mātauranga o Aotearoa
Volume 14, 1881
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Transactions
Of The
New Zealand Institute
,
1881.

I.—Miscellaneous.

Art. I.—Historical Incidents and Traditions of the Olden Times, pertaining to the Maoris of the North Island, (East Coast), New Zealand; highly illustrative of their national Character, and containing many peculiar, curious, and little-known Customs and Circumstances, and Matters firmly believed by them. Now, for the first time, faithfully translated from old Maori Writings and Recitals; with explanatory Notes. Part II.*.

[Read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute, 9th May, and 12th June, 1881.]

Last year I had the honour and pleasure of reading some historical and traditional papers before you respecting the ancient Maoris of this East Coast. At that time I did so with some diffidence; for, first, I did not know how you might receive them; and, secondly, I did not know whether such papers would be published by the Parent Society. Now, however, we know, that those papers, read here and approved of by you, have been also published in the forthcoming volume (xiii.) of the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute;” and this encourages me to bring some others of the same class, and obtained from the same sources, before you, during this winter's session; only these are still more ancient, and, I think, more curious and interesting. Of course I have only very recently known of those papers having been printed. Had I earlier known of it, or of their having been approved of, I might have got some more ready during the autumn; for, I confess, the translating of some portions of them is exceedingly difficult, being written (or handed down) in language which, in some places, contains words and phrases that are very old, and have almost become obsolete.

[Footnote] * For Part I. see “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 38.

[Footnote] † Particularly in the matter of charms, spells, invocations, exorcisms, etc.;—also, owing to their allusions (often by a single word) to still more ancient events, persons, (ancestors and semi-deities), and things; and to their largely abounding in ellipses and aposiopesis;—as I have formerly observed when on this subject.

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For my own part I may again repeat (what, I believe, I have said to you before), that it is to such sources we have primarily and mainly to look for much that relates to the manners and customs of the ancient New Zealander. In those old narrations we get to know what they really were; and even then more, perhaps, from casual or incidental matters than from the main subject itself. But then such must have been related by the ancient men themselves, chiefs and priests (tohungas) of the olden time, and not by the present loquacious and mendacious generation, be their position what it may,—for all such are not only grossly ignorant of the past, but are also more or less vitiated concerning the same, through their intercourse with Europeans, both willingly and unwillingly. And when, in addition to all this, what they may have to say is frequently taken down and translated by “free and easy” young interpreters,—often ignorant of the first principles of the noble Maori language, and too much inclined to dress up what they hear, as if writing a novel or romance,—the result may be easily guessed.

And here, perhaps, I may be permitted briefly to mention that—(as it is pretty well known I have collected, during my long residence among the Maoris, very much of their old history, traditions, etc.)—I have been often requested to publish, in a separate form, what I have so amassed and known; but that I have hitherto refused to do so, for I seek neither pelf nor fame (as a book-maker), but merely to relate, in plain words, what I believe to be genuine and authentic, leaving it for those who may come after me to “make the book,”—to fuse together the ores I may have laboriously sought out, and collected, and brought to the surface.

In all those historical traditions we shall find much of war,—of bloody, desolating wars, with all their hideous and savage accompaniments ! far more indeed than we could wish.* But war, as Cook early and sagaciously detected, was the very life and genius of the people; hence, too, they did not fear death. Not, however, but that it might have been better among them, for it will be found that, in almost all cases, their wars arose from some thoughtless or gross infringement of common rights. Yet even here we shall meet with much of extreme courtesy, and of fine feelings, which would have adorned a chivalrous European age; and that, too, in the midst of dreadful harrowing recitals of burning revenge for wrongs,—of extreme cruelty,—of great, yet simple superstition,—and of hair-breadth and marvellous escapes.

[Footnote] * But the most famed and civilized nations of antiquity were, in this respect, quite as bad,—e.g., the Assyrian and Egyptian “Records;” and Polybius, (who had himself seen the savage doings of the Romans), says, “when a town is taken by storm by the Romans, not only human beings are massacred, but even dogs cut in two, and other animals hewn limb from limb,” (x. 15.) Note, also, Saul's slaying of the Amalekites, (1 Sam. xv.)

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Of their human sacrifices and cannibalism, which always and everywhere nationally accompanied their battles, I would say nothing at present; only (as I have before observed),* that I never could consider those savage customs as even approaching, in cruelty and abomination, the well-known doings of that thrice-accursed institution of the so-called Christian Church—“the Holy Inquisition!” in which Christian kings and queens, bishops, priests, and saints (! !) took their unholy and murderous parts with a zest! Indeed, I hesitate not to affirm, that all such conduct as that of the New Zealand savage towards the dead—and that, too, in hot blood, after a deadly hand-to-hand combat with sticks and stones,—is as nothing when fairly compared with the modern and Christian (!) modes of wholesale mangling and destroying the living! (it may often be innocent and unoffending women and children, in the sieges and assaults of towns!) with shells, bombs, mines, mitrailleuses, dynamite, torpedoes, etc., etc.

Those historical stories will also show much of the cool courage, stratagem, endurance, patience, etc., of the ancient Maoris. From them we shall gather not a little every-way applicable to the so-called “Spiritualists” of the present day, showing, at least, that their modern lying “mediums'” deception was known long ago to the savage New Zealander! From those narrations we may also learn that such preternatural doings as that of Joshua commanding the sun to stand still,—of Jonah and the whale,—of supernatural visitants from the sky,—of wonderful achievements and miracles,—of miraculous conceptions,—of resurrections from the dead,—and even of ascensions into heaven, were not unknown to the ancient New Zealander. From them we may learn not a little of their (supposed) skill and belief in controlling and commanding the higher powers of Nature; and all this, too, both quietly and unostentatiously done and related without a single extra remark of the wonderful, or a note of admiration! And from them we shall also learn a good deal of their prayers (?), charms, spells, exorcisms, adjurations, and religious ceremonies—of their great simplicity and (may I not add?) utter uselessness. Or, rather, perhaps, not quite “utter uselessness” in one sense at least, for they, no doubt, felt strengthened in their belief, that, having followed closely in the footsteps of their forefathers, having done all that was required, they should certainly reap a corresponding benefit. And this belief would naturally re-act upon them, and stimulate them to continuous and future exertions to bring about the same, and thus would prove beneficial. In all those charms, spells, etc., we shall find (if I mistake not), three things, like three golden threads, always running through them; viz., (1) their firm belief in their knowledge

[Footnote] * “Essay on the Maori Races,” “Trans. N. Z. Inst.” Vol. I., § 29 of Essay.

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and use of the powers of Nature; (2) their relying on their own strength and ability as able men; and (3) their often invoking their deceased ancestors to help them in times of great need; or, more frequently, encouraging themselves, at such times, with the bare recital or recollection of their ancestors' names* and prowess.

Now all this strong and common, yet (if I may so term it) quiescent belief in the supernatural or miraculous, in my opinion forms a very peculiar and characteristic trait in the old New Zealander. (I know, of course, of those miracles related in the Old Testament, and that, too, generally, in like simple manner, without note or comment). No doubt all ancient nations felt more or less the influence of the Divine in Nature, or of the power of Nature; but as they knew her but imperfectly, all remarkable or unusual phenomena appeared to them as manifestations of supernatural powers, divine or demoniac (as the case might be), or as miracles, which, while they inspired some peoples with awe, did not so act on the minds of the ancient Maori. Not but that they had plenty of signs and wonders, akin to the Roman fictions of prodigia and portentæ, which served to announce important events; but, while they saw and observed, talked of and magnified them, they never feared them; rather ridiculed them, or treated them lightly; and even when all things turned out well and satisfactory, and in keeping with their belief in, or expectations from, those higher powers, no such thing as thanksgiving to them was ever dreamt of!

Moreover, it should also be briefly noticed, that while they laughed and mocked at earthquakes, at pealing thunder, at vivid lightnings, and at terrific storms, they exhibited great dread at merely unexpectedly seeing a small, common, and harmless lizard; at a gaseous flame suddenly shooting forth, with crackling noise, from their private fire towards them; and at a big spark bouncing therefrom in a similar direction ! etc., etc.

The subject of my paper this evening will be some of the doings (and their consequences) of a powerful chief, named Uenuku, who dwelt here on the East Coast of New Zealand, between Table and East Capes, about twenty-five generations back, § or (say) A.D. 1000,—time of our Danish

[Footnote] * See “Paikea's Spell,” in the Story of Ruatapu and Paikea. (infra.)

[Footnote] † Livy, III., 10: XLIII., etc.; Lucan, Phars., I.; Pliny, H.N., II., VIII., XVI., etc; Plutarch, Cæs., 63.

[Footnote] ‡ There were several chiefs and personages of ancient days named Uenuku; some of them bearing an additional suffix to distinguish them. One is said to have dwelt at “Hawaiki” before the so-called migration hither. (See Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” p., 123, etc.) Uenuku is, also, a name for the rainbow.

[Footnote] § One of the genealogies gives twenty-eight generations, (viz., three additional names). This may be owing to an early branch, commencing with the son of another wife. (See Appendix, Genealogy).

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kings. His descendants are still residing there, who, also, rest their claims to their ancestral estates through their being such. The beginning, however, of their genealogical line goes much further back.

I may also add that this remarkable traditional story I have received in two separate narrations from two sources; and, further, that they wonderfully agree in all their main points, including, also, the charms, spells, and prayers (?) used.

I. Stories Concerning Uenuku.

Uenuku was a very great chief of the olden time; he lived many generations back on the East Coast. One of his wives was named Takarita; she was the sister of a great chief named Tawheta, who dwelt at large towns (pas) of his own, called Matikotai and Porangahau,* also on the East Coast.

I shall begin my narration with the death of Takarita, the wife of Uenuku, who was killed by him because of her great offence; she having committed adultery with two men, named Tumahunuku, and Tumahurangi. Uenuku, being very powerful, not only killed her, but also her two paramours. When she was dead, Uenuku cut her open and took out her heart, and broiled it on a sacred fire, made at the foot of the carved centre-post of his own big house; the name of that house was Te-pokinga-o-terangi—the overspreading of the sky. While it was cooking at the sacred fire, kindled purposely for the solitary bit, namely, at the fire of Takarita, Uenuku recited the following spell:—

1.

My fire is newly kindled by friction;

2.

The land approves of it (or desires it);

3.

Let a fire burn to eat up (a) great chief;

4.

Let a fire burn to eat up (a) first-born;

5.

Let a fire burn to eat up (a) principal chief (ariki);

6.

Let a fire burn to eat up (a) priest (tohunga);

7.

Let (it) burn;—but, by whom is the fire?

8.

Let (it) burn; it is (by) Hineikukutirangi;

9.

Let (it) burn; it is (by) Hineheheirangi.

10.

Let (it) burn, (throughout) two long considerations of the close-quarter-fighting of the Sky.

11.

Let (it) burn;—on, on, onwards !

12.

My sacred fire is verily kindled by friction.

13.

Above, abroad, (or, on the outside), towards the west;

14.

Towards the west; a vengeful desolating principal chief.

15.

Never shall the great chiefs be forgotten by me; never !

16.

Never shall the firstborns be forgotten by me;

17.

(An) eater of scraps and leavings !

18.

The cooking-oven is baking slowly.

19.

(I am) roasting away; naked, waiting !

[Footnote] * Not, however, the present Porangahau, but a place of the same name north of Table Cape.

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20.

The cooking-oven is baking badly;

21.

Go on, bake away the baking-oven !

22.

The oven baking above !

23.

The oven baking below !

24.

Rush to the fight, O Space !

25.

Rush to the fight, O Sky !

26.

Show forth (thy) valour;

27.

Show forth (thy) valour (or, let it be seen);

28.

Return from the charge—return;

29.

Cause (it) to return.—It is ended.*

His spell finished, he fed his own son Ira with the cooked heart of his mother. Hence arose the proverb,—“Ira, devourer of the rich soft interior,” And that same saying has descended to his offspring, namely, the tribe of Ngati Ira.

[Footnote] * A few explanatory remarks on this spell are here offered:—

  • v. 1 & 12. All sacred fires were necessarily fresh kindled, and that by fire then and there obtained by friction.

  • " 2. Meaning, in accordance with national customs and observances.

  • " 3–6. Showing the high rank of the deceased lady.

  • " 8, 9. By (or according to,—in conformity with), Hineikukutirangi, etc.

    These female personages were great ones of old; Hineikukutirangi was often invocated on their going to the deep-sea-fishing. This name means the young-lady-who-drew-the-heavens- (or skies, or clouds) together, (? to prevent the storms and squalls from bursting forth): see the charm recited over Rongoua (p. 11), line 6, and note thereon; where, I think, these two personages are also alluded to: see, also, a similar sacrifice made by Uenuku (p. 15), and note the like names of his two mysterious ceremonial garments.

  • " 10, 24–29. Celestial signs, of warring clouds, etc., are here referred to, as finally denoting approval. See Notes 2 and 4 to Paikea's spell (p. 21).

  • " 13, 14. “Towards the west,”—the quarter of the setting sun, and of death, etc. See Essay on the Maori Races, “Trans. N. Z. Inst.,” Vol. I., § 39.

  • " 15, 16. Indicating his being a strenuous upholder of their ancient traditions, customs, etc.

  • " 17. As said by the hero Whakatau,—War-song, 3, p. 68, “Trans. N.Z. inst.,” Vol. XIII.,—and always meaning the opposite.

  • " 22, 23. May mean oneness of action; i.e. what I am doing here on earth is also now being done in the sky.

[Footnote] † The word used here is a curious and uncommon one, especially in this sense, and, as such, it is almost obsolete. Primarily it denotes the soft, prized, central parts of the Maori gourd (hue), of a water-melon, etc., though it has several other allied root-meanings.

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When the news of her death first reached her brothers, they mourned greatly over their sister. Afterwards, Tawheta proceeded formally to enquire the particulars of the relater (of the tidings),*—“Why she was killed by him, Uenuku?” He replied, “Because she had committed adultery with two men, Tumahunuku and Tumahurangi”. “Then Tawheta said, “It is all right enough, no doubt, (according to his way of thinking); nevertheless, his doings shall be repaid him to-morrow. Verily, to-morrow he himself shall be eaten by grass-hoppers! Here, near me, are his food preserves, which will be sure to draw his children and people this way, in the season; to-morrow, also, he shall be full of trouble, when he shall desire the little bit of property that is lying on the ground; the women shall be as a cliff for the men to flee over!” And so this last word (or phrase) became a proverbial saying; and for a long time Tawheta dwelt quietly, brooding over his anger.

Now Uenuku did not think at all of his cruel killing (kohuru), or of the possible consequences. Another year came round, and Uenuku had forgotten all about his murder. So he sent his children and people to obtain the fruit (or product) of his preserves at Matikotai, and at Porangahau. They went, a large number, both men and women, 70 in all; and on their arrival at Tawheta's town (pa), he took them unawares and killed them, they being all unarmed and unapprehensive. Hence arose the deadly feud between Uenuku and Tawheta. Four of Uenuku's sons were slain on this occasion, namely, Maputukiterangi, Ropanui, Mahinaiteata, and Whiwhingaiterangi, while the fifth, named Rongouaroa, hardly escaped with his life, being the only survivor of the whole party. He, however, had been severely wounded; his skull was hacked and broken in, and he was left for dead by the foe, on the ground among the others. Tawheta and his people,

[Footnote] * Heralds, or messengers, on such high occasions, acted in a very careful and formal ceremonious manner, and only (at first) answered the questions put to them by the chief of the place. Instances have been known where they have been severely beaten, and wounded, and even killed! at the first outbursts of grief and passion, for their sudden and abrupt relation of bad tidings. Hence, such news was almost invariably carried by a relative or a chief.

[Footnote] † By “the property (taonga) lying on the ground,” I understand the fruits of the karaka trees, which were rigidly preserved, and were gathered up in large quantities to be stored or food in the late autumn season. (See “Trans. N. Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 25, last paragraph). The close of Tawheta's passionate sentence may have reference to his slain sister, or to the women who would be sure to come thither in the karaka gathering party. At all events, the meaning is,—a full, stern, and dreadful revenge!

[Footnote] ‡ “70” (passim) always means a large and fully complete number for that particular purpose; sometimes, when a very large number was required, it would be twice 70=140; and, also, 170; but always so as to take in the 7 unit.

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after their cruel slaughter, went into their pa to eat their food; it was then that Rongouaroa came to himself, and opening his eyes and looking around, he saw his brothers and companions all dead on the ground; on seeing this he summoned all his remaining strength, and crawled away and hid himself among some thick bushes close by. While there, he heard them (Tawheta and his people) vaunting loudly over their doings, and Tawheta said, “Tomorrow, early, we will all go to Uenuku's pa; we will deceive him, and kill him, too, that he and his may all die together.” Their meal and talk over, they all came out to drag the bodies of the slain into the town (pa), to cut them up (for food). When it was night, Rongouaroa crept out of his hiding-place and crawled into one of their large canoes, and stowed himself snugly away in the forehold (under the nose of the canoe); and this was his charm which he uttered for his safe concealment:—

“Tu! overspread the face of the sky, that (I) may be hidden; let their eyes be dazzled (or flash waveringly) in looking at the stars, and at the moon, and at the light.”

And so, sure enough, he was hidden securely; and he, having uttered his charm, laid himself quietly down.*

Early in the morning the cajoling party was on the move, to go and kill Uenuku. They quickly put their things into their canoes, and paddled away, with vigour, to Uenuku's town (pa). Arriving there, they hastened to disembark and to drag up their canoes on the beach, when they all proceeded quietly into Uenuku's pa, amid the wavings, and shouts, and cries of welcome of Uenuku's people,—“Come hither, come hither, O ye most welcome stranger-visitors!” And so the visiting party went into the pa, and entered the big reception house of the chief and sat down. The people of the place were now all very busy in preparing a plentiful meal for their unexpected visitors; the cooking-fires and ovens were everywhere lighted, and great preparations were being made, for Uenuku and his people supposed them to have come with good intentions only, and, therefore, they were most welcome; but it was not so, as it soon appeared, for they had come to murder Uenuku, and also to eat him, which they had thought to bring to pass through their deceit. While the food was preparing, Uenuku arose, in the large open space before the house, to address his visitors; and thus he began: “Come hither, welcome hither; art thou indeed Tawheta?”

[Footnote] * “Quietly down:”—Notice here the very great influence of Rongoua's firm faith in his simple charm! (See the story of Houmea, (infra), p. 26). It was a desperate step to take, but his only possible chance of saving his people from destruction.

[Footnote] † Uenuku saying, “Art thou,” etc., meaning, Is it possible that Tawheta is come at last to see me! Tawheta, in reply, saying, “Thou thyself!” meaning, Thou alone by thy conduct wert the cause of our being so long estranged from each other.

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which Tawheta interrupted (from within) by exclaiming, “Thou thyself! thou thyself!” Then Uenuku said, “Welcome hither! Dids't thon come hither from our children and young people (leaving them well)?” To this, Tawheta replied,—“;They are all there enjoying themselves at their usual games of play; spinning tops, flying kites, making cats' cradles, darting reeds, and all manner of games.”*

Now it came to pass that, when all those visitors had entered the pa, the wounded man, Rongouaroa, had managed, though with great difficulty, to get out of the canoe in which he had been hidden, and to crawl a little way on to a bush of cutting-grass, where he lay down in the sun. Now the food for the visitors having been deposited in the ovens, and covered over with stones and earth to be cooked, the women engaged therein went outside to gather green leaves of shrubs and flax (Phormium) and sedges, on which to place the food when cooked for their visitors; and so they got to the place where Rongouaroa was lying with his smashed head! On seeing him, and hearing in a few faint words his tale, they soon went back to the pa, and calling Uenuku aside, told him, “Master! master! it is all a false story (or supposition); they are come hither with a different design. The whole of our people have been killed by Tawheta; one only escaped, Rongouaroa! They are come to cajole and destroy thee!” On hearing this, Uenuku demanded, “Where is that survivor?” “Oh! there he is, lying down outside on the tuft of cutting-grass (toetoe), with his head all broken and smashed with a club!” Then Uenuku said, “Fetch him, lead him hither into the pa.” So he was fetched; but, first of all, he was led to the sacred place (tuaahu) close by, where the charms, and recitals, and all proper sacred ceremonies were performed over him, including the feeding the demon with his blood, and the hanging-up of his blood in that spot; and this was the charm which was recited for him:—

1.

Provoking irascible sinew, striving (to) kill!

2.

Hither is come the one (they) sought to murder.

3.

Verily thy own skilful priests (are here):

4.

Thou and I together indeed! (as one).

5.

Thy wound is sacred;—

6.

The celebrated first-born priestesses shall cause the lips of the wounds to incline inwardly towards each other;

7.

Of (or by) the evening, lo! thy wound shall become as nothing!

8.

The stone axe (which caused it) was verily (as) the strong tide rushing on to the shores, and tearing up the beds of shell-fish.

9.

Striving, provoking sinew! eager after food for (their) baking

[Footnote] * This second interjected reply of Tawheta (who was still within the house, and who, according to etiquette, had no need then to speak), was, I think, mainly made to amuse his own party there with him.

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10.

The wounding, indeed, of the man who courageously enraged the demon !

11.

Thy internal parts are all opened to view !

12.

Verily, just as the stirring up of the big fire burning in the court-yard of a pa!

13.

But, lo ! thou and I together (are as one).*

This done, Rongouaroa was taken into the pa; that he might be shown publicly to Tawheta and his party, Now Uenuku had returned to his oratory, keeping his son, Rongouaroa, out of sight, on one side behind his back; the visiting party (according to strict custom) being all within the big house, while the chief of the pa, Uenuku, was outside making his speech to them; moreover, they were tired with their paddling and wanted their morning's meal; and thus Uenuku recommenced his address:—“Come hither, come hither; thou art indeed Tawheta; yes, thou thyself (come at last to see me). Thou art indeed come hither from our children; but are they living, or are they dead? On hearing this, Tawheta bounded out from within the house, and said, “And who indeed is that demon from the sky who is able to kill our children?” Then it was that Uenuku said to Tawheta, “Our children are slain, killed by thee! behold, here is the only survivor!;” at the same time bringing forward Rongouaroa, and making him to stand in the open space before the door of the house, so that he might be fully seen by all those within it. On hearing those words of Uenuku, and seeing Rongouaroa, the whole party were seized with panic fear, and would have instantly fled, or have endeavoured to do so,—and at this time they could all have been very easily slain by Uenuku, but it was owing to his noble disposition that they were not. So he kept them until the food for

[Footnote] * Of this charm, verses 4 and 13 are used to infuse hope and strength, and to assure the unity of the powerful and the weak. (See Paikea's spell, (infra) v. 5.) v. 6 no doubt refers to the two female personages mentioned before in Uenuku's spell, (supra,) vv. 8 and 9—see note there; v. 8 is a beautiful and strongly expressive metaphor tersely given in the original; v. 10 the “demon,”=atua, foe; vv. 11, 12, “internal parts,”—i.e. inner parts of the head; a severely fractured skull was common in the desperate hand-to-hand fights and massacres of old, where heavy clubs and stone axes were the weapons, and not unfrequently the sufferer recovered. (See Proverbs 155, 156, “Trans. N. Z. Inst.,” Vol. XII., p. 137.

[Footnote] † There could be no fear, on the part of Uenuku, that Tawheta, or any of his party, would come out of the reception house while he was absent, as such would be against all custom, etc.

[Footnote] ‡ “Are they living, or are they dead?” Note here the last word! This Tawheta well understood, although he could only then have supposed that Uenuku entertained a suspicion of something evil,—as from a dream, warning, omen, etc.; for, according to correct Maori idiom and syntax, that saying of Uenuku should have been reversed (if spoken at all?)- “are they dead, or are they living?”-which would have had a very different meaning, and Tawheta would have remained quietly in the house of reception. Hence, Tawheta broke the rules of etiquette, and bounded forth boldly to meet the implied and concealed charge against him.

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them was cooked and properly served up and eaten, and then they might depart, saying to them, “Do not fear anything; remain quietly; let the food which has been purposely prepared for you be well and properly cooked and served; then eat it and depart.” Therefore they did so; and when their meal was over, they left the pa in silence, and dragged down their canoes to the sea. While doing this, Uenuku's people were again very desirous to fall upon them and kill them, but Uenuku restrained them, and so they escaped without harm.* As, however, they were leaving the shore, Uenuku called out to Tawheta,—“Depart peaceably, O Tawheta ! ere long, I, also, shall go thither to our children; thou art not a warrior, but an evil-doer.” (Lit. Thou slayest not (thy foe) openly and manfully, but evilly and fraudulently). To this Tawheta replied,—“By what possible means indeed cans't thou venture to go thither; to the home of the many, of the multitude, of the numberless? “ On hearing this, Uenuku rejoined,— “Go away, depart; soon I shall be going thither; thou wilt not escape me; to-morrow thou shalt be devoured by grass-hoppers! thy bravery in battle is slippery; go away, depart!” These were the last parting words of Uenuku, and Tawheta and his party returned to their own place.

After this, Uenuku stirred up all his people to get ready his fighting canoes; so they were all newly caulked, and put together in order, and got ready, and launched to go to war. Then it was that one of his brave fighting

[Footnote] * This highly chivalrous (?) conduct,—or, rather, the noble trait in their character, never to allow the open public rites of hospitality to be infringed, (Uenuku, too, having loudly welcomed them into his village, or fort),—was sometimes strikingly exhibited. The Rev. S. Marsden of Paramatta, informed me (in 1834) of a notable instance which had taken place while some head New Zealand chiefs were staying there at his house. It happened that two of them had come to Sydney by different ships, one was from the Thames, and one from the Bay of Islands,—two tribes who were then at deadly feud in their own country, and so it would have been between those two chiefs on their suddenly and unexpectedly meeting there; but the one said to the other,—“Here, thou and I will dwell quietly, and eat, every day, at the same table together; but when we return to New Zealand I will attack thy fort, and will kill and eat thee:” and all this was carried out to the very letter. It was from the utter want of this feeling on the part of the British (in the Maori estimation), that the early colonists were so greatly twitted by the Maoris during the war of 1860-6; notably by the chief Renata Te Kawepo, in his upbraiding letter to the first Superintendent of the Province of Hawke's Bay. (See, also, “Essay on the Maori Races,” “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. I., § 34, end.

[Footnote] † This sentence deserves to be more particularly noticed:—“Ki te kaainga o tini, o te mano o te rororo, o tini o te hakuturi:” lit. to the dwelling place of (the) many, of the numberless of the ants, of (the) multitude of the imps (elves, or fairies). A curious figurative sentence, not however uncommon nor untruthful in the olden time, showing the very great number of his people. (See Houmea, (infra), p. 27, and note there). The same simile of ants, to express a great number, is also used by the Greek and Roman poets: “Theoc. Id. XV., 45. Virg. Æn. IV., 402.

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men, a chief named Whatiua, got up and made an oration against Uenuku going at once by sea to fight, saying,—“This is my opinion, first let the kumara and the karaka be ripe,* then do thou go by sea; but I and my party will go at once by land; we (my party) will first engage the enemy, and break off the tips of the branchlets of (the revenge for) our sad loss; tomorrow morning we will start.” They did so; and as they were leaving the pa, Uenuku called out to them,—“Listen, friends; this is my word to you, if you succeed in capturing Poumatangatanga, let her live, to become a wife for me.” So the war-party, 70 in number, left on their march. They went away inland up over the high hills and kept on until night-fall, when they halted and slept; at break of day they recommenced their march, and again halted at night as before to sleep; the third morning, at daybreak, they resumed their march, and kept on until they came within sight of Rangikapiti, when they again halted until it was dark. In the night they went stealthily forward and surrounded the big house of that place; the people there kept watch also by night but badly. On there arrival there they found that the demon (atua) had joined with the people in the house, and that the priest (tohunga), whose name was Hapopo, was encouraging his people by his questioning the demon as to the expected war-party, and they on the outside overheard their conversation going on between them. Hapopo, the priest, said to the demon,—“Speak, tell me, is the war-party at hand? for we are here dwelling in great fear, not daring to sleep soundly at night.” The demon, whose name was Te Kanawa, replied to him,—“No, there is no war-party near; nothing of the kind; let us dwell together quietly, even as the ancient ones are, there far off away up in the sky.”§ Those were the words spoken by the demon through the medium, whose name was Kahurangi. Hapopo, however, again asked, stirring (him) up, saying-“Tell me, sir, is not the war-party at hand?” When (he) again replied, “Not a single bit of a war-party, respected sir; no fighting whatever, great sir, will come hither against you; rest quietly.”| All this conversation between those

[Footnote] * That is, in the autumn, when the sea would be calm.

[Footnote] † Tawheta's daughter: a common practice. (See Vol. XIII, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” p. 40.

[Footnote] ‡ War-parties by land generally went forth by untrodden paths, forming a trail of their own, and often a circuitous one; their object being always to reach the place they were going to attack without being perceived, or even suspected, and to carefully avoid treading on, or walking over, a kumara root ceremonially deposited in the common path. (See below, Art II, “Contributions towards a better Knowledge of the Maori Race,” part IV., Kumara).

[Footnote] § As the gods were (according to the ancient Greek mythology) up on Olympus.

[Footnote] | I have studied to mark the great difference in the modes of address between the priest and the demon. (See, also, between Uenuku and his son Ruatapu, p. 18):—a matter much too little attended to in translations.

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two, the demon and the priest, was overheard by the armed war-party, who were outside listening. Early in the morning, at break of day, they assaulted and rushed the big house from all sides. Great was the slaughter of Tawheta's people, he, however, escaped from within the big house; they pursued him, but he got clear off; whence arose this proverbial saying;- “Through flight only was Tawheta saved.” The priest, Hapopo, they dragged outside, and they killed him there; his last word was, “Lying and deceiving demon ! thou gettest clear off, leaving the trouble with Hapopo.” Those words have ever since been used and handed down as a proverb. Paimahutanga* (Tawheta's daughter) was the only one whom Whatiua's band made prisoner and rescued from that great slaughter. The victors baked the slain in ovens, and feasted on them; some portions of their bodies were also carried away with them to their own pa. Thus was fully avenged the death of Maputukiterangi, of Mahinaiteata, of Ropanui, of Whiwhingaiterangi, of Rongoxiaroa, of Hotukura, of Inangatapukitewhao, of Rangiwhetu, and their companions, in that sad massacre by Tawheta. Those Whose names are here given were all chiefs who fell on that occasion. On the return of that war-party to their home they handed over to Uenuku the daughter of Tawheta, Paimahutanga, to become his wife, and Uenuku took her to wife. And so this first assault and carnage ends here; this exterminating slaughter was accomplished by Whatiuatakamarae.

After this was over, Uenuku, still thirsting for revenge for his many murdered children and people, commanded a war expedition to be got ready, that he might himself go and fight with Tawheta. So the warriors got themselves ready; the war canoes were dragged down and fitted up and launched, when Uenuku ordered that each canoe should also be provided with extra large stones (as anchors) and long ropes; and when this was also done, and all were ready, they set forth. On this occasion Uenuku took with him two celebrated garments of his ancestor Tumatauenga. in order to become a defensive armour for him, that is for Uenuku; those famed garments were named Te Rangituitui and Te Rangikahupapa, § and they

[Footnote] * Notice, here, the change of her name, according to custom; and, at the same time, a play upon her former one as to its sound; her new name being also one of good omen,—lit. good-healing-of-the-sore, or wound.

[Footnote] † Here is also an addition made to the name of the leader of that band,—lit. prepared (or brought to pass) in the meeting in the open court,—which may have taken its origin from the prudent counsel he had given to Uenuku, which was also adopted, and led to victory.

[Footnote] ‡ See “Contributions towards a better Knowledge of the Maori Eace;” Part TV.,— Legends concerning the Kumara Plant—Art. II (infra).

[Footnote] § Lit. the Sky-stitched (together), and the Sky-joined, or banded, or rafted (together); and, viewing the Sky as a personage, this may be taken in an active sense. See, also, Uenuku's first charm, vv. 10, 24–29 (supra).

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had ever been taken great care of by the grandson* of Tumatauenga, Uenuku. The war expedition paddled away until they came to Matikotai and Porangahau, where was Tawheta's fort, or war pa; there, at Uenuku's command, all the canoes anchored just outside the swell of the waves, each being provided with stone anchors and long ropes for that purpose; this done they paddled in towards the shore. Then it was that Tawheta and his people, who were there assembled in great numbers; rushed down to meet Uenuku's party, and even waded out into the sea to fight them, and to oppose their landing! when Putuakiterangi, one of Tawheta's braves, was seized by Uenuku's party, dragged into the canoe and carried off! Uenuku giving the order to draw all the canoes outside by their long ropes. There, according to custom, they killed their first prisoner, cut him open, and tore out his heart; then they made a sacred fire by friction, and when it was fully blazing they roasted the heart on the fire, and when it was cooked, they covered over both the heart and the sacred fire with the two garments already mentioned,—Te Rangituitui and Te Rangikahupapa. Then it was that Uenuku, standing up in his canoe, called on the mist from the summits of (the mountain) Tirikawa, saying, “Attend ! fall down and encompass; fall down and cover up!” When, lo ! it suddenly became very dark indeed, and the stars were seen in the sky. Uenuku and his people listened, and lo ! Tawheta and his people were heard fighting among themselves in the darkness, and killing each other! the curses and the groans were heard, also the hollow blows on each other's heads from their clubs; not one of them, however, was struck by Uenuku's party, who were still in their canoes; they did it all themselves. After

[Footnote] * The word mokopuna may mean, great great grandson, etc., or lineal descendant.

[Footnote] † A very similar proceeding to the first sacrifice, mentioned in the beginning of this story, only with different ceremonies. This custom was of universal application among the New Zealanders; hence, in war, it was of great importance (on either side) to seize the first prisoner for this purpose. Uenuku seems to have laid his plan well, by anchoring his canoes in the way he did, to bring the desired end so readily to pass. The student of Ancient History will know how extensively this custom was practised, both in the Old World and New (Mexico); the two things seem generally to have gone together,—the bloody offering (or the life), and the offering by fire; blood being, at all times and in every zone, supposed to be fitted to appease the gods! Sir Walter Scott has well worked upon this ancient belief in his poem of “The Lady of the Lake,” Canto V.,—the combat between FitzJames and Roderick Dhu,—

[Footnote] —–“Which spills the foremost foeman's life, That party conquers in the strife.”

[Footnote] It is even said, that the Highlanders under Montrose were so deeply imbued with this notion, that, on the morning of the battle of Tippermoor, they murdered a defenceless herdsman, whom they found in the fields, merely to secure an advantage of so much consequence to their party.

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some time, Uenuku again called on his preternatural power (atua), the mist on the mountain—that is, to the mist on Tirikawa, saying: “Clear up !” And lo ! it was all clear and bright day. Then the war party looked out from their canoes, and found that many of Tawheta's people were still alive. On this Uenuku again commanded the mist on Tirikawa, saying: “Fall on ! cover up!” when, as before, it was again as dark as night, and Tawheta's people began afresh to fight and slay each other with greater fury than before. By-and-bye Uenuku again called on the mist, saying: “The mist of Tirikawa, break up, clear up, instantly!” And lo! it was again clear daylight. Then Uenuku, thinking they had destroyed each other, pulled off the garments from the roasted heart and sacred fire, and lo! on looking at the sea they saw it was covered with floating corpses and red with the blood of the many slain; deeply red all around them with blood! Three times did Uenuku call on his demons, before that his foes were destroyed. Then Uenuku and his party paddled their canoes to the shore, and landing, killed the few survivors whom they found there on the beach. Tawheta, however, and his remaining men, rallied, and came on, and renewed the fight, which was desperately taken up by Uenuku and his party, by whom Tawheta himself was also killed; but the great multitude of his people died by their own hands, and not by Uenuku's party. The fighting in the sea was named, “The lengthened day;” “the day (of) two sunsets;” and, again, because of the great amount of the blood of man in the sea, it was also called, “The sea of loathsome water;” and the name given to the last battle on land, in which Tawheta was slain, was, “The rising tide.” These were the bloody battles of Uenuku; these were the desolations of Uenuku. The victors cooked and cooked human flesh day after day, and all day, but they could not cook all the food, so it was left and wasted because it became rotten. Here ends the relation of those fightings of Uenuku the man-eater; the evil murders of his children, however, were all sorely and fully avenged. Uenuku having taken Paimahutanga to wife, she bore him a son, whose name was Ruatapu, whose doings shall now also be narrated.

II. The Story of Ruatapu and Paikea.

Many years after those fightings Uenuku got a large canoe made; Haeora was the name of the skilful man who made it; and Te Huripureiata was the name of that canoe. When the canoe was built and finished, it was painted red, and fully ornamented with pigeon's feathers, and all its many adornments. All this took a long time. Then it was that Uenuku ordered his sons, and the sons of other chiefs, to assemble, in order that the hair of their heads might be combed and anointed and neatly tied up in a knot on the crown, and ornamented with a high dress comb stuck in behind (worn

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only by chiefs), so as to be regular and look beautiful,* that they might all go together and paddle the new canoe out on the sea. Uenuku himself performed this work of preparing and dressing and tying-up their hair. Those young men were 70 in number, all told, and Uenuku finished with Kahutiaterangi. All the 70 were fine able young men; there was not a boy among them. When all were done, Ruatapu called out to his father,—“O, honoured sir, see ! tie up and dress my hair also.” Uenuku replied to Ruatapu,—“Wherever shall a dress-comb be found for thy hair?” Ruatapu rejoined,—“Why not use one of those combs there by these?” Then Uenuku said,—“Why dost thou not ornament thy hair with one of the combs of thy elder brothers?” On hearing that, Ruatapu cried out,—“O noble sir, O noble sir, I was supposing that I was indeed thine own (son) ! but now I perceive that I am not thine !” Then his father said to him,—“O, sir, thou art indeed verily my own (son); but a son of little consequence, an offspring of inferior birth:” (meaning, that his mother was of no rank, being only a slave saved alive in war). § At this saying of

[Footnote] * Plenty of patterns of their hair so adorned are given in the plates of Cook's “Voyages,” and in Parkinson's “Journal,”—passim. (See Proverb, No. 130, “Trans. N. Z. Inst.,” Vol. XII., p. 133). When their heads were thus dressed they did not lay them down on pillows of any kind for several nights, lest they should disarrange them, but managed accordingly. This curious practice was also largely followed by other Polynesians. So in Africa, and, also, very anciently in Europe. (See Keller's “Lake Dwellings of Switzerland,”; pp. 175, 501, 565).

[Footnote] † This ceremony was always performed by a chief of rank, or by a priest (tohunga); Uenuku was both; the head being pre-eminently sacred (tapu), and never to be touched save by a tapu person.

[Footnote] ‡ I have sought to keep up in a translation the great difference in the modes of address here used between the father and the son; (see, also, p. 14, and the note there).

[Footnote] § In this dialogue three things are to be noticed: 1. Uenuku's quiet way of giving a gentle hint to his son, which tends to show that hitherto, throughout childhood and youth, no such great distinction had yet been made. 2. Ruatapu ought to have understood his father's meaning (see a similar mode of speaking, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 42, and note there); he knew, as well as his father, that he could not possibly use one of his elder brothers' combs, as all were tapu, and each one strictly confined to its owner's own private use. 3. Uenuku's last words were very bitter and galling to the young man, and, no doubt, were spoken openly before all; and as they were spoken in highly figurative language I give them here in the original, with a strictly literal translation and full explanation:—“Ehika, naku tonu koe; he tama meamea koe nahaku; he moenga rau-kawakawa, he moenga hau!” lit. “O, sir, thou art indeed my own (son); thou art a son of inferior rank begotten by me; a begetting—or sleeping, or cohabiting,—(among) the leaves and branches of the strong-smelling kawakawa shrub,—a begetting, etc.—out of doors in the high wind.” The strong smell of the kawakawa (Piper excelsum) was particularly unpleasant to the New Zealanders; the whole also meaning, that Uenuku's taking Ruatapu's mother to wife was done without any festivities,—without any gifts of fine-woven mats for bedding,—and without a bride's house and other formalities. (See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 45, bottom).

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Uenuku, Ruatapu was completely overcome with shame, and his whole heart was filled with grief and pain, and, loudly lamenting, he went away to the place where the canoe was, planning in his mind how he should best accomplish the murder of Uenuku's favourite sons, his elder brothers. He soon hit upon a plan; he got a stone chisel and he worked away with it at the bottom of the new canoe, until he had cut a hole through, which, when done, he plugged up and hid with wooden chips and scrapings, so that it should not be seen. Then he went back into the town, but he would not eat any food, for his heart was still deeply grieved at the lowering words which his father had used respecting him. The next morning early Ruatapu went and aroused and brought together the men of the place to drag the new canoe down to the sea. They all came and she was soon afloat, and then those young chiefs, 70 in number, who had been already prepared for that duty, entered on board of the canoe, he himself taking care that no boys* embarked with them, for some who came to do so he returned to their home. The canoe being well-manned with smart paddlers, and all being ready, away they paddled; Ruatapu himself going with them, seating himself in his own place on board, and keeping the heel of his foot firmly fixed on the hole which he had bored in her bottom. They paddled a very long way out to sea, when Ruatapu removed his foot from the hole, and the water rushed in. On seeing the water in the bottom of the canoe they cried out, “We shall be upset! turn her round to the shore !” but Ruatapu again fixing his heel on the hole, and also baling out the water, the canoe was soon free from it. They still paddled away further out, when some said, “Let us now return, for we have paddled to a very great distance.” On hearing this, Ruatapu answered, “We will soon return; let us first go a little further out.” So away they paddled, until they had got quite out of sight of land; then he again removed his heel from the hole, and the water rushed in ! All immediately called out, “Where is the baler? hasten; bale out the water; we are lost!” But Ruatapu had hidden the baler; and soon the canoe was filled with water, and was upset. Then Ruatapu made after his brothers, and quickly drowned several of them by plunging them under. Having done so, and seeing Paikea still swimming, he followed hard after him to drown him also; but Paikea repeatedly evaded him. At last Ruatapu said to Paikea, “Which of us two shall carry the tidings of our disaster to land?” And Paikea replied, “I will, for I can do it; for I am also a son of (or descended from) the sea.” And this was both the reason of his so saying and of his escaping drowning,—Paikea being descended from Rongomaitahanui, who was also descended from Te Petipeti, and Te

[Footnote] * The word may mean—younger sons.

[Footnote] † See proverb, No. 181, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XII., p. 140.

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Rangahua. Then Ruatapu cried out, “Go thou, swim away to land; and note well, if I am lost here, then thou wilt surely know that I am not descended from our father; but if I escape from this calamity, then, verily, I am from our father. Go thou on; let the crowded parties of the summer season ever remember me, that I am also there, (I) shall not be hidden. When the squid and the jelly-fishes shall have reached the sandy beaches (in the summer season), then look out, I am but a little way behind them, going also towards the shore. Go on, swim away, proceed thou to the land; those who should be the survivors from this wreck (are) become as a pile of slain in a day of bloody battle. This is another word of mine to thee, Let Kahutuanui have the striking-up of the song, so that when (ye), the ample broad-chested, may be sitting closely together in a row by the side of the fire,* it shall be sung in parts,—in fruitful seasons and in unfruitful ones,—at the times of assembling together in companies, and at the times of living separately (in families); through this I shall be ever remembered.” Then Paikea said, “The tidings of our calamity shall be safely carried by me to our town, for I am verily descended from (those of) the sea,—Te Petipeti, Te Rangahua, and Te Aihumoana being my ancestors.” Here Ruatapu gave his last parting words to Paikea, “Go on, swim away to land, to the dear old home!” and so saying he held up his paddle. So Paikea proceeded on, swimming towards land, reciting as he went his powerful spell; and this was it:—

1.

“Now shall be shown, now revealed, the vigour of the trembling heart; now shall be known the force of the anxious heart; now shall be seen the strength of the fluttering weak female heart.1

[Footnote] * For the common regular diversons of the evening, when the fires were lighted in their large houses.

[Footnote] † Paikea has now twice firmly asserted his descent from (beings of) the sea,—and he is not the first of the ancient Maori heroes who has done so. Of those four names of his ancestors here given by him, all are found in the Genealogical Roll (appended); but the first (Rongomaitahanui) and the last (Te Aihumoana) are, also, mythically known as ancient sea-demons (atua), and, so far, pre-historical. Paikea is also the proper name of a species of whale. I saw one about 34 years ago, which had been driven on shore here in Hawke's Bay in a severe gale; it was very long, with a sharpish snout, and its white belly was regularly and closely longitudinally fluted throughout. Its appearance reminded me strongly of the plate of Balæna boops in Rees' Cyclopædia.

[Footnote] ‡ There is a meaning here in this action of Ruatapu which should not be overlooked. To retain one's paddle (which was often highly carved and ornamented), in upsettings of canoes and in naval fights, was always an achievement, and a token of bravery, etc. Just as that of a young Spartan to retain his shield, or, in modern times, the colours, arms, etc.

[Footnote] 1 The very opposite feelings are to be here understood. Also in Uenuku's Spell, p. 7; and in Whakatau's Chant, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 68; and the last line of Songs, 1 and 4, pp. 65 and 70, l.c.

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2.

The big fish of the sea swims fleetly through strenuous exertion; blowing forth the blasts of sea-water from (its) nostrils; the big fish is lifted above the waters.

3.

Space2 makes (it) buoyant; Sky2 upheaves (it) above the swell of Ocean.

4.

Now, rushing forwards, a steep descent; anon (as if) climbing the fence of a fort! now a roughening squall of wind comes on; anon, as a bird's feather borne before it!

5.

Ha! ha! thy heart (even as, or one with) my heart.3

6.

Now the great enduring courageous heart of (the descendant from the) Sky, shall make itself to emerge through all difficulties and dangers to the habitable, to dwellings (of) light.

7.

A full deliverance (for the) son of a chief, who was properly begotten the son of a chief.

8.

Son above; son abroad; son according to the proper ceremonies (rightly or duly) performed; son according to the sign of the breaking-away of clouds, enlightening hitherwards from the outermost sides of the far-off horizon.4

9.

Ha! abroad, far away on the deep (is) verily the place to exert strength, showing the straining of (one's) sinews.

10.

Here, now, (is) the skid, I mount up on the top (of it); the very skid of Houtaiki;5 the skid satisfying the heart; the skid (that is) sure and fast.

11.

Ha ! ha ! the cold wind (is) laughed at, defied; (so is) the cutting icy wind to the skin; so (is) the bitter cold penetrating and numbing vapour; and so the fainting internal feeling of sickness.

12.

Here (is) the skid! I get up on (it); verily the same skid of Houtaiki so greatly desired and looked for.

[Footnote] 2 For Space and Sky, see “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., pp. 68, 69, etc.

[Footnote] 2 For Space and Sky, see “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., pp. 68, 69, etc.

[Footnote] 3 See the charm used for Rongoua's fractured skull, p. 11, Uenuku.

[Footnote] 4 These two verses (7 and 8) require explanation. Here there are six high reasons given by Paikea for asserting his nobility:—

(1)

“Son of a chief”—i.e., by both parents.

(2)

“Properly begotten”—i.e., with betrothal, and parental consent, and every proper preliminary arrangement;—see Kapi's wedding, “Trans. N.Z. inst.,” Vol. XIII., pp. 45, 46. (All this was wanting in the case of Paimahutanga, the mother of Ruatapu; see p. 18, note.)

(3)

“Son above”—i.e., in and with the approval of the Sky.

(4)

“Son abroad”—i.e., around,—in or with the approval of Space.

(5)

“Son according to ceremonies duly performed—i.e., by the priests (tohunga), at the early naming,—the cutting of hair,—the arriving at puberty, etc.

(6)

“Son according to the celestial signs”—i.e., these, such as are here referred to, were,—distant summer lightnings,—aurora australis,—peculiar red and other clouds, appearing on the horizon,—shooting stars, etc., etc.; and were always supposed and believed to have been given at, or shortly after, such ceremonial seasons, as tokens of approval, etc.

[Footnote] 5 The skid of Houtaiki.“Houtaiki is the name of one of Paikea's ancestors. Here, however, an allusion is made to the canoe of Houtaiki getting safely drawn up on its skids on the shore; it is a very ancient story. It was also used to denote a fixed safe barrier, or bounds, which were not to be passed, as at Taupo, etc.; and, also, known as “te puru o Houtaiki”—i.e., stoppage, obstacle, barrier. “Te rango o Houtaiki” is one of the names of the low isthmus connecting Table Cape Peninsula with the mainland. The name of Houtaiki often occurs in poetry, in connection with that of Houmea (infra).

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13.

Once, twice, thrice, four times, five times, six times, seven times, eight times, nine times, ten times.

14.

Let not the fastening roots of Taane6 be unloosed by thee: let not the hateful ill-omened winds to Taane be set free by thee.

15.

Let the swimmings of a man in the ocean finally end; (let him) emerge at the habitable regions, at the lightsome (and) joyous dwellings.

16.

Take up this descendant (of a line of chiefs); behold! he lives; (he) swims bravely.

17.

Lo ! he swims on; the head first-born chief keeps pursuing; he follows on still swimming away.

18.

Lo! he swims; behold! he swims strongly; still swimming onwards, enabled, enduring.

19.

A head first-born chief follows on; still keeping at the swimming; lo! he swims.

20.

Behold! he swims away, even Paikea (a) first-born chief, who keeps going forwards, still keeping on swimming.

21.

Lo! he swims; behold! he swims; upborne he swims; upborne he continues; he keeps at it, swimming onwards, toiling manfully.

22.

Now above (the surface), then below! anon rolling between the billows; all that ends in the very reaching of the shore by Taane himself.7

23.

Lo! look out! there it is; coming onwards towards (me), like a huge rolling wave. Ugh! strike it down! fell it! with the famed axe of ancient times,—that which overturned the land.

24.

Ha! ha! his own mighty first-born chief appears (to his succour); that is, Rongomaruawhatu,8 therefore it (the big) overwhelming wave, fled away, far off; ha!

25.

The plugging and caulking stands good.

26.

The fixing and lashing together stands good.9

27.

Let (him or it) be uplifted and carefully carried.

28.

Let (him or it) be raised and supported.

29.

Let (him or it) be borne along.10

30.

Alas! my distress, making me to toil laboriously at swimming; here, indeed, it is now being seen.

31.

Make (thyself) to swim on courageously and well, as a skilful knowing one of old: truly so! here, indeed, is it now being shown.

32.

In the midst of the great ocean; here, indeed, is it being seen.

33.

In the midst of the desolate wild,11 far away from man; here, indeed, it is shown.

34.

In the ragged first-appearings of daylight,—far off on the horizon, when first seen away there (from the shore); here, such is now being seen.

[Footnote] 6 Taane, the owner and creator of forests; (see “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 65;) here metonymically used;—“roots of Taane,”—i.e., of the trees of the forests. The strong westerly winds which often blow furiously in summer, sweeping down from the wooded heights and off the shore, East Coast, are here deprecated.

[Footnote] 7 Figurative, for a wooden canoe made out of a forest tree.

[Footnote] 8 One of Paikea's ancestors.

[Footnote] 9 These two verses (25 and 26) are spoken of a canoe.

[Footnote] 10 These last three verses (27–29) may mean, either Paikea, or the canoe coming to save him; there is nothing in the original to indicate gender.

[Footnote] 11 A term curiously used here,—as it means the uninhabited barren wilderness, far away from the dwellings of man.

– 23 –
35.

My bird is verily met above; yes! there (it is) now returning; here, indeed, it is shown.

36.

Ruatapu stood upright (in the sea) grasping his paddle, his last token! Alas! (it) was bad.

37.

One chief dies (or disappears), another succeeds.

38.

Kahutiarangi took Te Panipani to wife; he was a great chief's son, highly esteemed by Whangara.

39.

Here am I, still swimming on; floating, but, alas! going in no certain direction.

40.

The big fish is beaten stiff in the tide of quick dashing waves.

41.

Lo! there it comes! the canoe of Pakia12 is fleetly sailing hither.

42.

O! big black-and-white sea-gull, flying aloft there; settle down hither on (the) sea from the sky.

43.

O! Taane!13 enwrap (me), involve (me), with the garment of careless insensibility, that so I may quietly float to the shore.

44.

Lie quietly down, O young chief, on the sea, which was purposely becalmed (for thee).

45.

Carry safely forward thy brave swimming man to the shore.

[Possibly, there is some omission, or portion lost, here, W. C.] This, which follows, is the ending of the powerful and celebrated charm, which enabled Paikea to keep on swimming, and by it make his way through the ocean. In conclusion, he called on his ancestor, on Hikitaiorea; saying:—

46.

“O Hikita! O! here am I making a great fish of myself.

47.

O Hikita! O Hikitaiorea, O! lo! I am making a (drifting) waterlogged-whitepine canoe of myself.

48.

O Hikita, O! O Hikitaiorea, O! I am making a sperm whale of myself, basking and rolling in the deep.

49.

O Hikita, O! O Hikitaiorea, O! O Tuparara!14 seek me hither, carry me to the shore.

50.

O Wehengakauki!14 fetch me hither, carry me to the shore.

51.

Taane! fetch me hither, carry me to the shore, to my own land; on to the very shore there; to my father indeed, on the shore, there away: alas! alas!”

Then (he) warmed, cheered, and consoled himself, by remembering the name of another of his ancestors, who was called Mataiahuru, (lit. by, or through, the warm comforting sea, or tide,) and so recollecting, he cried:—

52.

“Mataiahuru! Mataiahuru! through the warm sea, through the warm watertide, let my own skin now become warm; (let it now) become as if it were verily basking in the heat of the noon-tide sun suddenly shining on my own skin; let it now be, as if by the blaze of the fire brightly kindled up, that it may become hot.”

And with (or through) these last words, Paikea caused himself to possess comfortable and warm feelings. And so Paikea, at last, reached the shore, at (a place called) Ahuahu.

[Footnote] 12 Another of Paikea's ancestors.

[Footnote] 13 Taane is now, at last, invoked, to make him just as a tree-trunk, or log of wood, that so he may float unconsciously to the shore; (see, also, verses 22, 51;) Taane, is, also, used figuratively, for the Mainland, and is always placed in direct opposition to his enemy the Ocean.

[Footnote] 14 Names of two more of his ancestors.

[Footnote] 14 Names of two more of his ancestors.

– 24 –

After some time residing there, he took to wife a woman of that place named Parawhenuamea, who bore him several children; one was named Marumuri, and there were others also named Maru (with some other affix). Afterwards he came further south to Whakatane, where he took another wife, who was named Te Manawatina; whence came the name of Whakatane from Manawatina. Thence he travelled still further south to Ohiwa, where he saw Muriwai within a cave; from which circumstance arose the name of Te Whakatohea, who dwelt at Opotiki. In course of time, and still travelling south, he came to Waiapu, where he took another woman named Hutu to wife; and she came on with him to his own place. She bore him Pouheni, etc., etc. (See Genealogy appended.)

This highly curious and ancient Maori rhapsody, the Spell of Paikea, is among the longest of the kind known to me, and was possibly thrown into its present semi-poetical form (in the original) the better to remember it. Although I have already given copious explanatory notes, a few of its more prominent features may further be briefly noticed.

Throughout it possesses just such words and imagery, as a man (particularly a Maori) in such a situation might be supposed to use and entertain. It seems, to me, very natural that one should speak (talk aloud) to himself in that manner, if only to keep his courage up! Many of the similes used are very natural and proper.

A kind of regular and progressive sequence almost dramatic runs through it.

There is great freedom from fear, both natural and superstitious; great dependence on himself; and little looking to any higher power for aid (save in one instance) other than to his own ancestors, whose names he repeats and also calls on, but mainly (as it seems) to encourage himself by reflecting on their meanings; this latter is an old peculiar trait in the Maori character, of which I have known many curious instances.

The invocation to Taane (v. 43), is evidently favourably answered by Taane (vv. 44, 45): there is also a second call on Taane (v. 51). It also appears, in other verses, as if some one supernatural power or personage were speaking to him, or for him (vv. 16, 27–29, 31).*

It is not said how long Paikea was struggling at sea; but, no doubt, the canoe had put off, according to their custom, in the calm of early morning, (indeed, such is nearly said in the story,) and Paikea, after long battling with the waves, feelingly alludes to the dawn of another day breaking; and to the early morning bird (of hope to him) appearing (vv. 34, 35).

[Footnote] * See, also, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 59, bottom.

– 25 –

In “the ragged first appearings of daylight,” is another very peculiar and poetical use of a common term; lit. it is, the ends of the irregular strands of scraped flax yarns (ravelings), hanging from the beginning of the weaving of a dress flax garment.

There are, also, some highly curious coincidences here, agreeing with several interesting particulars in Homer's two descriptions of Ulysses and his two long-shipwrecked boats at sea, each of many days continuance—one in reaching, and one in leaving Ogygia, Calypso's isle (Od., lib. V. and XII.); though Ulysses was at one time on a raft, and on another, at first, on part of the wreck of his ship, and afterwards for “two days and two nights” swimming. The coincidences are, (1) Ulysses spurting the brine from his nostrils, etc.; (2) his thoughts, words, and modes of encouraging himself; (3) the goddess, Leucothea, appearing to him in the shape of a cormorant, and alighting by him (giving him hope); and (4) Neptune's big billow, purposely sent, smiting Ulysses;—though, here, the “big billow,” rolling on to do so to Paikea, fled before his invoked ancestor. Of Paul, also, we read, of his having been “a night and a day in the deep;” probably floating on part of the wreck of his ship.

I would also offer a few brief remarks on this story of Uenuku's son, Ruatapu.

And first, I would premise, that while the details of a legend are always false, the legend itself always contains a kernel of truth; a mere invention never becomes a legend.

Ruatapu's revenge is terrible; but, as I take it, it was not carried out merely to avenge the great insult he had then received from his father, but to avenge his mother's and his tribe's great wrongs.

If he had succeeded in drowning Paikea also, and then had got safely back to land, which he might have done, in all probability he would have been the head young chief of Uenuku's people; as no one could have told the secret,—that he alone knew. No doubt he was very strong and brave.

His parting allusions to their home and people; his belief, and his directions, as to how he should live in their memories and songs; and his remarks on the annual recurrence of nature's signs on the sandy shore in the summer season, (which he must have often seen there when a merry boy, and perhaps that very time of the year 1) and of his being also with them in spirit, and of their festal meetings, and simple home evening diversions,—are all of an affecting kind. He left a wife (named Te Kiteora) and (at least) one son (named Hau), who are duly mentioned in several genealogical rolls, and from him some of the present East Coast Maoris trace their descent.

– 26 –

In some other old legends which I have heard, Ruatapu is said to have foretold to Paikea, at their parting, of a great approaching flood, which would cover all the low-lying lands of the North Island of New Zealand; and that when its signs should appear, the people were to flee to the mountain, Hikurangi, near the East Cape. But this, in my opinion, is merely a straining and embellishing (after the usual manner) of what Ruatapu had said about his own returning (in spirit) to land from the sea in the summer seasons;—immensely strengthened, also, from his high rank, and from the fact of those sayings having been his last parting words, which always had great weight with the Maori people.

III. The Story of Houmea.

In bringing this paper before you to-night, perhaps I should state, in a few words, my reasons for selecting this story of Houmea out of many such.

1.

Because that the name and doings of Houmea are often mentioned, or alluded to, in old Maori poetry, and that, too, in connection with the name of Paikea. Her name is also still used as a warning by the Maoris, in their current “household words” and proverbial sayings.

2.

Because that, according to their genealogies, Houmea was a very ancient ancestress of Paikea. (See the Genealogy.)

3.

Because of its high antiquity; for while (as I have already said) the time of Uenuku and Paikea goes back to about A.D. 1000, or 25–27 generations, the time of Houmea (as derived from their genealogical rolls) goes back to nearly 50 generations! !

4.

Because of the very great scarceness of this ancient tale; it is, I think, unique; as with all my endeavours I could only obtain this one relation or copy.

5.

Because it contains a few more of their Charms, Wonders, and Miracles.

The Story of Houmea, a Female Thief: a very ancient Tale.
Part I.

Here is the narration concerning a certain female thief; the name of that woman was Houmea, and she was a very extraordinary person, a pest. The name of her husband was Uta.

One day her husband went out to sea in his canoe* to catch fish for himself and his wife and their two children; the name of one was Tuta-

[Footnote] * Here, throughout (as has been before observed, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p.), only the persons themselves immediately concerned are mentioned; but it should be understood there were plenty of others,—plebeians, etc. A chief, for instance, could not go out alone to the deep sea-fishing in a large canoe.

– 27 –

whake, and of the other Nini. The husband went out a long distance to fish, and having caught a plenty he paddled back to the shore; on landing he waited some time for his wife to come down to the canoe, to fetch the fish he had caught;* but she did not come. At last he walked to their village, and said to his wife, “O mother! mother! there was I on the beach long waiting for thee, but thou didst not come forth!” On hearing this, Houmea replied, “O, sir, it is entirely owing to the disobedience of these two children.” Then Houmea went down to the sea-shore to the sandy beach, to fetch the fish, and when she got to the canoe, she swallowed all the fish,—every one went into her own stomach, being devoured by her. This feat done, she went to pull up bushes of coarse sedgy plants, and of sow-thistles, which she brought on to the sands, and dragged and scattered them about; she also made big and small footsteps of her own footmarks, and trod all over the beach, and greatly trampled and tore it up, that it might be inferred a marauding-party had been there and stolen the fish. This done, she returned to the village, quite out of breath, sighing and panting; and said to her husband, “O sir, alas! there are no fish left, the fruits of thy fishing! have they been taken away (quietly) by men,—or by a marauding party,—or by thieves?” Then the husband said, “Who, I should like to know, can that thievish people be? here residing near the dwellings of men.” When Houmea rejoined, “The numberless multitudes of imps.” To this remark her husband replied, “Perhaps so.” Then they all went to rest.

[Footnote] * Or, as the mistress, to superintend the taking them to the village; the distribution, etc.

[Footnote] † Meaning,—well able to protect their own property.

[Footnote] Many are the stories—curious, droll, and interesting—related of these little folks,—“imps,” elves, goblins, or fairies. I have never yet been able to decide, what particular English, German, or European term to give them as an equivalent. They are said to swarm in countless numbers; (see Story of Uenuku (supra), and Tawheta's figurative and proverbial expression respecting them (p. 13); and to be just as ready to do good to men in difficulty, as to do mischief. Indeed it is said, in some of their old Myths, that it was from those little cunning beings that the Maoris learnt the art of making nets. Their various relations concerning them have always served to remind me of Gulliver's active Lilliputians. They were found, also, in the depths of the forests, as well as on the sea-sands,—though rarely ever seen by men. Mr. Locke tells me that when he was engaged in surveying for the Government at Portland Island (Hawke's Bay), the older Maoris residing there assured him that they had often in the early morning seen the countless footsteps of those imps on the sandy shore, by the sides of the fresh-water streamlet, where they had been holding their night revels. They bore different names (family or generic) among the old Maoris; which may also mean a difference in kind, dispositions, powers, etc.

– 28 –

In the morning, early, he again went out on the sea in his canoe to fish, and having caught a quantity paddled back to the shore; there he waited a long time for the woman (or wife), Houmea, to come down to fetch the fish he had caught, but finding she did not come, he went on to the village; and, entering, said to her, “O, mother, mother! am I to remain ever on the sands? there was I waiting for thee, and thou didst not appear; nor, indeed, hast thou done any thing at all!” (i.e., towards preparing for my return). Then Houmea arose, and went forth, and when she got to the canoe, she swallowed all the fish! But, on her going thither, her husband had sent their two children to watch her, and when they got there (within sight but hidden), they saw her swallowing the fish. So those children returned running to their father, and said to him, “O sir, O sir! it was verily Houmea herself who swallowed the caught fish of thy canoe!” Shortly after this Houmea returned to the village, panting and blowing, and said to her husband, “Never a single scrap was there left in thy canoe of all the fish thou didst catch! All have been taken away by some man or other.” Then her husband replied, “O lady-daughter! who, indeed, is that man thou speakest of? The children were verily there, and on their looking-out they saw thee—thy own very self—swallowing the fishes of my canoe.” On hearing this she was overwhelmed with shame; nevertheless she strove hard at her own proper work, winding about, doubling and equivocating, that her theft of fish-stealing might be wholly concealed. In addition thereto she also loudly said, that she was guiltless of this charge, for she had never known anything whatever of crime, whether of adultery or of stealing the food of any man; (therefore, was she likely to begin now?) And then she also said to herself, within her heart, concerning her children, “All right and straight, no doubt, your doings, but I'll equal them yet!”

On another morning, after this, the father went again out to sea in his canoe to fish, and when his canoe had got out to the fishing-ground and had anchored there, Houmea said to one of her children, “O child, go for some water for us, we are all very thirsty;” and so the child went. Then she called to the other of her children, saying, “O child, come hither to me, that the lice (of thy head) may be caught and killed.”* So this child went to her, and squatted down by her, and she caught some lice, and then she swallowed the child whole down into her stomach! Just afterwards the other child returned with the water, and this one was also swallowed up by her. Verily the two children were thus destroyed by her, swallowed

[Footnote] * The head of a chief's child being rigidly tapu (tabooed, or sacred), could only be touched by a tapu person, and so with its vermin; through which the poor children were often great sufferers.

– 29 –

alive, within her own stomach there to dwell! By-and-bye the canoe with her husband returned from the fishing. On his coming into the village he found her groaning audibly, while the big flies were also buzzing in numbers about her lips. On seeing this the husband said, “O mother dear, art thou ill?” She replied, “Yes, very much so.” Then he rejoined, “Where (within) is the demon (atua), that is now gnawing thee?” She replied, “Within my stomach, within my bowels.” Then he said to her, “Wherever can the children be, as they are not here present?” To this she replied, “Gone away somewhere, from the early morning; wherever can they be, wherever can they possibly be!” Then he closely examined her lips, and having done so, he recited a powerful spell: these are the words of that spell:—

——“Attack, strike end on, hit away upwards, turn (it), ward (it) off on one side; cause the food swallowed by the big cormorant* to be disgorged without; (let it) be open, clear; the obstruction is already uplifted by the charm, the obstruction is now securely noosed in a running loop of flax and carried off,—that is to say, the obstruction hindering (or confining) Tutawhake.”

At the close of those words, lo! out of her mouth came those two children she had swallowed; Tutawhake bearing a carved staff of rank (taiaha), and Nini bearing a spear (huata.) And this is the tale of old concerning the woman who was both a thief and a murderess of her own children.

Part II.

This which follows is the second part of that tale of Houmea; which, however, is more concerning her husband Uta.

Now it came to pass that Uta very greatly feared his wife, lest both himself and his two children should be swallowed up alive by Houmea; and, therefore, he one day said to his two children, “My dear children, this is my word to you two; whenever I may send you to fetch drinking water, be very sure that you two do not go; when I shall threaten you (for not going), be sure that you two do not go; when I shall strongly order you to go, saying also that I will beat you with a stick if you continue disobedient, be sure you two do not go for any water; and even when, with a high voice and severe threatenings, I make you two to feel afraid, still, be very sure that you two do not go.” It was not long after this, that their father ordered them to go (for water), when those two children paid no heed and stirred not at hearing the commands of their father. Then Uta turned to his wife and said, “O mother dear, O mother dear, wilt thou not go and fetch me some water to drink? Verily I am dying through want of water. Here, also, have I been repeatedly ordering those children to go, and they

[Footnote] * Graculus varius.

– 30 –

will not move, nor do anything, remaining as if deaf to my commands.” On hearing this, Houmea went herself to fetch the water; and when she was gone forth, Uta began to say his spell; and this was it:—

——“Be the water absorbed (sunk into the earth), be the water decreased, be the water dried up; proceed onwards, O Hou,* proceed onwards; away, away, up to the very head of the streamlet, to the distant hill-country.”

And so it came to pass, for, as Houmea went onwards, the water also retreated before her, going out of sight, sinking into the earth, and drying up. Then Uta said to his two children that they should all go away together; so the children went on to the sandy beach where their father's big canoe was. Then Uta taught and showed (by gestures) to the village, to the houses, to the clumps of trees growing near, to the privy, and to the brow on the hill (or place of look-out), that when Houmea should return and seek and call out the names of those three who were now leaving, they (the fixed residents) should all respectively answer to her calling, and that not one of them was to remain silent; and so he ended his indications (showing-forth by gestures) to them. Then he, also, went to the sandy beach, and dragged down the canoe to the sea, and when she was fairly afloat, they all got on board and hoisted the sail, and away fled their canoe before the wind! away, away, to a very far-off distance indeed.

About this time it was that Houmea returned to the village, and not finding her husband and children, she went about calling them loudly, saying, “O sir, O sir, wherever can you all be; thou and our children?” Then the response came forth from the privy; the response came also forth from the houses, from the clumps of trees and shrubs, and from the crest of the hill. At last her heart failed her and became weak, and she began to pant and to cry. Then she went up onto the top of the hill and looked out towards the sea, and looking long and closely she saw the canoe far off, as a mere speck on the horizon. Then she walked to the low sandy tidal-bank and entered into a shag, and went away out to sea floating upon the ripple of the tide. The two children in the canoe kept looking towards the land, and by-and-bye they, through their sharp look-out, saw Houmea coming on after them. On seeing her they cried to their father, “O sir, O sir, here verily is the demon (atua) coming hither!” At this time their father was asleep. He, awaking from sleep, said to them, “O (my) dear children, whatever shall I do, lest (I) be destroyed by that demon, swallowed down alive into her big stomach?” The two children rejoined, “Lo! we two

[Footnote] * Abbreviated and familiar for Houmea.

[Footnote] † By way of echo. Note how careful the narrator is here,—Uta does not teach them by words, but by significant gestures, etc.

[Footnote] ‡ Graculus varius.

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will hide thee below the platform-deck of our canoe, that thou mayest be surely concealed.” So they accordingly hid him there, and he was out of sight. All this time Houmea was coming rapidly on to kill Uta to become food for her. As she neared the canoe her big throat opened wide to swallow them all! Coming close up, she cried out, “Where is my food?” The two children replied, “There, indeed, left behind upon the land; we two came out to sea to catch fish, and were carried away hither by the force of the wind.” Then she called to them, “I am nearly dead from want of food!” On hearing this the children gave her some roasted fish. She ate up all the fish and was not satiated. Then she cried again to them, “Have you not plenty of fish, for I am not satisfied?” The children said to her, “O mother, O mother, here indeed is the thumping big morsel of food for thee, still upon the fire.” On this she cried out, “Give (it) hither, give (it) hither, that it may be eaten up at once.” Then they said to her, “Open thy mouth wide!” And, on her doing so, they flung an immensely big hot stone, by means of a pair of wooden tongs, right into her open throat, which went down into her stomach and burnt it! So Houmea perished there upon the ocean. But her offspring (representative or alter idem) is the big shag which still lives here among us. These related are the doings of Houmea of old. Of Houmea* that now dwells here in the habitable world (among men), this is the proverbial saying,—“Houmea, rough and ugly flesh!” And so the name of Houmea still remains among us, and is used and applied to all evil women; that is, all adulteresses and thieves found dwelling among men.

A few things mentioned in this tale may be briefly noticed.

1.

The invariably kind and courteous words used by the husband, Uta, in addressing his erring wife, even when having received from her great provocation. Also, his kindness to his children.

2.

The fishing-canoe must have been of large size, and of a different build from those of modern times (of Cook's days), for it had a platform-deck, under which the chief, Uta, was stowed away. So in the case of Rongoua, who snugly stowed himself away in the bow of the enemy's canoe, which was also a fishing-canoe, for a war-canoe on that occasion would have told its own tale. (See, Uenuku, (supra), p. 10).

3.

That their deep-sea fishing canoes also carried a fire-place, and had fires and heated stones used for roasting fish.

4.

The charming simplicity of their spells! and yet their (believed) great powers! and consequent value.

[Footnote] * Meaning the bad women to whom the term is applied.

– 32 –

A Genealogical Appendix.

I. Of Houmea.

This is a genealogical line of descent direct from Houmea, to show her offspring; which line also includes Paikea.

  • Houmea.

  • Tutawhake.

  • Nana.

  • Nioi.

  • Tangaroa.

  • Te Meha.

  • Te Toi.

  • Te Ihimoana.

  • Te Rapumoana.

  • Tumaikawa.

  • Matangiteunga.

  • Ranginumia.

  • Rangiwhetuma.

  • Rangiwherara.

  • Tangaroapatiere.

  • Tangaroawhakamautai.

  • Te Petipeti.

  • Te Rangahua.

  • Te Aihumoana.

  • Te Aihumowairaka.

  • Rongomaitahanui.

  • Paikea.

  • Pouheni.

  • Rangitekiwa.

  • Rakaitapu.

  • Te Aowhakamaru.

  • Uetekoroheke.

  • Niwaniwa.

  • Porourangi.

  • Hau.

  • Rakaipo.

  • Rakaiwhetenga.

  • Tapuatehaurangi.

  • Tawhakeurunga.

  • Hinekehu.

  • Whaene.

  • Te Atakura.

  • Tuwhakairiora.

  • Te Aotiraroa.

  • Tumokai.

  • Tamaauahi.

  • Te Rangikatoiwaho.

  • Huiwhenua.

  • Rongotukiwaho.

  • Porourangi.

  • Potae.

  • Henere Potae.

  • Wiremu Potae. = 48 generations.

– 33 –

Some other of Paikea's ancestors, whom he had called on, and, also, recollected in his distress,—as Houtaiki, Pakia, Hikitaiorea, Mataiahuru, etc.,—are yet more ancient than those mentioned in this list, and run, also, in two other lines of descent; those lines, however, are not here given.

II. Of Pani.

The genealogical line of descent from Pani down to Uenuku contains 38 generations; and there are several other generations enumerated which preceded Pani, besides others before the first of that line, which are evidently wholly, or in part, mythological.

III. Of Uenuku.

The line of descent from Uenuku to the present time contains 25 to 28 generations; i.e., I have several lines of descent of several families strictly enumerated and all allowed, from Uenuku down to the present time, and they thus vary; which, however, can easily be accounted for. These lines give also the principal wife of each chief; and all of them descend from Uenuku direct through Ruatapu and his son Hau.

In the line, also, from Houmea (above), there are 27 generations from Paikea to the present time.

“Quid prodest, Pontice, longo
Sanguine censeri, pictosque ostendere vultus
Majorum?”—Juv.

Art. II.—Contributions towards a better Knowledge of the Maori Race.

[Continued*]

[Read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute, 8th August, 1881.]

—–“For, I, too, agree with Solon, that ‘I would fain grow old learning many things.’”—Plato: Laches.

On the Ideality of the Ancient New Zealanders.
Part IV.—On their Legends, Myths, quasi-religious Ceremonies and
Invocations, concerning the Kumara Plant
.

In a paper which I was honoured with reading before you last year, some account was given of the Kumara plant (Ipomæa chrysorrhiza), its use, high value, and manner of cultivation by the ancient Maoris, and of its several distinct varieties known to them: so much for the real concerning it.

[Footnote] * See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XI., Art. V., p. 77; and Vol. XII., Art. VII., p. 108; also, Vol. XIII., Art. III., p. 57.

[Footnote] † “On the Vegetable Food of the ancient New Zealanders,““Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 3.

– 34 –

I now purpose in this paper to lay before you somewhat of its ideal,—according to the notions and belief of the ancient Maoris.

In so doing I shall have to narrate much that is strange and highly figurative, if not sometimes fanciful; yet, in general, simply so, and containing nothing objectionable. And here it should be remembered, that while the specialities and dress of a myth or legend are always false, the legend itself always contains a kernel of truth. A mere invention scarcely ever becomes a legend. Narratives, such as some I shall bring before you, were by the ancient nations never wholly invented. And I think it will appear to the thoughtful mind that some of the main incidents involved in these stories were derived from legends based on real occurrences; disguised, partly intentionally and partly not so, through their having been handed down by mere oral tradition through a long course of ages.

It is well-known that the kumara is not indigenous to New Zealand, therefore it must have been introduced into the country at some past period; but when, whence, and by whom, is, I fear, wholly lost in the hoary ages of antiquity. And here I may remark, in passing, another peculiarity concerning this plant,—one that serves to increase the difficulty in pursuing enquiries after it, (one, too, that I have long felt), viz.—that its true native country is unknown. In many parts of the New World, and those, too, isolated and widely apart from each other,—as New Zealand, Tahiti, the Sandwich Islands, Easter Island, and intertropical South America,—this plant is, and long has been, assiduously cultivated, (as it was here among the New Zealanders when first visited by Europeans); but its real indigenous habitat whence it first sprang is still unknown.* In this respect it much resembles those other useful annual plants ever cultivated by man from the earliest historical times,—maize, wheat, barley, oats, etc.

And here I should also, perhaps, mention (in connection with the heading of this paper, or this series of papers), that its name, as far as is known to me, is, and ever has been, much the same, if not identically so, in all those lands where it was found a prized plant of cultivation by their inhabitants. And its Maori name of kumara may be a highly and very proper figurative one, well derived and full of meaning, and one quite in unison with the modes of thinking and of naming once so congenial to the ancient New Zealander, viz.—lord of the plantation, or cultivation, i.e. of all cultivated food plants; by the mere changing of the first letter k into t, as is not

[Footnote] * See Essay on the Maori Race, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. I., § 53, xi.

[Footnote] † “It is singular that the Quichua name for sweet potatos, which I found in the high lands of Ecuador, is Cumar; identical with the Polynesian Kumara, or Umara, and perhaps pointing to the country whence the South Sea Islanders originally obtained this esculent.”—Dr. Seemann, in Flora Vitiensis, p. 170. See, also, my “Essay,” loc. cit., of an earlier date, § 53, pars xi.–xv.

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unfrequently done in their language; and not only so in Maori, but such a conversion of these two letters obtains more or less in the Polynesian dialects generally. This conjecture seems also to be borne out, or further supported, by one of the similar figurative names given to the fern-root,—infra.

In bringing before you some of the legends and tales concerning this valuable root, I shall relate them in the following order:—1. Some of their earliest traditions concerning it;—2. Some of the beliefs of the Maoris respecting it; and—3. One, or more, of their quasi-religious prayers, or spells, anciently used by them in their planting it; all of which, especially the last, are of great interest.

(1.)
Of their earliest Traditions concerning the Kumara.

First, it has a place in their primitive cosmogony, wherein it is stated, that it descended from the first elements, (or first male and female pair, whence all beings and things came), Rangi and Papa—Sky and Earth, being one of their numerous progeny, equally so with the fern-root.* This, however, is denied by some tohungas (priests and skilled men), but mainly through the kumara being a tapu (tabooed, or sacred) plant, while the fern-root is not so; or, as I take it, the one is a plant only propagated through careful and particular cultivation and preserving, aided by charms; while the other is indigenous, common, grows wild, and is never cultivated; notwithstanding, the fern-root also carried a great and high figurative name, viz.—Arikinoanoa = little first-born lord, or lord of lesser rank, or lord of common things.

Another curious old legend has the following:—“This is the reason why the kumara was never joined together with the fern-root. The Kumara is Rongomaraeroa, and the Aruhe (fern-root) is Arikinoanoa; they are both children of Sky and Earth. Rongomaraeroa, or the kumara, was placed as an atua (superior being) to Tumatauenga, or the man; so that, in case the foe should come against him, the kumara should be ceremonially carried forth and laid in the road the war-party was to come, and there spells were also uttered, through which the war-party, in coming on over the sacred and charmed kumara, would be sure to be defeated, and caused to retreat, through their sacrilegiously trampling on the sacred kumara and spot, etc.

[Footnote] * See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 23.

[Footnote] † See, below (p. 37) for meaning of this, etc.

[Footnote] ‡ Hence, war-parties by land were careful not to travel over the old roads or common tracks, if there were any. See my paper “Historical Incidents and Traditions,” Part II., Uenuku, and the note there, (p. 14 supra).

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That the kumara must have been known to the Maoris from very ancient times (from their historical traditionary beginnings, or even earlier times), may be also logically inferred,—(1) from their ancient common belief, that their deceased ancestors (chiefs) fed on it in the nether world, the Maori Hades (Reinga); and (2) from their strange stories of persons who had been ill and had died, and had gone thither, and came back again to life, bringing kumara with them (though generally losing them by the way!); and (3) from their state during dreams, when they firmly believed that the spirit left the body and wandered at will, sometimes even visiting the nether world, when, of course, it saw goodly visions of kumara; and (4) from the marvellous exploits of their pre-historic hero, Tawhaki, who, among other things, having climbed up into the sky, visited his ancestress, Whaitiri, who was blind from age, and on his arriving at her place of abode, he found her engaged in carefully counting her seed-kumara roots.*

Another quaint old ancient legend concerning the kumara, which partakes a little more of the historical element, runs thus:—

The Story of the fighting of Tumatauenga with his elder Brother Rongomaraeroa.

(Literally translated.)

Their angry contention arose about their kumara plantation; the name of that plantation was Pohutukawa. Then Tumatauenga went to see Rurutangiakau, to fetch weapons for himself; and Rurutangiakau gave to him his own child Te Akerautangi; it had two mouths, four eyes, four ears, and four nostrils to its two noses. Then their fighting began in earnest, and Rongomaraeroa with his people were killed, all slain by Tumatauenga. The name given to that battle was Moenga-toto (sleeping-in-blood, or bloody sleep). Tumatauenga also baked in an oven and ate his elder brother Rongomaraeroa, so that he was wholly devoured as food. Now the plain interpretation, or meaning, of these names in common words, is, that Rongomaraeroa is the kumara (root), and that Tumatauenga is man.

A remnant, however, of the Kumara (tribe) escaped destruction, and fled into a great lady named Pani to dwell; her stomach (puku) was wholly the storehouse for the kumara, and the kumara plantation was also the stomach of Pani. When the people of her town were greatly in want of vegetable food, Pani lit the firewood of her cooking-oven, as if for cooking largely, and it burnt well, and the oven was getting ready. The men (of the place) looking on, said, one to another, “Where can the vegetable food

[Footnote] * See Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” p. 70: there, however, it is stated that they were “taro roots” which the old lady was counting; who, also, there bears a different name, or nick-name, Matakerepo—Totally blind, from her blindness. This is the only instance I have ever heard of taro being used for kumara-roots.

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possibly be for that big oven, now being prepared by that woman?” They did not know of her storehouse, she herself only knew. She went outside to the stream of water, and collected it (the food) in two gatherings only (or, two scrapings together with her hands); she filled her basket, and she returned to the village (pa), to place her food in the oven, and to attend to the baking of it; and when the kumara was properly cooked, she served it out to her people, distributing it evenly. And thus she did every morning and every evening for many days. Now the vegetable food of the time of war is fern-root (pounded and prepared in a mass), which (root) the Maoris commonly call, the Permanent-running-root-of-the-soil. In the morning of another day, Pani again went and lit the fire of her cooking-oven, to bake food for all her people; then she went outside, as before, to the stream of water, and seizing her big basket she sat down in the water, groping and collecting beneath her with her hands. While she was thus engaged in gathering the kumara together, there was a man hidden on the other side of that stream, his name was Patatai, and he was a moho; he, seeing her and her doings, suddenly made a loud startling noise with his lips (such as Maoris make to startle wood-pigeons), which Pani heard, and was wholly overcome with shame, at herself and her actions having been seen. The name of that water was Monariki. The woman returned crying to the village, through her great shame; and hence it was that the kumara was secured for man. The name of her husband was Mauiwharekino. From Pani came the several sacred forms of words (nga karakia) used ceremonially by the wise men (tohungas) at planting and at harvesting the kumara. It was Tumatauenga who destroyed the kumara, lest the strengthening virtues of Rongomaraeroa should come down (or become known) to the habitable earth (or to this land).

For the probable time of Pani, see Genealogical Appendix, p. 33, (supra) “Historical Incidents and Traditions.”

Explanatory Notes to the foregoing.

The names and personages here mentioned are to be first noticed.

1.

Tumatauenga* was the favourite and powerful son of Rangi and Papa (Sky and Earth); his name may mean, Lord-(with-the)-fierce (or strongly-emotioned)-countenance. Rongomaraeroa means, Fame-resounding-(in)-long-open-courts (or squares). Courts, here, are the fenced-in open plots before the several chiefs' houses in a town (pa), and have just the same meaning as “gates” in Oriental language, or of forums,

[Footnote] * See Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” pp. 4–13, for much concerning Tumatauenga, with Western embellishments.

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public- or market-places, with us. Rongomaraeroa,—though, sometimes, under an abbreviated or different name,—was always considered to be the patron, precursor, or master of the kumara.

2.

Pohutukawa,—the name of the sea-side tree in the North Island (north of Table Cape), Metrosideros tomentosa; also, of a variety of the kumara with reddish flesh, something like the colour of the wood of that tree; and the name (according to some legends) of the first kumara on the West Coast; and, also, of an old variety of kumara, universally known in the North Island.

3.

Rurutangiakau,—this quaint and ludicrous figurative name, literally means, (The)-owl-crying-(by-the)-rocky-sides-(of-the)-sea! It may, however, also, mean, (The)-thicket-(by-the)-resounding-sea-cliffs; or, (The)-sheltered-resonant-clump-(of-the)-sea-side. (The word ruru being equally common for owl, and for shelter, or sheltered; and here given by metonymy to the wood, or thicket, which yields the shelter.) I incline to this last meaning, in connection with the name of “his own child” (see, No. 4, infra); which tree also often grows on dry spots near the sea. The sea-side name is also quite in keeping with the former name of Pohutukawa.

4.

Te Akerautangi,—the rustling-leaved-ake (Dodonæa viscosa), a small tree, so-called from the sounding of its harsh dry leaves striking against each other when set in motion by the wind. (Another proof of the high discriminating faculties of hearing and of observation of the ancient Maoris.) Of the hard wood of this tree (their hardest), their digging-spades (koo) used in planting the kumara, and their staffs of rank (taiaha, and hani), sometimes used as weapons of offence, were made.* This “child” of the thicket, is such a digging-spade, or staff, carved and ornamented in the usual manner, as described, with its four eyes, etc. There is, however, something more here, hidden,—some esoteric meaning,—in the Janus-like ornaments of those implements,—especially in the one used only in cultivation,—indicative of a looking-both-ways, and of working diligently,—and that, too, always under strictly tabooed regulations.

5.

Pani,—this word has several meanings,—(1) To paint, daub, anoint, etc.; (2) To close, or obstruct, an entrance, way, etc.; (3) To be friendless, forsaken, to be deprived of parents, etc.; also, a widow, orphan, etc. Possibly here it may be taken to indicate that this personage, Pani, was at first

[Footnote] * This is commemorated in their poetry, thus:—

—–“Ko ta namata riri,
He kahikatoa, he paraoa,
He Akerautangi.”

[Footnote] The fighting weapons in the days of old were (made of) the kahikatoa (wood), and sperm-whale bones, and the akerautangi (tree).

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a widow of rank (one of those whose husbands were killed in those fightings before related), who had by her prudence, economy, and forethought secured the kumara; or it may indicate that the kumara, the child so saved by her, was itself an orphan there; and, as is not unfrequently the case, the name for it was given to, or taken by, its preserver patroness, or mother. I incline to this latter conjecture. (See, below, The Invocation to Pani, and notes there.)

6.

Patatai,—whether this was a man, or a bird bearing that name, I cannot definitely say; for the word “moho” means,—(1) the various birds of the Rail family (of which there were several species),—generically, or as a natural class,—of which one species also bears the name of patatai, and of moho-patatai;—(2) a wood- or bush-man; a man, a remnant, a survivor of some unfortunate tribe or family, living far away from men, through fear, solitarily in the “bush” Both man and bird are now alike extinct. I am, however, inclined to believe that a man was intended, who, probably, obtained that name from his so solitarily acting, concealed, rail-like, among the rank untrodden vegetation on the margin of the stream.

7.

Mauiwharekino,—Pani's husband, Maui-(of-the)-evil-house. There were several heroes of old named Maui; this one, however, is distinct from the great hero, who bound the Sun, and who fished up the North Island, etc., etc.*

8.

Tumatauenga's destroying the kumara may here indicate,—(1) that man, at first, did not know how to cultivate and to preserve that valuable root, through ignorance; and (2) that fierce fighting man was an enemy to the quiet cultivator, and cared nothing for the arts of peace,—showing plainly, in other words,—“Their feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their paths; and the way of peace have they not known.”

(2.)
Some of the more prevalent Beliefs of the Maoris concerning the Introduction of the Kumara into New Zealand.

These vary considerably in detail with almost every great tribe, or people, of New Zealand,—as to the time when, the persons by whom, the name of the “canoe” (waka), and the name of the sort, or kind, of kumara brought; also, its having been purposely sought or fetched from

[Footnote] * In another ancient legend of Pani (principally found in the more northern parts of New Zealand), it is stated that Tiki was Pani's husband. Tiki, also, being the first man, or progenitor, or precursor of man. In Dieff., Vol. II., pp. 47, 116, this is noticed. Dieffenbach obtained this information at Kaitaia Mission Station.

[Footnote] † See a similar figurative indication in the ancient legend respecting the beginnings of the fern-root, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 24, first three lines.

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abroad; or casually brought into New Zealand. And here I should mention (lest it might be considered to be a matter of small moment), that with the Maoris, the name or names of the persons (chiefs) engaged,—including their wives, their canoes, their paddles, and their balers; and also the name of the plantation first planted, and even of their wooden digging-spades used,—is almost everything! Many of them are said to be still preserved in their legends, and with them (the Maoris) their possession is unanswerable!

(a.)

According to the Maoris of the East Coast (Table Cape to Cape Runaway), especially the large Ngatiporou tribe,—a New Zealand chief named Kahukura went in his canoe from New Zealand to “Hawaiki” to fetch the kumara for planting. Arriving there, he found the kumara-crop had been already harvested; but he turned-to and cut down a portion of the cliff where the kumara grew spontaneously; when, aided by his powerful spells, the kumara fell, and soon filled his canoe, which was called Horouta. This done, he again laid his spells on that spot, to stop the kumara from falling down the cliff, and then brought the kumara with him to New Zealand. On returning to the East Coast, he first landed at Cape Runaway, where he first planted some of his kumara; thence he carried them, coasting south, to Waiapu (East Cape), to Poverty Bay, to Table Cape, to Hawke's Bay (south side), and across the straits to the coast between Cape Campbell and Kaikoura:—“all this distribution of the kumara to those several places, was done by that one person Kahukura.” This statement, however, is stoutly denied by other Maori tribes, especially by those residing on the West Coast, and at the Thames. Here the names of both the chief and his canoe should be noted; that of the chief being one of the Maori names for the rainbow, and that of the canoe meaning, (The)-falling-down-(of-the)-mainland (cliff). Also, a statement which is firmly believed by the Maoris, and which I have often heard from several of them, who asserted they had themselves seen it, namely,—that at Cape Runaway the kumara grows indigenously,*—that is, without annual planting; the scattered small tubers left in the ground in the cultivations invariably spring the following season, which they never do anywhere else, and this, they say, is another proof of the first imported kumara having been planted there. From the very favourable position, however, of the sea-side lands inside Cape Runaway, lying so far to the east and so protected from the south, such may very well be accounted for naturally.

(b.)

According to the Maoris of the West Coast, the kumara was first brought by their progenitor, Turi, in his canoe named Aotea, on his emigrating from “Hawaiki;” when he came to New Zealand, and landed

[Footnote] * See this alluded to, in Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” p. 143.

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and remained there at Patea on the West Coast. He also, they say, brought with him on that occasion, the other cultivated edible root, the taro (Caladium esculentum), and the karaka (Corynocarpus lævigata), also the swamp-bird, pukeko (Porphyrio melanotus), some green parrots (Platycercus pacificus, and P. auriceps), the Maori rat, “and many other good things for food.”* Unfortunately, however, for them, nature is against them, for the karaka-tree is believed to be purely endemic; so also are the two green parrots, and the blue rail, pukeko.

(c.)

The Thames Maoris deny all the preceding, and assert that the kumara was first brought from “Hawaiki” by the chiefs Hotunui and Hoturoa, in their canoe called Tainui, which they say was also the first canoe of emigrants thence to New Zealand. Or, as some others say, the kumara was brought by the lady-wives of those two chiefs, named Marama and Whakaotirangi, together with the hue (Cucurbita sp.), the aute (Broussonetia papyrifera), and the para (Marattia salicina),—and, also, the karaka; but this last plant grew accidentally, as it were, the timber having been shipped merely as skids to be used for drawing up their canoe on their landing. Those identical poles, or skids, planted by them, and now grown into trees, are still shown at Manukau! (A suitable match for Dr. Hector's newly-discovered plant at Kawhia—Pomaderris tainui,—of which a similar legend is told.) A portion of this story is so good that it deserves to be fully translated. I therefore, give it.

“When the canoe, Tainui, had been dragged across the portage at Tamaki (near the head of the Hauraki Gulf), and reached Manukau (on the West Coast), they coasted south to Kawhia; landing there, those two ladies (Marama and Whakaotirangi) proceeded to plant the various roots they had brought with them from ‘Hawaiki.’ This they did in two separate plantations, at a place called Te Papa-o-karewa in Kawhia; but when those several roots sprung and grew up, they all turned out differently. Of those planted by Marama, the kumara produced a pohue (Convolvulus sepium), the hue produced a mawhai (Sicyos angulatus), the aute produced a whau (Entelea arborescens), and the para produced a horokio. All the plantings of Marama grew wrong

[Footnote] * See Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” p. 212, for this in part.

[Footnote] † See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XI., p. 428.

[Footnote] ‡ Here, the correct natural discrimination of the old Maoris, in according plants of a similar appearance and manner of growth to those planted, as their simulated substitutes in mockery, is very apparent, and is worthy of a brief passing notice. Indeed, the first two counterfeits belong severally and botanically to the same natural order (and one of them to just the very same genus) as the two plants which had been planted and failed. The third counterfeit, Entelea arborescens, though far separated botanically, has been often planted by Europeans in the early Napier gardens as being the real aute (Broussonetia papyrifera), and called, also, by its name, “Paper Mulberry;” there being a great common superficial likeness in the leaf, bark, size, etc., of the two shrubs. While the fourth counterfeit is evidently a fern, and very likely one of the large common tufted thick-growing coalescent ferns,—e.g., Polypodium pennigerum, Lomaria discolor, or L. gigantea, the smaller Dicksoniæ, etc. The Maori name of Horokio is now variously given by different tribes to different plants.

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and strangely, and that was owing to her having transgressed with one of her male slaves. But the plantings of Whakaotirangi all came up true to their various sorts, and from them the whole island was subsequently supplied. Hence, too, arose the proverb, which has been handed down to us,—‘Greatly blessed (or gladdened) art thou, O food-basket of Whakaotirangi!’* So let all Maoris know, that from the canoe Tainui came her kumaras, her hues, her autes, and her paras, and her karakas (which last, sprang from the used skids which her crew had brought away in her), and, also, her kiores (rats).”

(d.)

Another still more strange and far-fetched tale, concerning the introduction of the kumara into New Zealand, is also related by the Maoris of Hawke's Bay (south), which may also be briefly mentioned here, if only for its singularity. A chief of old, named Pourangahua, was getting his canoe ready to go to sea, to seek some better-relished food for his infant son, Kahukura; the child having rejected with fearfully loud noises its own mother's milk, also the soft liver of the fish kahawai (Arripis salar), with which it had been fed. (From that liver, however, so rejected by him, sprang the flying-fish.) The canoe being dragged down and all ready, the chief, Pourangahua, returned to his house for something forgotten, and while absent his four brothers-in-law (Kanoae, Paeaki, Rongoiamoa, and Taikamatua), embarked in the canoe and sailed away. Pourangahua, nothing daunted, went after them on a canoe (or float) made of a duck's feather; a squall, however, coming on, he was soon sent to the bottom! Emerging to the surface, he swam and battled away against the seas, and finally got on to a whale's back, on which he managed to keep himself by means of his powerful spells. Afterwards, he met his own canoe with his brothers-in-law returning, he joined them, and on reaching the shore, and calling the kumara which they had brought by its own proper and special name of Kakau§ (to which the kumara itself answered, by asking, “Who he was that had spoken—or divulged—its name?” etc.), he obtained from

[Footnote] * This circumstance, however, is very differently related in Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” p. 142.

[Footnote] † Same name as under (a.) supra.

[Footnote] § Curiously enough, this is the same special name that is given to the kind of kumara said to have been brought from “Hawaiki” by Turi in his canoe (b., supra). See Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” p. 212.

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them two roots of kumara, which he planted with the proper charms and ceremonies, and from these the whole country was in course of time supplied, so that both his own son, Kahukura, and all besides were amply fed with this good vegetable food.

(e.)

A still more romantic version of this last story is the one held by the Urewera tribes living in the mountainous interior, which would be hardly worth relating were it not for their isolated situation, shut up far away from other tribes among the mountains and forests, and for the fact of its containing several of the very special names of the prized varieties of kumara formerly cultivated by the Maoris, both North and South: those very varieties, too, belonging to the widely different sorts—showing their antiquity. They say,—“that Pourangahua went after his brothers-in-law to ‘Hawaiki;’ that his canoe being gone, he went thither on two pet birds, named Tiurangi and Harorangi, the property of a chief named Ruakapanga, who lent them to him for the occasion. That Pourangahua brought away thence from two cliffs, called Pari-nui-te-ra, and Pari-nui-te-rangi,* the following seven varieties of kumara, viz., Kawakawatawhiti, Toroamahoe, te Tutaanga, te Kiokiorangi, te Tutaetara, te Monenehu, and te Anutai. That the roots brought to New Zealand by Pourangahua lived and flourished; but that those which had been brought by his brothers-in-law did not grow.”

I remember well, when first travelling in those parts in the interior, 43 years back, (being the first European visitor among them), the many questions respecting the kumara and its first introducers which were put to me by the tohungas, “as posers to test my knowledge,” (as they subsequently informed me), and their great earnestness respecting them.

(3.)
A Charm, or Invocation, used at the Planting of the Kumara Roots.

1.

Now (is) the planting-season favourably indicated from the sky (of the) mainland;

2.

Now (is) the season (for) planting favourably indicated from the sky (of the) ocean.

3.

Verily, and now it is from (or according to) Raukatauri, together with Raukatamea,

4.

(And) Maitiiti, (and) Marekareka:—

5.

Ye sought it out;

6.

And it was divulged (or caused to creep silently) abroad by thee

[Footnote] * Great-cliff-(of-the)-sun, and Great-cliff-(of-the)-sky. The name of a high cliff on the East Coast, between Tolaga Bay and Poverty Bay, is Pari-nui-te-ra; this is, also, Cook's Gable-end-foreland.

[Footnote] † See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., pp. 34, 35. In the list there given, however, there is Anurangi for Anutai; but the root-meaning of both words is the same.

[Footnote] ‡ One MS. has it, Mahitihiti.

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7.

At Waeroti (and) at Waerota.

8.

At early dawn let the attendance here be numerous;

9.

Let the appearing of the sun be waited for here;

10.

Be ye all coming-in hither from every-where round about.

11.

Here, indeed, shall be Regular-Distribution (of seed);

12.

Here, Abundance (of seed);

13.

Here, Visiting-little-hillocks (with the seed).

14.

The little hillocks shall be all severally visited,—

15.

Throughout—through all—far on—round about.

16.

Thinly-encumbered (or scantily clad with earth),

17.

O Son of noble birth!

18.

Incline thyself towards the warm sea-breezes;

19.

Thy face shall be favourably marked with the waters causing vegetable growth;

20.

Be (thou) soon seizing, grasping the soil with thy rootlets,

21.

Even as a bird lays hold,—or grasps,—(with its claws);—

22.

For thou art naked, unclothed, having only thy skin!

23.

Therefore, be thou seizing, laying fast hold (of the earth);

24.

For thou art naked, possessing only thy skin!

25.

Whence shall the future fruit,—or increase,—be obtained?

26.

Let the proper fruit,—or increase,—be seized, be laid fast hold of through me;

27.

That is, the proper fruit,—or increase,—from without;

28.

That is, the proper fruit,—or increase,—with Pani,—or, which Pani has in her possession.

29.

O Pani! O! come hither now, welcome hither!

30.

Fill up my basket (with seed kumara roots) placed carefully in, one by one;

31.

Pile up loosely my seed-basket to overflowing:

32.

Give hither, and that abundantly!

33.

Open and expanded awaiting (is) my seed-basket:

34.

Give hither, and that abundantly!

35.

By the prepared little hillocks in the cultivation (is) my seed-basket placed;

36.

Give hither, and that abundantly!

37.

According to the spell of Space (is) my seed-basket awaiting;

38.

Give hither, and that abundantly!

39.

By the sides of the borders of the plots (in the) cultivation, (is) my seed-basket placed;

40.

Give hither, and that abundantly!

41.

By,—or according to,—the proper form of power and influence,—or potential power,—(is) my seed-basket placed;

42.

Give hither, and that abundantly!

43.

The (doors of the) row of seed-kumara store-pits are not yet closed hitherwards;

44.

The floors of the same are not yet in view, or seen (lit. met—with the eye).

45.

Let all the roots (for planting) be spread about carefully.

46.

Let the whole be everywhere properly done.

47.

Now, jump! move your legs and arms briskly;

48.

Carry the roots for planting throughout the plantation.

49.

Go forth! (ye) selected food-bearing seed (of) Whaitiri, into the plantation;

50.

(There) to be carefully set in the soil one by one.

51.

Let the fruitful seed go hither and thither;

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52.

Let them be carefully carried about.

53.

Be (you) diligently occupied in planting carefully.

54.

Planted, verily planted (are the seed of) my baskets.

55.

Spread open, empty, verily scattered around, (are) my (empty) used seed-baskets!

56.

Above (there) in the sky (thou art) far away out of sight, hidden;—

57.

Give, therefore, here in this place, as a reward

58.

Of the believing this,—or our making it (to be) real and truthful,—

59.

And let it be alike truthful and real (to us);

60.

Yes; just so, indeed.

(The figures beginning each verse, are added merely for the sake of reference:—See Analysis, infra.)

Few subjects among the many of this class known to me have afforded half the satisfaction I have obtained from this one; but I have only gained it through a long, patient, and tedious amount of heavy labour! The translation of this semi-poetical charm, or invocation, being exceedingly difficult, owing to so many archaisms, allusions and ellipses. Desirous, however, of laying it before you in its original beauty—of meaning and arrangement—I have studied to translate it as literally as possible, consistent with perspicuity and the dissonant idioms of the two languages.

Of the various spells, etc., anciently used in planting the kumara, that I have acquired from several tohungas during many years, there are no less than three which contain this direct invocation to Pani; and while the introductory words of those three forms vary a little, the kernel—the invocation itself—is almost literally the same in them all! This circumstance, together with its evident antiquity (as shown from their genealogical tables), the fact of its being one of the very few known forms of direct invocation to any being or personification ever used by the ancient Maoris,* its poetical structure, and its regular fitting and progressive disposition,—make it a subject of extreme interest if not of importance.

Those charms, when used, were always muttered in an under-tone by the tohunga, who performed this duty while walking about the plantation, solus. This one, used in the spring, at the first planting season, serves to remind us of the vernal sacrifices and prayers of the ancient Egyptians and Romans, and other ancient Northern nations; and like those by them, it was used to precure fertility; and when simple, (as in this instance), they may be regarded as among the most beautiful and becoming of the rites of natural religion.

[Footnote] * I should, however, also state, that besides those three charms, or invocations, already mentioned, containing direct invocations to Pani, I possess, among several charms, etc., from the North, another charm used for the restoring of a sick person to health, in which Pani is also invoked together with her husband Tiki, and both simply and separately called on to grant health to the patient.

[Footnote] † Virgil, Ec. V., 74, 75: Georg. I., 335–350.

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For this purpose, also, another strange plan was long observed by the Maoris of the interior. A portion of an ancient relation I received from them runs thus:—“Tia* and his party” (who, it is said, had come to New Zealand from “Hawaiki” in the canoe Arawa), “did not return from Taupo (inland), whither they had gone, to Maketu (on the coast); they all died inland at Titiraupenga, where their bones and skulls long were, and were, indeed, also seen by the Maoris of this generation just past. Those skulls were annually brought out, with much ceremony, and placed in the kumara plantations, by the margins of the plots, that the plants might become fertile and bear many tubers.”

Captain Cook also relates, that in the plantations of kumara at Tolaga Bay, which he and his companions visited (on his first voyage to New Zealand),—“they saw there, a small area of a square figure, surrounded with stones, in the middle of which one of the sharpened stakes which they use as a spade [koo] was set up, and upon it was hung a basket of fern-roots: upon enquiry the natives told us, that it was an offering to the gods, [?] by which the owner hoped to render them propitious and obtain a plentiful crop.” This is in the main correct, as I have myself proved,—omitting the words “an offering to the gods.”

It is just possible, that the kernel of this charm or invocation to Pani, may be among the very oldest known!

And here, to make it still more plain, I will just briefly give a simple analysis of the contents of this Invocation, with a few explanatory notes; through which, I think, its suitability, beauty, and regularity, will be the more clearly perceived.

Analysis.

I.

A statement of the celestial signs of Spring being fortunate, or favourable, for their work, according to tokens discerned by the tohunga from over both land and ocean: lines, 1–2.

II.

Of their work being begun according to old descended custom; mentioning the names of four of Tinirau's eight sisters,—who were sent over the sea in their canoe to carry off Ngae (or Kae) for his theft of Tinirau's pet whale. Possibly they were here mentioned, on account of that memorable night of high glee and jollity spent in all manner of games by those women and their assistants, through which plan they also succeeded in detecting and carrying off Ngae;—the bare mention of this always caused pleasing mirthful ideas to the Maoris and was just as politically useful to the working-class among them at the beginning of their heavy annual working-season, as the festival

[Footnote] * Tia's name is mentioned in connection with the Arawa, p. 146, Grey's “Polynesian Mythology.”

[Footnote] † First Voyage, Vol. III., p. 472.

[Footnote] ‡ See Grey's “Polynesian Mythology,” p. 90.

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of the Carnival in some countries preceding Lent! “Waeroti and Waerota” are the names of two places out of New Zealand (real or mythical) not unfrequently referred to, in this way, in their old poetry and myths; and often in conjunction with “Hawaiki” lines, 3–7.

III.

A direction to the workmen to be ready early; another indication of their industrious agricultural habits: lines, 8–10.

IV.

A promise, that what was really necessary, on the part of the owners, or chiefs, should be there, allegorically personified: lines, 11–13.

V.

That the work should be throughout regularly performed: lines, 14–15.

VI.

A quiet, stately, fitting address, abounding in natural truths, made to the kumara sets, personified,* about to be planted; reminding them whence their beneficial growth, etc., were to be obtained: (1) from nature, the sea-breezes or summer-winds, and rains; and (2) from their own action,—growing and holding-on to the soil; great need of this advice, as they were always planted in the tops of raised light gravelly hillocks: lines, 16–24.

VII.

The question proposed,—Whence the crop, or future increase? (Carefully note the response, made by the tohunga (priest),—the old, old, story! semper idem): lines, 25–28.

VIII.

The invocation proper to Pani; note its great simplicity, its gradations, and its recurring refrain, repeated regularly six times: lines, 29–42. (The tubers were to be placed “carefully and loosely, one by one,” into the seed-baskets, because they had commenced sprouting, and the sprouts were of slender and delicate growth.)

IX.

A premonition to the working-party: here are two statements made to the workmen, as if from a pilot, or master, occupying a more commanding situation, each one pregnant with suitable meaning: (1) the doors not yet being closed, and (2) the bare floors not yet exposed to view; meaning, the seed not all planted, the work not yet finished: lines, 43–46.

X.

The command to the working-party, to act on the favourable moment: lines, 47–48.

XI.

Again an address to the kumara sets, still personified; as if mollifying the command just given (somewhat of a lowering nature), and reminding them of their ancient heavenly origin: lines, 49–50.

XII.

Another admonition to the working-party: lines, 51–53.

XIII.

The work (viewed as) done: lines, 54–55.

XIV.

A remark as to Pani's residence in the sky, out of sight: line, 16.

XV.

A reminder to Pani, to reward them after the manner of their own readily believing her,—or the ancient legend, etc.,—and, of their having acted upon it: lines, 57–60. (N.B. This is the earliest meaning, in this sense, of the word whakapono, that I have ever met with. It is now, and for the last 60 years, similarly used by the missionaries and others (also, in the Maori translation of the Scriptures), for faith;—the believing the matter spoken of, or taught;—the making-it-to-be-a-reality. A word, however, extremely rarely used in their ancient recitals.)

[Footnote] * See my conjecture, as to possible meaming of the name kumara, p. 34.

[Footnote] † See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., pp. 8, 9.

[Footnote] ‡ See, supra, pp. 35, 36.

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And here we should also bear in mind, that all this eminently peaceful industrious and pleasing agricultural work was the common yearly occupation of this people,—of the whole Maori nation throughout the North Island, by whom it was heartily loved and passionately followed.* To me, the consideration of the manifold useful patient and ornamental industry of the ancient New Zealanders,—their untiring interest, the pains, the love, formerly bestowed upon the scrupulous selecting, the perfecting, carving and decorating of almost all objects of daily use, even when the service itself was most common and material (including their wooden spades and axe handles, their canoe paddles and balers!), was truly wonderful; and all done without tools of iron or any metal, and ever without thought of pay or reward! And all that, too, amid the frequent disturbing and contrary heavy labours arising from fratricidal and murderous wars, building of forts, storming of towns, and general desolating violence, in which their strong natural and uncontrolled passions were too often wholly engaged.

In conclusion, another curious superstition relating to Pani, sometimes observed on the harvesting of the crop of kumara, may also be mentioned. At such seasons, a peculiarly shaped abnormal and rather large kumara root was met with, though by no means frequently (sometimes not one such in the whole cultivation), this was called “Pani's canoe“=Pani's medium, between her and the priest and the crop; and was consequently highly sacred, and never eaten by the people. To do so would be to insult Pani, and sure to cause the rotting of the whole crop when stowed away for keeping and winter use in the kumara store-house (a thing to be greatly dreaded); besides other serious visitations on the people. It, therefore, became the peculiar property of the priest, and was set aside to be cooked at a sacred fire as a kind of offering of first-fruits. The finding such a root was matter of great gratulation, for now it was made evident that Pani had heard and visited and blessed them. And as (from what I could learn) such a kumara root was chiefly, if not only, to be found when the crop was a very prolific one (which, indeed, was highly natural); this fertility was also taken as another proof of Pani's gracious visit, and, of course, placed to the account of the knowing and fortunate priest, who had initiated all things so well as to bring it to pass, and so to secure a good crop!

[Footnote] * See, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., pp. 5–10, 33, 34, etc.

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Art. III.—On the fine Perception of Colours possessed by the ancient Maoris.

[Read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute, 10th October, 1881.]

In a paper which I had the honour of reading here before you last year, (“On a better Knowledge of the Maori Race,”) I alluded to the surprisingly powerful natural faculties of the Maoris; particularly instancing those of Memory, Sight, and Hearing; and ending my remarks in that place by saying,—“their fine discrimination of the various shades and hues of colours—particularly of blacks, browns, reds, greens, etc.,—was truly wonderful. On this subject and its relatives I hope to write a paper.”*

I should not, however, have chosen to do so at the present time, (for I had desired to finish a paper on. “Hawaiki,” which I had been preparing), had I not seen a paper by Mr. Stack, of Christchurch,—“On the Colour Sense of the Maoris,” in which, according to my certain knowledge and long experience, there is no small amount of error; and believing this, though reluctant to suspend other work, I have deemed it to be my duty to lose no time in bringing my promised paper before you.

And here I would briefly remark, that what I shall now bring forward in this paper is from my own individual experience only; derived, not merely during an extra long period of dwelling among the Maoris, and that before the country became settled, (for others have resided in New Zealand as long, or even longer than I have), but mainly from my having travelled so very much among them; very frequently in parts where no white man had ever been before me; sometimes on the battle-field, both during and after the fight; and always in the additional capacity of a “doctor” or medical man, and ever on foot and with them; always having, also, several of their best head men (chiefs and priests) voluntarily and heartily travelling with me as companions from their own pa, or village, to the next pa, or halting place, or bounds of their tribe (as the case might be); and all this, too, at a period in their history when they had no extraneous foreign matters to trouble them or to talk about. And so I have had very many fine and profitable opportunities of hearing and observing many things that naturally and spontaneously occurred, which otherwise, probably, I should never have known; and which (as far as I know) no other European has ever had so many advantages and opportunities of knowing. Moreover, owing to Mr. Stack's paper, and to do the old Maoris justice, I shall have to relate many pleasing

[Footnote] * “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 63.

[Footnote] † “Trans N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XII., p. 153.

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little confirmatory incidents,—more, in number, than I had originally intended to do,—as there is nothing like a concrete example for testing an abstract theory.

(1.)
Of their universal national taste concerning colour.

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I have already slightly touched upon this in a former paper;* notwithstanding, I may again state, that the colours of black, white, red, and brown, were the prized and favourite ones,—the purer states especially of each of those colours were highly valued,—to which may also be added yellow and green. Those several colours, and their differing shades, comprised nearly all that pertained to their dresses and personal decorations, to their (principal) houses and canoes, and moveable property generally. Indeed, a chief's house, in the olden time, might truly be called a house “of many colours;” which, within, were artistically and laboriously displayed. Of course, there were very many shades of each colour; as, for instance, of white,—from pure white (candidus) to whitish-brown; of yellow,—from bright yellow (gamboge, almost orange) to a faint tint of that colour; and of green,—in its many hues exhibited in the several varying specimens of

[Footnote] * “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XI., p. 81.

[Footnote] † In 1844 (on my coming hither to reside) the Maoris built several houses for me; one, in particular, as a library and study, in my garden, deserves a brief passing notice by way of an example. This one was to be built and finished in their best old style (omitting all carved work) without my interference; and, therefore, their skilled old tohungas were gathered together over the job from the interior and as far north as Poverty Bay. The building, composed of two rooms, was 10 feet high to the wall-plate. The frame-work and massy dubbed pilasters were composed of dark old totara wood, which they laboriously dug up from the bed of the Tukituki river, many miles away. It had three separate layers of raupo (Typha) in its sides, (besides the outer coating of a stiff and hard, yet fine, Restiaceous plant (Leptocarpus simplex). The raupo was first separated leaf by leaf, without breaking, and so carefully dried; but the panelling work between the pilasters (each panel being about 2 feet wide) was the curious part. First, the horizontal layers of narrow black and red bands, or laths, three of each colour, placed at regular distances; behind these was the close facing of selected yellow reeds (culms of Arundo conspicua) longitudinally and regularly placed; to these, and to a cylindrical black rod running down the whole length in front of the laths, the coloured laths were beautifully and elaborately laced by fine white, grey and yellow strips (excessively narrow, frac18; to 1/10 of an inch wide) of kiekie, pingao, and harakeke leaves, each panel being also wrought in a different regular pattern of raised filagree work. For years this house was the wonder of all visitors (European and Maori): Bishop Selwyn often admired it, and so did Mr. (afterwards Sir) Donald McLean, on his first visiting Hawke's Bay as Government Land Commissioner, in 1851; indeed he told me he had never seen its equal; and he also gave orders for a similar one to be constructed for him at Port Ahuriri. This was also done; but it was but a poor imitation, as the skilled old builders were no longer here. In this latter house Mr. Domett, as Resident Magistrate and Crown Lands Commissioner, resided for several years. Mine stood over 25 years, when it was burnt down accidentally.

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pounamu (jade), etc. Each tint or shade of colour bore its own peculiar name plainly and naturally, or figuratively, and sometimes both. Their love, or great desire, for the possession of those colours, is best shown in their zealous and heavy labours in seeking and obtaining them (infra).

(2.)
Of their fine general discrimination of the various shades and hues and tints of colours.

This, with me, was always a very pleasing subject. The bare present writing of what I have seen and heard serves to conjure up a host of pleasant reminiscences of the long past! indeed, I find it difficult to make a selection from many an interesting narration and discussion,—by night around our bivouac fires in the forest and in the wilderness; by day in travelling, and in resting, and (sometimes) when shut up for days together in their pas through rains and storms and swollen rivers. Foremost, here, I would mention their accurate description of a rainbow, of all its various colours, and of the difference between a bright and a faint one,—of the cause of its being so shown, and of its meaning, too (in their estimation),—and of the animated discussion that would sometimes arise upon it; not unfrequently proved by me to be correct (as to its colours) when a double rainbow appeared,—as then the colours were inverted. Their quick discernment of the iridescent hues of the feathers of a pigeon's neck glancing in the sunshine, when snugly ensconced aloft among the foliage of a tall white pine tree; and their subsequent accurate description of them, and their comparison of those changing tints (as to colours) with the ever-varying nacreous ones of the mother-of-pearl of shells (particularly Haliotidæ* and some Trochidæ), and with the delicate evanescent hues of the bellies of several fishes when first caught,—as the mackerel, the scad, and the elephant-fish; and also with the prismatic bubbles and scum of coal-tar floating away on the calm surface of the tide,—which, on a few occasions, some of my own domestic travelling Maoris had early seen at the Bay of Islands. Also, when sitting, resting on the edge of a cliff near the sea, to note their observations on the changes in the colours of its surface caused

[Footnote] * Hence it was that the old Maoris devised and fitted out their admirable lure, made of a long cut and carved slip of the shell of the Haliotis iris, for sea-fishing with hook and line, particularly in the summer season for the kahawai (Arripis salar); when they paddled their little canoes, each manned by a single fisher, briskly through the water, with their line and lure towing astern. And here, I should further observe, that it was not every shell of the Haliotis that would serve the skilled Maori fisher's purpose; no, he would turn over and examine a score or two until he had found one which, to his searching eye, gave the exact tint of colour he required. And just so it also was in their painfully selecting a bit of the same shell for the artificial eyes of their staffs, etc.—See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.” Vol. XII., p. 77, note B.

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by a passing cloud; and then to hear of how, in former days, the proper skilled scout* perched on a cliff would descry the approaching shoal of mackerel, or kahawai, or other annual summer fish, from the change in the colour of the sea, and would direct accordingly the takers with the big seine nets in their canoes. From similar positions, too, we ourselves, when perched on the cliffy heights overlooking the deeply-embayed tidal arms and reaches of the sea,—whether at the Bay of Islands, on the many inlets and branches of the Kawakawa, Waikare, Waitangi, or Kerikeri rivers,—or at Rangaunu,—or at Whangaruru, or at Ngunguru,—or at Kaipara!—or at Whangarei, with its multitude of inlets, creeks and branches,—we ourselves have often received great benefits from their accurate sight, well-knowing, even from a distance, the precise state of the tide on those muddy flats and in those mouths of rivers below, and that solely from the hue of the water there; and, in so-doing we were often saved a considerable part of what was always a disagreeable job. For, in all those places, owing to there being no beaches, and the banks clothed with dense vegetation to the water's edge, with a belt, or thicket, of close-growing outlying mangroves, the usual rise and fall of the tide could not be seen.

Their quickness of vision also instantaneously and correctly detected what kind of fish it was that had fleetly passed us at sea, when out together in our boat or canoe, and that more from its peculiar colour, than from its form and manner of swimming. And so with their small fresh-water fishes, many of which closely resemble each other (including not only the various species, but, also, the differing varieties of those species, some of which also change their colours with age, as well as before and after the spawning season); these were all respectively known by their hues and mottlings, and each kind and variety bore its proper distinctive name. More than once, in my early travelling, has some kind Maori with me (either before or behind, in the long straggling single file), gathered a flowering branch of Solanum aviculare, and of Wahlenbergia gracilis, and of W. saxicola, and kept it for me; because his quick eye had noticed the change of colour in their flowers, from blue, and from lilac to white; which change in those two genera is not unfrequently the case: and not unfrequently was my attention loudly called to a large spider (of the species so very common and unpleasant in the open shrubby wilderness) whose main colouring and markings were different from others. Sometimes, also, in our journeyings, we should find a few large stray tail or wing feathers (generally one at a time), all more or less of a common brown colour, but with different light

[Footnote] * “Huer,” in. Cornwall, on the pilchard seine-fishery; and done by the old Maoris, by signs, much as it is still practised there.

[Footnote] † See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 44, for an instance.

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or dark markings; these would be collected and preserved, and talked over, and decided by the older men to belong to the parrot, sparrow-hawk, common hawk, long-tailed cuckoo, wood-hen, bittern, etc., etc. And here I may mention (as being probably but little known), that each separate feather (primaries) of the wing, and also of the tail, bore its own distinct and proper name. Distant trees, whether standing alone, or in clumps and thickets, or growing with others in the forests, were also accurately known by their colour—their peculiar and specific hue of green. So were distant plains, and marshes, and open hills of a country wholly unknown to us; which, sometimes, lay before us, stretching out some miles away! Such would be sure to form an interesting theme to all of us; particularly to my Maori companions, who (poor fellows) always had to traverse those unknown and trackless wilds,—hills, plains, and marshes,—with bare feet and legs; not to mention our often not knowing where sunset would find us travelling, and so compel us to halt for the night. From their general hues alone the Maoris could accurately tell whether those far-off unknown places were covered with a vegetation of fern1 or flax,2—dwarf kahikatoa3 or mangrove,—toetoe4 or raupo,5wiwi6 (species) or toetoeupokotangata,7—or, if of grasses, whether patiti8 or raumoa.9

A remarkable instance of their detection of a change of colour in the distant and unknown landscape, I may briefly relate,—especially as it completely bothered us all at first sight! It happened in 1845, when I first visited the South Taupo country from Hawke's Bay. On this occasion we were without a guide; we had advanced some way into the interior, and had just sighted the high open lands of Taruarau, when the strange general hue of their vegetation bearing a slightly reddish cast immediately attracted our attention. That country was then wholly unknown to all of us, and so was its vegetation; moreover, it was trackless. Among my party were some Maoris who had travelled much with me throughout the island, but we had never before noticed anything like that. Some of the party said one thing, and some another, and there was a long and earnest discussion carried on, while we were slowly journeying thither, as to what it could possibly be. Arriving there we found the reddish colour to be caused by a low red sedgy Cyperaceous plant, with long narrow grass-like leaves, a species of Uncinia,* which gave the prevailing reddish hue to the vegetation round about.

[Footnote] 1. Pteris esculenta:

[Footnote] 2. Phormium:

[Footnote] 3. Leptospermum scoparium:

[Footnote] 4. Arundo conspicua:

[Footnote] 5. Typha angustifolia:

[Footnote] 6. Juncus (sp.):

[Footnote] 7. Cyperus ustulatus:

[Footnote] 8. The commoner perennial grasses:

[Footnote] 9. Spinifex hirsutus.

[Footnote] * In sending specimens of this plant to England, I had named it U. rubra; which Boott, in describing it, also adopted. I see that Dr. Sir J. Hooker (in the Hand-book of the New Zealand Flora), speaks of it as being “red-brown when dry” but it is much more red when living.

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But, far above all, their fine discrimination of delicate hues and shades was correctly shown in their nice distinction of the various tints of the flesh of the several kinds of kumara and of taro when cooked; also, of the varieties (in colour) of the koroi berry (fruit of the kahikatea—white pine tree), and of the karaka berry (Corynocarpus lævigata) in their stages of ripening; and of the several shades and hues of their dressed flax during the drying and bleaching process; for all of which colours, or fine shades of colour, they had distinctive names. And here I may relate a notable incident which once happened; it pleasingly surprised me at the time, and often since on recollection. I was travelling, as usual, in 1845, on the coast, and was staying at Mataikona, near Castle Point, then a populous village. In talking with one of the oldest chiefs of the place about the taro plant, and its varieties, he said that he had long ago seen and cultivated the sort called Wairuaarangi,* but that it had long been lost to them. Now I had also known that peculiar sort when residing at the north, and I had more than once noticed the delicate and curious pinkish hue of its flesh, so different to the other sorts; and wishing to test my old friend's knowledge, I enquired particularly of him its colour, and his answer was a beautiful one, so clearly expressive; he replied,—“I tu-a-kowhewhero tona kiko.” A phrase exceedingly difficult to render as briefly into English; but meaning, that its flesh had a pinkish appearance.

(3.)
Of their names for colours, and their various shades.

Here I would first observe:—

(1.)

That, according to the genius of their expressive language, many common nouns are as largely used for indicating a single species, or peculiar

[Footnote] * See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 36.

[Footnote] † Wairuaarangi—the proper name of this variety of taro is so highly expressive (like most special names among the old Maoris) that I am tempted to give its full meaning, and to offer a few words upon it. Wairuaarangi, lit. Reflection-from-(the)-sky: meaning, the light reddish-pink tint, as sometimes thrown of an evening over the features of the eastern landscape, from a glowing sunset; also, the more distant, faint, reddish hues of the rare ends of an aurora australis. This colour (as I have sometimes seen it of a summer's evening), when cast on or reflected back from white cliffs or mountain snow, or from an extensive flat filled with the dead feathery panicles and culms of the large cutting-grass (Arundo conspicua), is exceedingly like that of the pink flesh of that peculiar variety of taro; and its poetical beauty, as well as its truthfulness, is still further enhanced when we think (as the old Maoris did) of that beautiful colour as emanating from a Personage, (the Sky), and their great, first, and common Father.

[Footnote] I have before had occasion to observe that, with the old Maoris, the name of a thing meant a great deal—very much more, concerning its qualities, uses, etc., etc.—than we at best can possibly suppose. Hence, too, the incessant demand from them in the early days, on seeing any new thing, whether vegetable or animal, especially if living, of—“the name,” “the name?”

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individual of a family,* as they are for a stirps, family, or genus; and commonly so by way of laconism, ellipsis, abbreviation, or carelessness; always, however, perfectly well understood among themselves. Hence, owing to this common usage, appellatives and proper names become gradually dropped, and fall into abeyance; though, as the Maoris formerly were, never wholly forgotten.

(2.)

That being a truly natural observant race, and fully acquainted with nature, they often, or generally, used her peculiar productions and appearances to express colour, or the exact hue of colour required;—there was no mistake here, among themselves. For in the highest minds a single descriptive word, or sign, is sufficient to evoke crowds of shadowy associations.

(3.)

That from the particular shade of colour of a thing, they often gave to other and very opposite things their names, as in the foregoing example of the pink-fleshed taro.

[Footnote] * Harakeke—flax, (of which they have more than 50 sorts, or varieties, every one bearing its distinct and proper name).

  • Ika—fish, (nearly all fishes; each, however, has its own proper name).

  • Kai—food, (also, all articles of food; though each one has its own proper name).

  • Kahu—a garment, (all garments, of which they had a great and varied number, all bearing proper names).

  • Kowhatu—a stone, (all stones, etc).

  • Hua—fruit, (of plant, tree, bird (egg), fish (roe), etc).

  • Rakau—tree, (of all trees; yet each one has its own proper name, and some several names for various parts of the same tree, which are often given for the colour).

  • Pipi—a bivalve shell-fish, (and generally for all salt-water bivalves; each one, however, has it own distinct name).

  • Pupu—a univalve shell-fish, (ditto).

  • Kumara—sweet potato, (yet many sorts, all bearing proper names).

[Footnote] † Of which a few instances are here given by way of example:—

[Footnote] Paua, the black flesh of the Haliotis; also, a black sunburnt potato.

[Footnote] Mangu, mamangu, and mangumangu, black (colour); also, ink, blacking, etc.

[Footnote] Tawatawa, the mackerel, and tamure, the snapper fish; also, a peculiar appearance of the sky from cirrus and cirro-cumulus clouds, through which the blue appears something like the deep blue wavy marks on the back of a mackerel freshly caught (this term of mackerel-sky, is also given to it by Europeans); also, resembling the dark wavy lines on the flesh of a fresh snapper under its skin when cooked.

[Footnote] Toroamahoe, the white-skinned root of the mahoe tree (Melicytus ramiflorus); also, a variety of whitish skinned kumara of exactly the same shade of colour.

[Footnote] Pokere kaahu, a dark purple variety of kumara;—from pokere, the dark purple flesh of the fruit of the tawa tree (Nesodaphne tawa), and ka ahu, to proceed towards; to grow up to; to become like to.

[Footnote] Parakaraka, the orange-red colour of the fully ripe karaka fruit; also, a light reddish-orange variety of kumara. [N.B. This variety of kumara has ever been believed by me to be the identical sort seen and obtained by Cook and his companions, and well-named by them chrysorrhizus.]

[Footnote] Pohutukawa, a tree (Metrosideros tomentosa) having reddish wood; also a variety of kumara with reddish flesh of just the same shade of colour.

[Footnote] Whero, red (colour); also the rectum protruding, etc.

[Footnote] Kumu, the anus; whakakumu a red variety of kumara; kumukumu, the red-backed gurnard (Trigla kumu).

[Footnote] Waewae-kereru (pigeons' feet), and waewae-torea (oyster-catchers' feet), which are always red; also given to infants when wearing red shoes or socks.

[Footnote] Korau, the white edible pith of the black fern-tree; also, the large white root of a species of Brassica, formerly largely eaten by the Maoris.

[Footnote] Kakariki, bright green colour; also, the small green parrots; the green lizards; water melons, etc.

[Footnote] Kawakawa, the Piper excelsum shrub; with glaucous green leaves; also, a particular variety of jade-stone, having just the same hue of green.

[Footnote] Pounamu, the green jade-stone (general name); also, a common green glass bottle, and (with the Ngapuhi tribe) a peculiar potato, planted in February and ripe in May: (infra, § 6).

[Footnote] Waikura, the reddish stagnant water of some sluggish water courses and pools, arising from a deposit of protoxide of iron; also, rust on iron tools, etc.

[Footnote] Waro, charcoal; also, mineral coals; a very dark cave; a black abyss.

[Footnote] Pukapuka, the shrub with large leaves, white underneath, (Brachyglottis repanda); also, a book; white paper, etc.

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(4.)

That their principal proper terms for colours were often compounded ingeniously and beautifully, in accordance with the expression and idiom of their language:—

(a.)

By reduplication, and by half doubling:

(b.)

By adding qualifying adjectival terms for intensifying or lessening; the power of which was further heightened or lowered according to their position;

(c.)

By the aid of several apt particles of different degrees:

(d.)

By other expressions also adjoined, of admiration, or depreciation. (See Paradigm, Appendix I.)

5.

That certain colours took their own proper intensitives, etc., which could not be used with other colours.

(4.)
Of their great labour, patience, thoughtfulness, and skill, exhibited in their seeking after and obtaining the various shades of colours; often labouring to a nicety to procure them.

Hence (after many trials) they had succeeded in getting their brilliant black and red dyes; the former, in particular, being often envied by their early discoverers and visitors and their several European peoples. And here (as I have formerly observed when treating on another subject), we

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must never lose sight of this great, this astonishing fact, namely, that the ancient Maoris knew not of the use of iron nor of any metal, neither had they any vessel which would stand fire!

Nevertheless they knew that by a second or even a third process, as well as by the application of heat in dyeing, they should increase the depth of the colour sought. To me it was really a wonderful sight to see a woman patiently engaged in her work of this kind; (take an instance)—with nothing better at very best than a large paua shell (Haliotis iris), with its natural holes artificially stopped up, as a vessel to hold her dye-liquid (red-brown) and the article to be dyed, but only a very small quantity at a time of yarns of flax (Phormium) scraped and beaten and carefully prepared,—this shell with its contents was warily placed on hot embers to raise it to boiling heat, and to keep it so, and there long and carefully watched and tended, and the few yarns in it taken out and repeatedly tried, until the proper shade of colour sought was obtained! which done, the operation had to be frequently carried out until a sufficient quantity of threads were died. Such always served to remind me of what we are told by Pliny* and others, respecting the tedious process followed by the women of Tyre in obtaining the famed Tyrian purple dye from the murex shell-fish,—“a tiny drop from each living fish!”

(5.)
Of their light colours.

These were various, and were both natural and artificial.

The natural ones were several; namely, of pure white,—the snow, the clouds, and the surf; the large white-leaved pukapuka shrub (Brachyglottis repanda), and the peculiar white-fronded fern-tree (Cyathea dealbata); and, strange to say, such out-of-the-way recondite objects as the white milky sap of the plant Euphorbia glauca, and the white meat (flesh) of the tail of the crayfish when cooked, and, also, the whiteness of living human teeth (all these I have heard used by way of naming, or of comparison); the plumes of the white heron, and of the gannet; the small downy feathers of the albatros, and of several gulls and terns; also, of another shade of white, the very thin and delicate epidermis of the long leaves of the tikumu plant (Celmisia mackaui), and the prized long hair of the tails, and also the skins, of their little white dogs. Of yellows, the long flowering reeds, or culms (kakaho), of the toetoe plant (Arundo conspicua); and the harsh leaves of the gamboge-coloured pingao (Demoschœnus spiralis).

The artificial ones were also many, and were obtained in various ways, mostly by washing and beetling, and by bleaching; namely, their dressed flax fibre and yarns for weaving their mats, and for twisting into cords,

[Footnote] * Pliny, Nat. Hist., lib. ix., c. 60–63.

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lines, and threads, of almost all light hues,—from that of a light fawn, and a whitish-brown, to a dirty or dull white; their selected flax strips, tassels, and fringes, with the yellow epidermis unbroken save at regular distances; the narrow bleached strips of the leaves of the kiekie plant (Freycinetia banksii); the bleached inner bark of the celebrated aute (paper mulberry), and, also, the inner bark of the little autetaranga shrub (Pimelea arenaria).

And so particular were they (at times), that I have known them to patiently undo their panels of laced-up reed-work, after having laboriously fixed them up in their places in the chiefs' houses, merely to take out a stained reed or two which did not harmonize in colour with the adjoining ones;—though this portion of that work (i.e., the proper selection of the reeds) was usually done by going over them one by one, and by joining them telescope-fashion, before they were carried off to be fixed in their proper places. And just so the women, in the weaving of their best dress mats (one of which always took a long time, often over 2–3 years), they strove hard to have the bleached yarns of flax in the body of the fine garment, though prepared at different times and seasons, all of one hue of colour throughout; often while weaving it rejecting a yarn or strand on account of a slight difference in the colour. Indeed, so sharp were their well-trained eyes at this work, that they could distinguish a difference in the shade or hue of the flax-yarns and threads when I could not.

Two little incidents, illustrating their high powers of discerning the light shades of colours, may here be mentioned. (1.) Nearly 50 years ago, when some of the Maoris had learned to write, and paper for that purpose was in high request, they preferred the white or cream-coloured paper to the foolscap writing paper having a light cast of blue, though the Mission annual supply of writing paper was composed of this latter sort, and it was stouter and stronger and better fitted for their use. (2.) When the first canaries were introduced into New Zealand, and the few Maoris who had seen them in the Bay of Islands were describing them to their friends who had not seen them, and some said the colour of the new bird was that of the kowhai* flowers (Edwardsia grandiflora), others corrected them by saying, “No; not so; rather that of the paler whanariki” (sulphur), with which, in its pure native state, they were well acquainted.

The beautiful natural light colours of the bellies of several living fishes—–silvery, dead white, slightly iridescent, and with a faint tinge of blue,—were also much noticed and remarked on; and so were the light colours, internal and external, of several shells; insomuch that not a few of them had early passed into their proverbs and songs. Hence, too, they were

[Footnote] * See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XII., p. 99.

[Footnote] † See “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XII., p. 142.

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quick at detecting any light coloured variation in the plumage of birds, (well-knowing the few genera that sometimes produced albinos), and in the foliage, and fruits, and wood of plants, as well as in shells; all such, and every variety of colour, bore its own proper name.

A little botanical incident bearing on this subject may be briefly told:—On one of Mr. A. Cunningham's visits to New Zealand, he went to the kauri forests botanizing. While there he heard from his intelligent Maori companions of two kinds of kauri known to them, but only by the difference in their names, arising from the variety in colour of their timber. This set him on the search after the new Dammara pine, No. 2! but after much toil and enquiry, and the obtaining of a quantity of foliage specimens, he gave it up, concluding that such slight difference in colour (which did exist) might arise from the soil, or situation, or from the varying specimens of timber having been cut from both the sunny and the shady sides of the same tree; this latter opinion, however, the Maoris (and the few European sawyers then at work among them) always denied. It was one of my dear friend's last bequests to me to follow that enquiry up; but, like himself, I never could make anything of it. There is, however, a difference in the colour of some of the kauri timber, exclusíve of the prized “mottled” kind, for which the old Maoris had, as usual, their own proper distinctive names.

(6.)
Of their dark and sombre colours, not black.

Of natural ones, they distinguished at a distance the heavy dark-green of the clumps or thickets of some trees, such as karaka, mataii, etc., and correctly named them: also, of their dark-coloured, edible fruits, when ripening, high up on their topmost branches, as of the mataii pine (Podocarpus spicata),—so as to save themselves the trouble of a high, dangerous, and always disagreeable climbing, to examine them. The peculiar black-blue colour of the sky on certain nights, dependent on the state of the atmosphere; also its colour at various times of the night; and particularly the two dark pear-shaped spaces in the Milky Way, near Centaurus and the Southern Cross (called Coal-sacks by the early navigators); also of the ever-varying storm-clouds, for which they had more than 40 names; and the dark colour of the sea, in calm weather, over rocky shoals, and in deep holes off the coast; the slight shades of difference between the colours of their own dark hair; the difference between the colours of several dark-plumaged birds closely allied, as of various shags and gulls, and also of some forest birds; the difference between the varying blue-black and brown-black colours of the backs of several of the larger sea-fishes and of eels; and were particularly knowing in the matter of dark-green* coloured “sun-burnt” potatoes, some

[Footnote] * See note § 3, clause 3, supra; hence that name.

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kinds or intensities of which they preferred for seed. They knew at sight the difference in the colour of blood recently and some time shed; and, also, from the hue of the rich purple juice of the fruit of the tutu shrub, (when hospitably set before them in open calabashes in travelling in the summer season), they perceived at a glance whether it was freshly made (when it was highly esteemed), or whether it had stood a day or two; and they accurately determined the age of severe bruises on the human body from the difference in their colour. From a great distance off they knew what was burning by the colour of its smoke, whether arising from dry or green fuel, whether from swamp, or plain, or forest vegetation; and they also knew from the colour of soot what it had been obtained from:—this last was formerly a matter of great importance to them in the business of tattooing.

Of colours of this class artificially produced were the dark-red dyes of various shades obtained from the bark of the tanekaha (and toatoa) tree (Phyllocladus trichomanoides), used in dyeing yarns for the decorated borders of their best flax garments, and in staining their superior furniture, walking-sticks, etc., etc.

(7.)
Of their black colours.

Of all their artificial colours, black was the one which they knew how to make and impart to perfection. This colour they had naturally around them,—in the mineral, the vegetable and the animal kingdoms; in the first in coal, and in the black oxide of manganese, and in many species of rocks, as in obsidian and basalt; in vegetables in the common Fungi of the forest,—as Antennaria, Capnodum, etc., which sometimes completely covers the trunk of a large tree, and gave rise to strange tales and fancies; and in the animal kingdom, in the plumage of some birds,—as of the tuii, the tieke, the huia, the torea, the kawau, and the back of the pukeko; in the flesh of the shell-fish paua, and of the rori; and in the black internal skin (lining mouth and abdomen) of several fishes,—as the mackerel, herring, mullet, etc.

In their own peculiar artificial dyes of black, of various shades of intensity, used for dyeing garments, etc., they have never been surpassed; some of their black dyes being strikingly deep, pure, brilliant, and lasting. All their earlier European visitors were astonished at the intensity of this colour used as a dye among them. For dyeing black their flax threads yarns and garments, dressed and undressed, and also their whole big garments (thick cloaks) made of the fibres of the toii (Cordyline indivisa), they generally used (as is now well-known) the barks of two closely allied trees, hinau and pokaka (Elœocarpus dentatus, and E. hookerianus), with a mordaunt composed of aluminous clay; they also used the bark of the

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tutu shrub (Coriaria ruscifolia) to obtain a blue-black, which was sometimes used for fancy and ornamental work,—as in weaving graceful little baskets, etc., for a first-born or beloved child,—it had a very peculiar hue; and for the purpose of body-tattooing they used various kinds of charcoal, both animal and vegetable, obtained from several peculiar sources, and manufactured in a highly curious manner with much labour and skill. For colouring black their narrow and thin wooden slips, or carefully prepared laths of totara wood,—with which they plentifully ornamented the interior panels on the walls of their chiefs' houses, in order to set off to advantage the white and yellow filagree work interlaced thereon to regular patterns, as well as the lighter yellow reeds beneath,—they passed the laths one by one repeatedly and quickly through a fire, partly charring the outside, until they had made them of the proper hue; this done the slips were well rubbed and made quite clean and glossy, and fixed in their places.

(8.)
Of their sober neutral colours neither dark nor light.

These, composed of various shades and of nearly all colours, they knew well, both naturally and artificially. It was in this particular portion of their discriminating knowledge of the shades of colours, that I early felt the more deeply interested, and often indeed proved their correct descriptions of them, with no small degree of astonishment; for by it I was not unfrequently led, in my early botanizing, to note down and to obtain some new plants or varieties of plants. Even while writing this, I well recollect their statements to me (40 years ago and more), concerning certain plants,—as various species of rushes and of sedges, of scented Hepaticœ, of river Confervœ, and of sea-weeds, and particularly of a Chara, and of a curiously-coloured species of Conferva (possessing a steel-blue cast of colour), which I was led to seek in out-of-the-way holes, through casually hearing from an old woman of their different shades of colour. Hence, too, they discriminated between the different sorts of kumara, and of taro, when the plants were young and growing, by the hue of their leaves (and also of the various kinds of potatoe), and that when travelling along by the plantations, outside of the fence. Also, the varieties of New Zealand flax (Phormium), more than fifty in number, were detected by the hue of their leaves,—all being alike green, yet all slightly differing in the shade of that colour, and only three or four of them (at most) in the shape and size of their leaves. I have sometimes been amused, when travelling, in hearing the descriptive remarks (among others) which would arise from my party, on the baskets of cooked potatoes being placed before them, kindly yet hurriedly boiled on their arrival at a village. On the top of each basket, according to custom, was placed a handful of boiled greens (of sow-thistle tops, or of wild cabbage-sprouts), of such as

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were at hand; and the remarks would arise simply from the difference in the colour of the greens,—some being well-done, and some (hurriedly) half-done; some freshly gathered, and some stale; the food having been quickly cooked for them by two or three different persons; the little baskets severally brought in; and, according to etiquette, none touched until all were in and placed (as, indeed, with us). It was owing to this finely-developed faculty that they knew so well, and from a distance, whether the annual summer luxuries obtained from the female flowers of the kiekie plant, and from the pollen of the raupo, were in season, and ready for collecting or not,—through the slight change in the green of the tips of their leaves,—and so saved themselves the labour of climbing, etc., purposely to ascertain.

And here I may mention another little botanical incident, which indeed not unfrequently occurred in our deep forest travelling. And to those present who may have travelled through, or even only entered into, an uncleared standing New Zealand forest in all its pristine glory, such a relation may almost seem marvellous. In those umbrageous forests the large trees are generally completely covered with all manner of plants growing thickly on their trunks and branches, as freely, or even more so, than if on the ground beneath. And there, sometimes, nestling among them, yet far away, high up, would be a rare fern or Lycopodium, or some small epiphytical shrub, as Pittosporum cornifolium, or a Loranthus, or a Viscum, or a still smaller plant of Peperomia; and yet all those (and many more) were severally made known to us below by their slight difference in hue; and so, through the quick and fine discernment of my Maori friends, I sometimes gained some desirable specimens. The obtaining of one such I would more particularly relate, as it is an excellent example of what I have just mentioned, and one never to be forgotten by me. It was my discovery (at the north, in 1841), of that rare pine, manoao (Dacrydium colensoi, Hook.). I had heard of it from the old Maoris, but none had seen one for several years, as they grew singly in the dense forests, and the young Maoris did not even know it! On one occasion, however, when travelling through the trackless forest near the coast between the Bay of Islands and Whangarei, we (or rather one elderly Maori then with me) kept a look-out for it. Now this “pine” in its foliage, etc., closely resembled some others of the class,—as the kahikatea, the rimu, etc.,—especially when at the distance of the top of a high tree, but the keen eye of the old Maori detected it at last (though I, and the other younger Maoris with me, could not make out any difference, owing to the distance). And then, for my pocket-knife, he undertook the ugly job of climbing the tree, and breaking off a branch for me. In this case it was more the peculiar shade of green of the foliage, though distant, than anything else

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that distinguished the tree in his sight; the fruit of this species being very small and concealed, and not at all showy. Specimens from that branch I subsequently sent to Sir W. J. Hooker, and they were described by him with a drawing.*

It always seemed (to me) as if the old Maoris had a peculiar natural inclination, or bias, towards what I have called neutral colours. This, I thought, was shown,—(1.) in their sometimes choosing to line their large public reception houses with the small, light-brown, narrow stalks of the common fern (Pteris esculenta), all cut to one length, and placed horizontally and closely, and built up, or interlaced together, in separate panels between the pilasters of the building, with a very great deal of care and trouble:—(2.) again, in their sometimes preferring to line the roofs of their dwelling-houses and kumara-stores (i.e. the first layer of thatch placed upon the white rafters), with the large green fronds of the nikau palm (Areca sapida), which were regularly placed on while fresh, and their long narrow pinnate leaflets neatly interlaced; these, which were green at first, soon became of a uniform dark-brown colour on drying, serving remarkably well to set off to advantage the light-coloured rafters of kauri, or of tawa wood. This manner of roofing, chiefly obtained at the north, among the Ngapuhi tribe, where the totara timber was not so common as at the south:—(3.) in their dingy-looking kiwi-feather cloaks, and in their common, slightly-coloured, (dyed) flaxen ones:—(4.) in the brown parrot, and dark pigeon plumes, used largely for their war-canoes:—(5.) in the women wearing around their necks little satchets composed of the finely-mottled neutral plumage of the whio duck (Hymenolaimus malacorhynchus), and of the elegantly flecked, or pencilled, back plumage of the male putangitangi or paradise duck (Casarca variegata):—and (6) in their, sometimes, only lightly dyeing their prepared strips of undressed flax for their fancy baskets, so as to become of a dark dove, or drab, or even a light slate-colour; and then, in weaving them, to form many kinds of regular chequered patterns, by ingeniously turning sides to the said strips in the weaving; giving the whole, when finished, somewhat of a damasked, or mosaic, appearance, owing to the difference of the reflection in the hues of the one colour, arising from the more glossy upper skin of the flax-leaf regularly interwoven contrasted with the duller appearance of the under and slightly scraped surface of the same; hence, too, it was, that the skilled old lady-weavers were always mightily pleased with the in-woven damasked pattern of a common unbleached linen table-cloth:—and, also, (7) in their pleasingly weaving together the undressed leaves of widely different fibrous plants—as of New Zealand flax (Phormium), of

[Footnote] * Vide, “London Journal of Botany,” Vol. I., p. 301; and, Hooker's “Icones Plantarum,” Vol. VI., t. 548.

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Astelia (sp.), of kiekie, and of pingao,—collected from opposite and distant habitats;—some from the deep forests (climbing the highest trees), some from sandy dunes and sea shores, some from cliffs, and some from marshes; and all torn into regular-sized shreds, and dried, and woven in various patterns, into one basket! often causing it to possess a very agreeable appearance from the various hues of colour; though, sometimes, the difference in the colour of some of the strands obtained from various plants was so slight as not to be readily distinguished at first sight by the eye of a stranger,—not without inclining the basket at its proper angle towards the light so as to reflect it.

(9.)
Of their striking, contrast, and gaudy colours.

These, though various and often contrary, yet not many in number, I have taken together; and that because they may all (as formerly used by the old Maoris) be well included under the one term of striking; i.e., immediately catching the eye and arresting attention.

And here their red colour, in its various shades of richness and depth, must take a first place. In nature around them, they saw plenty of a red colour,—in the rainbow, and in the gorgeous hues of the clouds at sunset; in some of their birds,—as in the red beaks and feet of the pigeon, the oyster-catcher, and the blue swamp-hen, and in the red feathers of the large parrot, and on the heads of the two species of parrakeet; in their fish,—as the red gurnard, the snapper, and the crayfish; in many of their seaweeds; and in the flowers and small fruits of several trees and shrubs. All those reds differed in hue, etc., from carmine to vermillion, and from bright light- to dull dark-red.

Red, as already observed, was one of their national colours; yet, its use was, in a measure, limited; and this, I think, is to be attributed to its having been originally deemed a sacred (tapu) colour; which, in connection with their cosmogony, very likely first arose from observing the brightest colour of the rainbow (also a personage), and of the heavens at sunset, and sometimes preceding sunrise. They used this colour in its mineral state only extensively and commonly for their war-canoes, their chiefs' private and their village big reception-houses, their kumara storehouses and the large carved images on the outer fences of their pas (towns and forts), for their grave fences and monuments, and for their boundary and other raised cut commemoration posts: all of which were more or less public and superior matters. This mineral colour was also used, both by male and female chiefs, for ornamenting or staining their persons, and also their clothing mats, especially on great public occasions and times of ceremony. To obtain this mineral red colour cost them much patient labour and no

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small amount of skill in its preparation; as all the several varieties of it were only found deposited in very small quantities, whether in the still and slow-running waters, or in the earth; or deposited as minute crystals and rust-like dust between small layers of shale in some dry cliffs. To relate the several long and tedious processes of collecting, roasting, or baking, etc., etc., though highly interesting, would take up many pages. And this toil was not unfrequently increased through their not at first obtaining the true shade of red they wished for, hence they patiently repeated their work. Those various hues of red colour all bore different names; the brightest and purest was very highly prized. Notwithstanding, they never adorned their hair with red flowers, or with red feathers* from their birds; these latter (obtained from the abdomen and under the wings of the big parrot), were used by them to decorate the heads of their staffs of state (hani and taiaha), for which purpose they were neatly woven into, or stitched on to, a bit of flaxen cloth woven expressly for that purpose.

And here it may be remarked, that on the early coming to New Zealand of Europeans (before the establishment of the colony), and their trading with the Maoris, they did not care to select red wares, save in the matter of red worsted cravats, and red sealing-wax; the former they generally unravelled to weave it into the borders, etc., of their best flax clothing-mats, and the latter they used as a base for the fang of the shark's white tooth which the chiefs usually wore suspended in their ears; and, also, further to ornament the four mother-of-pearl eyes of their carved staffs of state (supra). Subsequently, however, when red articles of clothing both woollen and cotton were brought for sale, and (for a time) became more eagerly sought after, the Maoris could not be deceived with the cheaper common dull red handkerchiefs, though stouter in quality, instead of the brighter Turkey-red ones.

[Footnote] * This was the common custom among all the tribes; yet a legendary incident showing the very opposite, may be briefly noticed; particularly as a proverbial saying of some power and often in use is said to be founded on it. On one of their famed “canoes” from “Hawaiki” reaching the shores of New Zealand, the chiefs on board saw the littoral pohutukawa tree (Metrosideros tomentosa) bearing a profusion of red blossoms; then one of them named. Tauninihi flung his own red (feather) head-ornaments into the sea, in order to re-decorate his hair with those beautiful red things before him, saying, “Those on land were far better!” but, on gathering them, they fell to pieces, and he discovered them to be only mere flowers! and was, consequently, much chagrined. After this, his cast-away red head-dress was washed on shore at a place near by, and found by another person named Mahina; who, on Tauninihi seeking to recover it from him, refused to give it up, saying, that it was a waif washed on shore and found by Mahina; which saying also settled the matter. This sentence became a proverb, and was always used by a Maori on finding anything; and through his so doing, the claim to retain it was usually allowed. No doubt there is a far deeper meaning in this ancient story than what appears on its surface.

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It was owing to their quick and correct perception of the several hues of red that they often saved themselves from loss and disaster, and from much extra and dangerous labour. As, for instance, in their knowing from the peculiar red of the clouds and sky before sunrise of the coming change in the weather, and so postponed their deep-sea fishing, or voyage by sea, and sometimes their journey also by land; as they always commenced their expeditions very early in the morning: and, just so, again, at sunset, they knew by the red hue of the clouds, etc., what weather was at hand, and if stormy, then they drew up their canoes, and collected their nets, and arranged their matters accordingly. Indeed, a whole paper might be written on their descriptive powers and opinions concerning the colours of the clouds, their changes, and their portents, and the speedy alterations in the approaching wind and weather (exclusive of their many superstitious notions), of all which they had evidently made a long natural and useful study, in which their remarkably tenacious memory assisted them greatly; every variety in colour (as well as of form, though in a much less degree), was critically scanned, and bore its own proper name. For my part, I confess, I never could learn those nice differences; though I had always found the old Maoris to be correct in their weather prognostications. Also, in the climbing of the high white pine (kahikatea), totara and rimu trees in the forests, to obtain their fruit (a work always attended with more or less of danger), for they readily discerned from below whether the fruits were quite ripe, though very small, from their shade of red colour; and so with the karaka, poroporo, kawakawa, rohutu, kohia, and other fruits, which are orange-coloured when fully ripe. This last, being a high-climber, was only found bearing fruit on the tops of their highest trees; from its seeds they obtained one of their choicest anointing oils. And here, in speaking of orange-colours, I may also mention the discussions I have known among the old Maoris relative to the proper hue or colour of the wattles of some of their birds (e.g. the huia, and the kokako), which led me to believe that their wattles varied in the intensity of their colour owing to the season of the year, or that those of the male birds were of a different shade of orange from those of the females.

The various sorts of the red-skinned kumara tubers,*—light-red, dark-red, purple-red, reddish, etc.,—were also all well-known and accurately distinguished. Their experienced eye also saw, at a glance, the difference in the two shades of red exhibited in the flower and the fruit of the puriri tree (Vitex littoralis), and accurately described them. And the planet Mars

[Footnote] * See, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XIII., p. 34.

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was also distinguished by the old Maoris from the other planets and stars by its redness. Hence, too, they very quickly detected the alteration in the colour of the face and of the eyes,* arising from bashfulness, apprehensiveness, or shame, or from concealed vexation or open anger; and not unfrequently plainly told the actor or sufferer of it! to his, or her, further vexation and discomfiture.

Blue was another colour which the women and young men sometimes used with striking effect for ornamenting their faces, necks, and arms; this colour they obtained from two sources, one mineral and one vegetable, but it was very scarce. The mineral, in the state of a fine clay or powder, was but rarely found at the north, and then by chance, in some cold swampy grounds having a clay subsoil, and there only occasionally, adhering in small quantities to the roots of some cyperaceous plants; when pure it was of a most beautiful hue of blue (ultramarine); the only indigenous natural productions known to me at all resembling it in colour, were the lovely blue berry of Dianella intermedia (when in perfection); the blue tints of a living Medusa (Physalis pelagica?—“Portuguese-man-of-war”) often found on our outer sandy beaches in the summer season; and a portion of the blue plumage of the kingfisher; this colour was a still more brilliant blue than the breast of the swamp hen (Porphyrio). In the early summer season the youths of both sexes ornamented their faces with the light-blue pollen of the Fuchsia flowers,—much, indeed, as they also did with the orange pollen of the New Zealand flax, but this latter was not sought out purposely for face decoration as the former one was, but used, or accidentally smeared, in their sucking the honey-like liquid from the perianths of the flax. Of pure blue colours, however, the Maoris had but few naturally, save in the sky and (at times) the changeable sea; in the breast plumage of the swamp

[Footnote] * See, “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” Vol. XII., pp. 124, 138, etc.

[Footnote] † Here I would remark, that it was always my opinion—I might say, my well-grounded belief—that to the old Maoris the unclouded midnight sky did not everywhere appear to be of so dark, or so clear, a blue as it does to us,—owing to the superior strength of their far-off and piercing sight, through which they saw very many more of the smaller stars, and even nebulæ, than we did, or could. I have already mentioned, in a former paper (“Transactions,” Vol. XIII., p. 63, note) my having proved their seeing with the unassisted eye Jupiter's satellites; and I have also repeatedly proved their seeing not only the “seven” stars in the cluster Pleiades (which was one more than I could ever see), but even more!—eight, nine, or ten. And so, again, in some parts of the Milky Way,—the nebulæ in Argo Navis, and in Orion,—the Magellanic clouds, etc., etc., all appeared to them more clearly defined, more starry (if I may so say), than to us. Still, their very expressive proper name for the intense blue sky—kikorangi (on which and its correlatives a chapter of interesting philological exegesis might be written) must be borne in mind. (I believe that I was the first who discovered, or unearthed, and brought into early notice this term.)

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hen, the little blue penguin* (Eudyptula, sp.), and the kingfisher; in the mackerel, in a Medusa (common on the sandy sea-shores in summer) and in a few marine shells both uni- and bi-valve; and in two or three inconspicuous flowers of small plants, as Wahlenbergia and Teucridium; Colensoa also bears a blue flower, which is by far the largest of them all, but it is very local and scarce, being only found in a few spots between Whangaroa and the North Cape. Sometimes, though rarely, a chief would wear a portion of the blue plumage of the swamp hen dangling in his ear as an ornament.

I should also observe, that although (as I have shown) the old Maoris had but little of blue colours of their own which they could use, yet on their early becoming acquainted with Europeans—whether resident among them as missionaries, or merely as visitors in the numerous ships which visited their shores,—no colour was better known to them in all its shades than this one of blue. In the ships and vessels—both of the Royal Navy and merchant line—there were the blue jackets, blue shirts, blue trousers, and blue caps! while with the Mission from the beginning, blue was the common and, indeed, almost the only colour used in the female and infant schools, and in the Mission houses and premises, by the numerous female domestics,—all alike were clad in blue, both on Sundays and on week-days. “Navy-blue” cotton prints (dark blue with minute white dots) for the children, and blue linen for the women, and blue woollen shirts, and blue-striped cotton shirts (and sometimes blue caps) for the men; and afterwards (say 40--45 years ago), when the American whalers largely and frequently visited New Zealand (Bay of Islands), they brought their wares for trade, and many useful lots were from time to time purchased from them for the general use of the Mission; and among those goods were the twilled cotton shirt with a much wider blue stripe, and the famed American blue twilled cotton; this last was much stouter and stronger than the thin “navy-blue” cotton print of English manufacture (being made among the cotton-growing plantations, and, I believe, originally, for the use of the coloured slaves there), and was also much warmer than both that and the English blue linen, and more easily worked than this latter, apart from its being very much cheaper; therefore, this new blue article also got largely into use. Its colour, however, was very different from that of the “Navy blue” print, of the dark blue linen, and of the blue woollen shirts, being

[Footnote] * In 1836, while residing at Paihia, Bay of Islands, I had a living specimen of the blue penguin, which I kept alive for some time in my garden. I made it a little skin jacket, with a brass ring in the back, and to this I frequently tied a long fishing-line and let the bird go out to aea, where it dived about and enjoyed itself. One day it bit the line in two, and so got off. It was a wonderful pet with the Maoris.

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much lighter, and when it was washed it became lighter still in its colour! Hence soon arose a great number of names among the Maoris for all those different shades and hues of blue. Possibly there might have been a dozen or more of Maori names to indicate these several varieties of blue colour, newly introduced. And while it was a neat sight to see all the children, and all the adult women, sitting together at school, etc., clad alike in decent garments of English blue, which stood washing well and kept its colour, it was strangely different afterwards to note the contrasts in the several colours and hues of blue; for the American twilled blue cotton after a few washings became of a dull greyish-blue colour, and was then known among the Maoris as the “tupapaku” (corpse) from its faded dead appearance. And so, also, the Maoris in the villages, in their visiting the several stores to sell their produce, and seeking blue cloths and garments, could not be deceived as to their shades of colour, neither as to their durability; just as I have already shown (supra) in the matter of the red handkerchiefs. But all those several colours of blue, each bearing a distinct name among them, were shut up by the European under the one horrid term of puuru—blue! which, like several other words, mispronunciations of common English terms, inevitably became fixed, and drove the pure Maori equivalents—figurative and comparative—out of the philological field! It is well known to the oldest residents, that had it not been for the many books published in generally pure Maori by the Mission Press, and extensively circulated among the Maoris at an early period,—and the determination of the missionaries generally (at least of all those who knew Maori well), never to use or to encourage the use of such mis-shapen English,—the language would have completely deteriorated, and that very rapidly, becoming a wretched unmeaning and mixed patois. Above I have merely remarked on the corruption of one word for colour—blue; but I have also (especially at the north) heard too often such words as paraki—black, rari—red, karini—green, waiti—white, etc., used among the Maoris themselves, instead of their own far better and more intelligible words for those well-known and common colours!

Another little early incident,—or series of them,—which frequently occurred before New Zealand became a colony, and which also serves further to illustrate what I have already related, as to their correct knowledge of blue and other gaudy colours, is the following:—Large coloured prints (too often mere daubs) of Scriptural and other subjects, were from time to time kindly sent out from England for the Mission Infant Schools; in the close examination of those coloured prints the Maori adults were as much interested as the children, or more so. And here, while they were often “at sea” as to many of the forms drawn in those pictures (the same

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being wholly new), they were never wrong as to the colours of the robes, etc., in which blues, greens, yellows, and reds, often predominated; these they always settled to a nicety of description of their peculiar hues, and mostly by exact comparison, although to do so, occasionally took them some little time.

It was mainly in this figurative manner, and by way of semblance and likeness, that the Maoris of my early days in New Zealand (following out the long-established habits and customs of their forefathers) could receive and communicate knowledge among themselves; and happy was that missionary or teacher, who could empty himself, as it were, of his foreign ideas and ways, and thus go with them after their manner in seeking to impart truth: all such always found willing hearers. Ideas must be given through something; and the old Maoris could only receive teaching in and through modes of thought that were natural to them. For it is not the mere use of terms, but the sense in which they are used and received that must be considered. It is a fallacy, though both a natural and a common one (and one into which Mr. Stack in his paper has fallen) to confuse the image with the thing signified, like mistaking the colour of a substance for its true nature; but the old Maoris always steered clear of this.

But, after all,—though they so well and so clearly distinguished the many natural hues of red and of orange, of blue and of green, and of all gaudy colours,—perhaps their really chief forte, their strict national taste, in this line was shown, in the using and displaying to advantage the more striking contrast colours,—the contraries of white and of black. This was everywhere among them singularly exhibited, particularly in their clothing and in their dress ornaments. In this particular I never heard or read of any uncultured nation that ever approached them. Hence, when first visited, their best dogskin garments, strongly lined with woven cloth of flax, were composed of small white and black squares of dogskin with the hair on, laboriously and firmly sewn together;* much like the regular pattern of one of our chess-boards, only on a larger scale. And so, following out the same severely chaste taste, they often trimmed and adorned their best bleached white flax dress-mats, covering them all over with black hanging strings and tassels set on at regular distances, and with a deep border of thick black fringe,—each separate cord or strand finely twisted by the hand. And just so it was in that other elegant dress-mat of theirs, the korirangi (large variegated shoulder-mantle, or tippet), in which the numerous larger hanging tassels with which the garment was closely

[Footnote] * And here it should be remembered, that while the flax-mats were manufactured only by women, the dogskin-mats were wholly made-up by men.

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covered were all severally and regularly annulated, and made of alternate black and white (or black and yellow) chequer-work. Each of those dressmats, made after the fashion above described, took a long time to manufacture.

The same taste was also observable in their smaller personal ornaments;—in the pure white natural plumes of the white heron, and in the long white semi-transparent muslin-like epidermis of the mountain tikumu plant, and in the artificially-scraped and bleached white inner rind of the paper mulberry, for their black hair; in the snowy-white tufts of the down of the albatros and of the gannet for their ears, to set off the more strikingly the black lines of tattooing in their cheeks. And so with their other highly prized head ornaments, namely, the long black tail-feathers of the huia bird tipped with white; and the skin of the dark-plumaged tuii (or parson-bird), with its strikingly-contrasted hanging white neck-feathers suspended in their ears; and also the shark's white tooth (mako), for which, as a contrast, they early sought a yard of black silk shoe-ribbon: this last addition of a black ribbon, was, of course, a more modern one; but it was entirely in keeping with their national taste before it became debased and vitiated;—and in no case did I ever once detect a Maori wearing a red or gaudy-coloured ribbon to suspend his white ear-pendant of shark's tooth.

Before, however, I quit this part of my subject (having brought prominently forward their dresses made out of their white and black dogskins), I would also briefly remark, that although I have seen very many of their old and ancient carved and ornamented staffs of rank, they were all hung and decorated with white hair only, obtained from the flowing tails of their white dogs; and I never saw, or heard, of such a staff being so ornamented with the hair of the tails of their black dogs. And this could only have arisen as a matter of similar general taste; the white hair, when new, being a much greater contrast to the carved dark and stained wood of the staff, than the black hair could be.

I have shown how greatly the old Maoris loved a pure white colour, and to what great pains, and even dangers, they went in order to secure ornaments, etc., possessing it in its purity. Some of our early settlers will also recollect how very much the Maoris of 25–30 years back (before they generally adopted European garments) preferred pure white calico sheets as open flowing garments for summer wear, for adults as well as for children. And not a few of our colonists (possibly some of my audience here this evening), who have travelled with Maoris, or who may have fallen-in with them in travelling, will have noticed how very quickly the

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Maori has descried something at a great distance,—something white, or whitish, or, at all events, of a lighter colour than its environment; whether a distant sail at sea,—or a slip of earth or spot in a far-off cliff,—or a patch of snow on the mountain's crest,—or a white-breasted pigeon high up in a tree,—or a gull flying over the sea,—or a settler's house, or even a sheep in the distance;—how readily his eye had caught the object, and that entirely owing to its light or white colour. Now this is quite in keeping with our latest scientific investigation concerning what is known as “colour-blindness” and serves to show, to establish, a priori, how very free the Maoris must have been from all such infirmity. Indeed, for my part, and separate from my experience and experiments among them, I cannot perceive how the old Maoris were to live if such a failing ever existed, seeing that so very much in their daily life depended on their faculty of clear, correct and distant sight. Neither can I bring myself to believe that any such imperfection ever pertained to man in a state of nature.

I find that Mr. Brudenell Carter, F.R.C.S., has lately been giving a series of Cantor lectures at the Society of Arts on colour-blindness; and, among other things, he clearly showed and explained how “that the appearance of the world to the colour-blind must be less bright, less luminous, than to the colour-sighted; and that the appearance of whiteness, as familiar to the latter, must be unknown to the former. Whiteness is the result of the blending of the three primary colours of the spectrum in correct proportions, and the colour-blind, who perceive only two of these primaries, and can consequently only blend two, must see white surfaces as if their colour were compounded of red and violet, of green and violet, or of red and green, according to the primary which was wanting from the perception of the individual.”

But I must close.

Wishing to do justice to my subject, my paper is more diffuse and anecdotical, and at the same time longer, than I had originally intended. I fear, moreover, that, in a few instances, I may at first sight seem to be a little tautological. But when I considered, on the one hand, what Mr. Stack had painfully endeavoured to establish (as against the old Maoris' superior natural faculties, and especially their knowledge of colours),—and, on the other hand, my own long and varied experience to the direct contrary, it seemed to me that I had no alternative left, if I wished the truth to be known concerning them, but to state what I knew, and to supplement the same with a few facts in support thereof; which, if I did not thus make known, would in all probability die with me.

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I will conclude this paper with an excellent observation by the celebrated Professor Owen:—“Past experience of the chance aims of human fancy, unchecked and unguided by observed facts, shows how widely they have ever glanced away from the gold centre of truth.”*

Appendix.
A Paradigm of the word Whero, one of the (several) Maori terms for the red colour.

“It is said, that the New Zealander's perception of colours was defective and weak; this, however, is a mistake. Their colours were mainly divided into three distinctive classes,—white, black, and red;—but they were never at a loss clearly to express all colours. They used them, much as an English mariner uses the four names of the principal winds and points of the compass, repeated and involved to make 32, only much more expressively; as they also used with them several adjectives, increasing or lessening the meaning; also the words themselves reduplicated as diminutives. Besides which, if a New Zealander wished to convey to another a very exact idea of any colour intended, he would mention that of some natural object which was of the same shade of colour, “etc., etc. (W. C. “Essay on the Maori Races,” § 33, Vol. I., Trans. N.Z. Inst.)

Whero = red.

I.

Ascending: intensifying.

(Indicating, pure, clear, strong, brilliant, and lasting red colours.)

  • Kowhero.

  • Tino kowhero.

  • Tino whero.

  • Tino whero rawa.

  • Whero nui.

  • Whero nui rawa.

  • Whero nui whakaharahara.

  • Tino whero nui rawa.

  • Tino whero nui rawa whakaharahara.

  • Tona whero i whero ai.

  • Tino whero whakawhero.

  • Katahi te tino whero.

  • Katahi te mea i tino pai tona whero.

[Footnote] * Palœontology, p. 443; Second Edition.

[Footnote] † There are also several other proper names of red,—as, kura, kurakura, ngangana, pakurakura, ura, etc.

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  • Koia rawa

  • Koia kau

  • Eharay

  • Tena

    • te nui o te whero!

    • te pai o te whero!

    • te kaha o te whero!

    • te ataabua o te whero!

    • te ahua pai o tona whero!

    • te tuahua pai o tona whero!

  • Tino whero rawa, anana!

  • Whero kita.

  • Whero kitakita.

  • Whero whakamoe kanohi.

  • Whero whakakorekoreko kanohi.

II.

Descending: lessening.

(1.

Lighter, but fair reds.)

  • Kowherowhero.

  • Wherowhero.

  • Kowhewhero.

  • Whewhero.

  • Towhero.

  • Tu-a-whero.

  • Tu-a-kowhero.

  • Tu-a-kowherowhero.

  • Tu-a-wherowhero.

  • Tu-a-kowhewhero.

  • Tu-a-whewhero.

  • Wheronga-parakaraka.

  • Whero-kowhai.

(2.

Fainter, but having more or less of red and pink hues.)

  • Maa-whero.

  • Maa-whero maa-whero.

  • Maa-wherowhero.

  • Maa-tu-a-whero.

  • Maa-tu-a-wherowhero.

  • E iti ana tona whero.

  • E iti ana tona wherowhero.

  • E itiiti ana tona whero.

  • Maa-wherowhero tu-a-whakamaa ake.

  • Maa-wherowhero ake.

  • Maa-wherowhero iho.

  • Maa-tu-a-wherowhero iho.

  • Maa-tu-a-whewhero iho.

  • Ahua whero noa iho.

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    • Ahua whakawhero noa.

    • Ahua wherowhero noa iho.

    • Tu-ahua wherowhero noa iho haere ake ki te maa.

    • Tona whero, he wherowhero noa iho otira ahua whakawhero ake.

    • Ata wherowhero.

    • Tu-a-kowhewhero.

    • Tona ata e ahua wherowhero ana.

    (3.

    Dark-red, red-brown, etc.)

    • Whero-pakaka.

    • Whero-tu-a-pouri.

    • Whero ahua pouri.

    • Whero ahua whakapouri.

    • Whero-parauri.

    • Kihai

    • Kahore

      • maarama tona whero.

    • Whero-rere-kee.

    • Whero-tangi-kee.

    • Whero-ahua-kee.

    • Whero-ahua-tangi-kee.

    • Whero-tu-ahua-kee.

    • Whero-tu-ahua-tangi-kee.*

    • Whero-pouri.

    • Whero-pango.

    (4.

    Faded red colour.)

    • Whero haamaa.

    • Wherowhero haamaa.

    • Whero tupapaku.

    • Wherowhero tupapaku.

    • Whero kua kore.

    (5.

    Ugly, disagreeable, bad, red colours.)

    • Whero kino.

    • Whero kinokino.

    • Wherowhero kino.

    • Wherowhero kinokino.

    • He whero ano ra, otira he whero tu-ahua kino.

    • Whero marutuna.

    • etc., etc.

[Footnote] * These six terms are really beautiful ones, possessing great depth of meaning: A good and interesting philological chapter might be written in their exposition.

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To most, if not all, of those terms and idiomatic phrases (of which many others could be readily furnished) for the various natural colours of red, would be added the thing possessing that particular hue of red in the estimation of the speaker; who would also aim to be correct, otherwise his comparison, or simile, would be sure to be ventilated and roughly handled. Such was generally given with the comparative particle me (like: just as) preceding the noun: as,—tino whero, me te pua raataa = of a deep red, like the flowers of the raataa tree: whero, me he koura=red, just as a crawfish: whero, me he toto pango = red, like black (or old) blood. There were also several other modes of drawing the comparison.

Of those examples I have given above, I have repeatedly heard a very large number of them used.

Art. IV.—Notes upon the great Floods of February, 1868.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 3rd September, 1881.]

In February, 1868, the northern part of the South Island was visited by an extraordinary rainfall, which did a large amount of damage and left indelible marks of its occurrence wherever the waters of the main rivers rose above the height of ordinary floods. The general steepness of the mountains within this area necessarily causes a rapid superficial drainage, and, as a consequence, a rapid erosion and displacement of the materials of their surface, so that during heavy rains the channels of all the draining streams are not only quickly filled but their waters become heavily charged with silt and gravel, which is carried into the main watercourses, converting them into huge muddy torrents. Almost all the main rivers in this part of the South Island are, in effect, torrents even to their mouths, the average slope of their beds being little less than 35 feet to the mile. There was, moreover, this peculiarity in the rainfall in question, namely, that the quantity which fell within the first few hours was so great as to fill every stream bank high, and as the rain continued to fall almost as heavily for many hours after that had occurred, the main rivers not only became enormously flooded within a singularly short period, but maintained their flooded condition for an unprecedented length of time. Many causes, too, resulting from man's foolish and wanton interference with natural operations, had contributed to bring about a rapid accumulation of the rainfall in the main rivers. In the first place, the forest had been cleared by fires and otherwise, but principally by fires, from a large extent of the eastern slopes of the mountains in the very localities in which the ordinary rainfall is usually

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heaviest. In the next place, the surface vegetation of all those portions of the country in question, which could be used for depasturing purposes, had been systematically burnt over, year after year, in order to encourage a fresh growth for the use of the stock. And, moreover, the treading of the surface by depastured animals tended still further to harden it, and cause it to contract and crack in under the combined influence of the sun and wind. It is easy, therefore, to conceive that after any exceptionally great rainfall the main rivers which drain the districts referred to must become powerful engines for mischief, and are well calculated to make and leave indelible marks of their action, especially where their waters overspread a cultivated country.

Some years ago, I brought under the notice of the members of the New Zealand Institute (in a series of lectures) the desolating effects of torrents such as those which rise in and flow from our great mountain districts, owing to destructive changes occasioned by man's agency; but, although the evils I pointed out have been recognized and publicly commented upon, both in and out of Parliament, no attempt has been made to check the continuance of the acts which have brought them about. It is, no doubt, true that legislation has proved ineffectual to prevent the progress of such evils in older countries, but this is chiefly owing to the facts that the entire soil is vested in private persons, and that every proprietor will, as a rule, insist upon his right to fell his woods, and otherwise deal with his property in such manner as he thinks most consistent with his pecuniary interest, and that whether the result be injurious to others or not. But in a country like this, where the State has the possession and control of nearly all the forests which clothe the mountain sides, it is its imperative duty to retain that possession and control, and to provide severe punishment for acts calculated to produce evils of the kind referred to. The revenue derived from the demise of the great tracts of beech forest, which are frequently included within the limits of depasturage areas, is as nought when compared with the enormous damage which must result to the State from its destruction, destruction, moreover, which is rarely confined to the tracts comprised within the demise itself. I have seen thousands of acres of such forest wantonly burnt, and within a very short period afterwards nearly the whole of the loose soil has been washed from the cleared surface, leaving nothing behind but bald mountain ridges, rocky declivities, and steep earthy banks, furrowed by deep ravines usually filled, during rains, with torrents of mud and gravel. In Europe and America, the desolation produced by such causes has already been very great, and, in the older continent, millions of money have been spent in the regions of the Alps, the Pyrenees, and the Apennines, in attempts to prevent a continuance of the physical

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deterioration already produced in tracts of country which had formerly presented the uniform aspect of luxuriant pasture grounds and abundant cornfields and vineyards.

I have digressed somewhat from the immediate subject of my paper, but a recollection of the destructive results of the great floods of February, 1868, brought vividly before me the amount of injury which has already occurred, and which is likely to follow, from continued improper interference with natural operations; and I could not resist the opportunity of once again urging the necessity for checking such interferences, before it is altogether too late to do so with effect.

To return to my immediate subject. I have added by way of Appendix to this paper, a table (compiled for me by Mr. Gore), containing the meteorological notices recorded in both Islands during the month in which they occurred, from a perusal of which, independently of what I am about to state in this paper, you would doubtless conclude that the floods in question were of an unprecedented character. From observations made by myself during two or three journeys overland between Christchurch and Nelson, and, therefore, through the heart of the country in which these floods attained their maximum intensity, I was led to the startling conclusion, not only that they were the greatest which had occurred for a very long period of time, but that that period might properly be reckoned by thousands of years. Such a statement is, I admit, easily made, and must primarily be treated as being incapable of proof; but, whether I succeed or not in establishing my proposition to your satisfaction, I feel pretty well assured of its truth, and will, in due course, state my reasons for advancing it. In order, however, that you may be able to appreciate those reasons, it is necessary that I should give a somewhat detailed description of the features of the country in which my observations were made.

My first journey took place within a fortnight after the floods had subsided, and was from Christchurch to Nelson, visiting on my way a cattle-station which I then held, in the heart of the Spenser Mountains. My route, after leaving the Canterbury Plains, lay through the Weka Pass to the Hurunui and Waiau-ua Plains; from thence through the second gorge of the Waiau-ua, to the Hanmer Plain; across that plain to Jack's Pass; and over the pass into the Valley of the Clarence; and then into my station on the Upper Waiau-ua, by Fowler's Pass. From my station to Nelson, I crossed Maling's Pass to the head of Lake Tennyson; thence over the Island Saddle to the head waters of the Wairau, and through the Wairau Gorge, and the upper valley of that river, to the Top House; and thence through the Big Bush, to Nelson.

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The Hurunui and Waiau-ua Plains form together a long oval tract of practically level country, lying nearly east and west in its longest diameter, surrounded by mountains, and occupying the centre of the Amuri District, in the Province of Nelson. The eastern and larger portion of this oval is called the Hurunui Plain, and is traversed diagonally from north west to south-east by the river of that name. The western and smaller part of the oval is called the Waiau-ua Plain, and is also traversed from north-west to southeast by the river of that name. This latter portion lies at a lower level than the Hurunui Plain, for reasons to which I will shortly refer. The whole area presents the appearance of an ancient lake basin, the bed of which had been filled with gravels brought down by its various feeders before the waters had been drawn off through the channels cut from its southern side to the sea, by the rivers which now traverse its bed. These rivers are the Hurunui and the Waiau-ua, the first of which, after debouching from the mountains at the north-western end of the oval, flows diagonally across its upper part to about the middle of its southern side, where it enters a gorge and passes on to the sea; and the second of which, debouching from its own gorge above referred to, at a point a little below the middle of the northern side of the oval, also flows across it diagonally (on a line nearly parallel to the course of the Hurunui) to the south-eastern end of the oval, where it also enters a gorge through which it flows to the sea. Each of these rivers has removed in its course from its debouchure onto the plain to the gorge which it enters on the southern side, an immense quantity of the materials of which the lake bed was originally composed, leaving that part of the latter which lies between their courses as an undisturbed level tract, some twelve miles long, standing considerably above the general level of those portions of the oval which have been acted upon by the two rivers. Moreover, each of these rivers occupies a more or less defined channel in the lower ground through which it now flows, that of the Hurunui gradually widening to about three-fourths of a mile until it reaches the point at which it enters the gorge, where it again contracts, while that of the Waiau-ua rapidly spreads until it attains a width of from one to two miles, and as rapidly contracts again towards the point at which it enters its own lower gorge at the south-eastern end of the oval.

A stream called the Pahau, which in its ordinary state is most insignificant, flows from the mountains on the northern side of the oval about midway between the debouchures of the Hurunui and Waiau-ua, running in a shallow depression across the higher ground between these two rivers, until it joins the Hurunui close to its entrance into the gorge on the south side of the plain.

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The Hurunui and Waiau-ua are both, and especially the latter, very large rivers, each draining an immense area of the steep monntain masses which form the northern extension of the Southern Alps, and each is subject to heavy floods, especially during north-west summer rains. The Pahau, though ordinarily an insignificant stream, is also liable to heavy floods, not only because it drains a large mountain tract, but also because in the area which it drains the mountains are exceptionally steep, and the rainfall necessarily finds its way very rapidly into the minor watercourses which supply it. The Weka Pass road debouches on to the Hurunui Plain at a point where there is yet an undisturbed level portion of the old lake bed, from the top of which it descends into the channel of the Waikari, a small tributary of the Hurunui, which flows along the base of the mountains on the south side of the oval. This tributary has also cut its channel through the old lake bed, and has a small terrace on its northern side, between which and the channel of the Hurunui the ground rises gradually to the westward. On arrival near the latter channel we find a terrace similar to that on the north side of the Waikari, below which lies the main bed of the Hurunui river. Crossing this bed, which is here upwards of half a mile broad, we come to a high terrace, on ascending which we reach the level ground which I have referred to as lying between the two main rivers. The surface of that portion of the plain which lies between the Waikari and Hurunui rivers is, as already stated, a good deal lower than that of the original lake bed, as both rivers have been engaged, ever since the lake basin was emptied, in removing the sands and gravels of which it was composed, but this surface rises gradually towards the western end of the oval, where it lies at the same level as the upper surface of the plain between the two main rivers.

On reaching the point at which the second gorge of the Waiau-ua opens out to view, the road leads downwards over a succession of small terraces to a main one bounding the high flood-channel of the river, the whole of the gravels and sands below the original surface-level of the lake bed having been removed from this part of the oval, besides which the river, in its course through the gorge, has cut through the solid rock, underlying these gravels, to a depth of from twenty to thirty feet. The gorge itself between the Waiau-ua and Hanmer Plains is about eleven miles long, and rarely more than a quarter of a mile in width, from the foot of the hills on the one side to that of the hills on the other, the greater part of the river channel being in solid rock overlaid by gravels disposed in terraces, corresponding with those above described. The road through the gorge runs along the surface of a main terrace on its western side, the gravels of which immediately overlie the rocky walls between which the waters now flow.

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A number of small valleys, lying generally at right angles to the course of the main river, occur amongst the spurs of the mountains on each side of the gorge, each of which has its own stream, whose size is proportionate to the extent of the valley in which it flows. Every one of these lateral valleys is filled with gravels to about the same height as the level of the higher part of the Hurunui Plain, and its front towards the main river, between the extremities of the spurs which bound it, is a terrace face equal in height to the difference between that of the upper surface of the Hurunui Plain and the surface of the gravels of the terrace at its foot. From this foot to the edge of the bank of the main river the width varies from fifty to three or four hundred yards, and it is along this terrace that the road runs.

Now each of the streams which occupy these lateral valleys has cut a channel, more or less deep, through the gravels with which its own valley is filled, and, in some instances, through the rock which underlies them, and debouches on to the terrace of the main river, over which it flows in a manner having special relation to its magnitude and the force of its current. In every instance, however, these lateral streams have formed, at their debouchures on to the main terrace, what are geologically termed half-cones, more or less extensive, composed of the gravel and other detritus which they have removed in their courses through their own respective valleys. In some cases, where the streams are small they become lost after debouching from their own valleys in the gravels of these half-cones, their waters then finding their way by subterranean courses to the main river.

In flood times the waters of these smaller streams spread over the surfaces of their several half-cones, and after flowing beyond them for short distances lose themselves in the gravels of the main terrace. In other cases, where the streams are larger, each of them has cut a channel through the upper surface, but not to the full depth of its own half-cone, and after discharging its waters beyond the edge of the half-cone, also loses itself, except in flood time, in the gravels of the main terrace, whilst in flood time it finds its way by a number of shallow surface-channels to points beyond its ordinary place of disappearance, and then loses itself in the same manner.

But there are several of these lateral streams which, after having formed their half-cones, in times long past, have not only cut through the gravels of their own valleys and through the rock below them to a level below that of the surface of the main terrace, but also through their half-cones and the gravels of the main terrace and the rock below them, running into the main river in narrow ravines, varying from ten to thirty feet in depth.

In flood times streams of this class are raging torrents, bearing into the main river immense quantities of silt and gravel which are carried forward by the larger stream. As may be supposed, however, the beds of all these

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lateral streams contain considerable quantities of boulders and gravels which floods of ordinary magnitude are incapable of moving, the larger rocks and boulders serving as dams or buttresses for supporting smaller matter above them. But, whatever the relative size and force of these lateral streams may have been, there was one character which they all had in common before the occurrence of the great floods of 1868, namely, that they had evidently never changed their courses, at all events for some distance upwards from their debouchures onto the main terrace, since this had been left permanently above water by the cutting down of the present main river-channel. This is a point of great importance, and to be carefully borne in mind in connection with the observations referred to in the sequel. The hills and mountains on each side of the gorge are steep and hummocky, generally bare of forest, but covered with tussock grass and fern, and with the other vegetation characteristic of such localities in the South Island.

The valley of the main river rises from about 800 feet at the mouth of the gorge to about 1200 at its upper end in the Hanmer Plain, Mount Tekoa, on its western side, attaining an elevation of upwards of 5000 feet on a base of less than ten miles from the bank of the river. I am bound to be thus particular in describing the physical features of this gorge, and, indeed, of all the country in which I noticed extraordinary marks of the flood in question, because the changes effected by it in those physical features afford the chief proofs in support of my proposition. To these changes I will refer after completing my general sketch of the country affected, so far as this is necessary for the purposes of this paper. The gorge I have been describing terminates at the Hanmer Plain, which, like that of the Hurunui, lies nearly east and west, and is also surrounded by mountains. The main river flows into the plain from a gorge at its western end, and after flowing along its southern side to about the middle of the plain, turns abruptly into the one which I have lately described. At the point where this occurs it is met by two small rivers, one called the Percival, flowing directly across the plain from the northward, and the other called the Hanmer, flowing from the westward in a course directly opposite to that of the main river.

These rivers are very insignificant in size compared to the Waiau-ua, but in times of flood each of them brings down to the latter a large quantity of silt and gravel, partly derived from the shingle of the plain and partly carried into it by the innumerable rivulets which drain the surrounding mountain slopes. When, however, the whole of the rivers are in flood, the waters of the Percival and Hanmer are banked up at the confluence, and form a large expanse of practically still water, the effect being that, as in the case of the Pahau and the Hurunui hereafter referred to, a considerable quantity of silt

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is precipitated, which, upon the subsidence of the waters, presents the appearance of a bed of soft sandy mud. The Hanmer Plain appears also to be the bed of a former lake which had been gradually emptied by reason of the erosion of the rock in the gorge below it.

Crossing this plain the road leads up a long spur to Jack's Pass, a depression in the mountain ridge on the north side of the plain, through which the valley of the Clarence is reached. I need scarcely say, that the scenery in the gorge, and upon the lines of road over the passes into the Clarence and the Upper Waiau-ua, is very beautiful, but I am compelled to omit any notice of it in this paper as foreign to the subject in hand, although I should like to dwell upon it. It is a curious circumstance that the valley of the Clarence lies but little below the upper level of Jack's Pass, and that from the outlet of Lake Tennyson, for upwards of sixty miles of its course, it lies at an average altitude of 1,400 feet above, though parallel with the valley of the Waiau-ua, the level of Jack's Pass being little less than 3,000 feet above that of the sea. Fowler's Pass, through which the Upper Waiau-ua is reached from the Clarence, is about twenty miles up the valley from Jack's Pass, the saddle being from seven to eight hundred feet above the level of the valley, making the summit of the pass nearly 4,400 feet above sea-level. It is in these localities that the remarkable Alpine vegetation of New Zealand is found in its greatest luxuriance and in its most quaint and striking forms, whilst the air is not only delicious from its mere purity, but is always filled, and especially so in midsummer, with the perfume of many exquisitely scented mountain plants.

The descent from Fowler's Pass to Lake Guyon is extremely rapid, the track leading through broken rocky gorges, above which the mountains, rugged and bare, rise to an additional height of several thousand feet, the more sheltered spots in their northern aspect being rarely free from snow. The valley of the upper Waiau-ua lies below Lake Guyon, and was formerly filled by a huge glacier, formed and fed from the snows of the Spenser Mountains, the highest points of which, the Faery Queen, Mount Una, and the Pyramid, attain to the elevation of nearly 10,000 feet above sea-level. Maling's Pass is about eight miles above the outlet of Lake Guyon, and leads to Lake Tennyson, a very beautiful sheet of water now occupying the bed of a great glacier, which formerly descended from the skirts of the Princess Mountain. This lake receives the head waters of the Clarence River. From the eastern side of the lake the track lies over a low saddle to the head of the Wairau, the river which, after passing close to the town of Blenheim, flows into Cloudy Bay. Between the northern side of the saddle and the Rainbow River, the Wairau runs for several miles through a narrow rocky gorge, on each side of which the mountains rise in steep and

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rugged masses to the height of three or four thousand feet; numerous torrents flow into it from lateral gorges and ravines, helping to swell the volume of the main river, and they bring down, even in ordinary floods, great quantities of angular detritus. But the beds of these lateral streams were, as a rule, prior to the floods of February, 1868, much encumbered with loose rock and other material not liable to be removed even by the heaviest ordinary floods. The bed of the main river, in its course through the gorge, was filled with huge smooth boulders, which made it difficult to ford it even when low, and dangerous even when moderately swollen, its waters then rushing over their rough bed with great force and impetuosity. In this gorge, also, the marks left by the great flood of 1868 were most singular and instructive, and I will now proceed to mention such of those marks along the line of country which I have described as appear to me to afford evidence of the unprecedented character of that flood.

The first thing which struck me was the enormous quantity of water-borne timber which was lodged upon the surface of the Hurunui Plain, every part of it which had been reached by the flood-waters being strewed with such timber in the most extraordinary manner. The waters of the various rivers which ran through it appeared to have risen to an incredible height, so much so indeed that a very large part of it must, when the waters were at their highest, have presented the appearance of a vast lake. I was told, moreover, by a person who stood on the terrace above the Hurunui, so as to command a view of the line of the ordinary channel of the river, that the waters in that line appeared to run at a height of from three to four feet greater than the general level of the water spread over the plain, and that the roar of the shingle which was being carried down was like that of distant thunder. As the waters subsided enormous quantities of timber were left upon the level ground over which they had spread, and it was curious to see the singular regularity with which the drifted logs were piled up, often to the height of several feet, giving to the whole an absolutely artificial appearance. The Pahau, which in its ordinary flow is scarcely more than a brook, and which even in ordinary floods is rarely more than two or three hundred yards broad, must, during the flood in question, have been upwards of two miles wide. Like the Hurunui, and upon a scarcely less scale, it deposited upon the surface of the upper plain immense quantities of timber built up in precisely the same manner. I was informed by shepherds and stockmen well acquainted with the forest tracts on the surrounding mountains, that every atom of fallen timber had been washed out of the innumerable gullies and ravines by which their slopes are furrowed, and that the beds of all the streams which flowed in them appeared to have been cleaned out to the very rock, few of them retaining

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even the slightest trace of the shingle and other materials which had previously lain in them. It is impossible to convey an idea of the extraordinary quantity of timber piled upon the surface of the plains, and that, too, in positions which had not, before this flood, presented any trace of having been covered with water since that of the lake had been drained from it. It must be borne in mind, moreover, that the timber thus left on the surface of the plain could only have been a mere fraction of the total quantity brought down by the rivers, the greater proportion having been carried out to sea.

At the point where the waters of the Pahau joined those of the Hurunui, they were banked up to the height of upwards of thirty-five feet, and a bed of silt was deposited varying in depth from a few inches to upwards of ten or twelve feet (according, of course, to the depth of the banked-up water), and covering an area of several hundred acres. This silt-bed remained so soft for many months after the subsidence of the waters, immediately below the dry crust which formed on its surface, that cattle which got on to it from the bank above, attracted by the young grass which soon grew upon it, sank into it and were smothered. A similar but smaller bed of silt was formed at the confluence of the Hanmer with the Waiau-ua, and several months after it had been uncovered, a pack-horse, which I was driving, was very nearly bogged in attempting to cross it. The larger part of the great bed of silt, formed at the confluence of the Pahau and the Hurunui, remains to this day, and is not exposed to removal by the ordinary action of those rivers, but no such bed existed prior to the occurrence of the flood of February, 1868.

The next striking result of this flood was one which especially affected the surfaces of the hills in the Waiau-ua Gorge, and was indeed noticeable, though in a less remarkable degree, all over the surrounding country. These hills were scarred by innumerable small isolated slips, evidently caused by the sudden bursting from points on their sides of accumulations of water which had suddenly found its way between the surface-soil and the solid ground below. An occasional scar of the same kind is seen on the mountain sides all over New Zealand, but the extent to which this process had taken place as the result of the great flood in question, was such as to create a marked and by no means agreeable feature in the landscape. I believe I am not exaggerating when I say that, to the eye at all events, not less than one-twentieth part of the surface of a large proportion of the hills had been rendered useless by these peculiar slips, for as the surfaces exposed by them consist almost exclusively of the underlying rock, they are, and are likely to remain for ages to come, completely destitute of vegetation.

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A still more remarkable result of the flood was presented in connection with the lateral valleys which opened on to the terrace of the main river. You will remember that I described the front line of each of these valleys, drawn from the extremities of the bounding spurs, as presenting the appearance of an ordinary river terrace, more or less deeply cut through by its own particular stream, and I mentioned that each of these streams had formed, at its debouchure on to the surface of the main terrace, a half-cone of detritus over which it continued to flow, or through which it had cut a channel more or less deep as the case might be. Now, before the flood of 1868, there was not, in any instance, more than one such half-cone in connection with any one valley, the stream from each valley having unquestionably debouched from the same channel on to the main terrace ever since the waters of the main river had ceased to run at the level of the upper surface of that terrace. But in the case of several of these larger lateral valleys, the channels of their streams, though wide and deep, had proved to be entirely insufficient to carry off the enormous quantity of water which had suddenly poured into them during this flood, the consequence being that the surplus water overflowed the valley and found its way along one or more lower lines on its surface over the edge of its frontal-terrace on to the main terrace below. These valley-terraces are, as I think I have before observed, composed of loose gravels and silt. Now the quantity of surplus water was so great in some instances, that wide fresh channels were cut through the fronts of the valley-terraces, and fresh half-cones deposited on the main terrace below, some of them being actually larger than the old half-cones which had accumulated in front of the original debouchures during the immense time which had elapsed since they began to be deposited. There could be no mistake about this operation. There were the large open gaps freshly cut through the front terraces, in some instances extending in depth to the solid rock below. There were the great new half-cones, some of them covering several acres of the previously level surface of the main terrace, and formed out of the materials which had filled these gaps. But no water has ever since flowed through these new gaps. The streams of the lateral valleys are again flowing in their old channels, and the latter have, in almost every instance, been emptied of every atom of the loose material which had previously lain in their beds, thus giving largely increased room for the flow of the water. Chasms along the line of these streams, in their course across the main terrace, in some instances ten and twelve feet deep, the bottoms and sides of which are clean solid rock, have taken the place of beds of shingle which had formerly filled them up to the general level of the ground, the consequence being that a considerable number of bridges have had to be constructed on

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the line of road along the main terrace, in order to permit the wool-drays to pass over across the beds of these streams in places which had previously been forded without the slightest trouble. In several places, moreover, where the old channels had proved insufficient to carry the enormous quantity of flood-waters suddenly poured into them, these had burst over their banks and cut subsidiary channels through the gravels of the main terrace down to the solid rock on which they rest, and had then fallen in cascades into the great river below. Now I submit, that if any such flood as that of February, 1868, had occurred in this locality since these several gravel terraces had been formed, it must have left marks similar to those which I have described, marks which, looked upon from a geological point of view, are practically indelible; and the non-existence of such marks in any part of the gorge prior to the occurrence of the flood in question, is sufficient to indicate that no such flood had taken place since the river had flowed at the foot of the terraces fronting the lateral valleys.

It is not necessary that I should specially notice the effects of the flood in the valley of the Clarence on the Upper Waiau-ua. Though palpable enough, they were not of a class to afford strong evidence of its being unprecedented in extent, for both these localities are high above sea-level, are very rugged and bare, and the marks left were not sufficiently distinctive to require special notice.

In the gorge of the Wairau the case was different. There, as before observed, the river flowed for miles over a bed filled with huge boulders, but the immediate effect of the tremendous rainfall referred to had been, that all the loose angular detritus previously lying in the beds of the lateral torrents was washed out of them, forming, in some instances, enormous mounds, the bases of which were cut away by the waters of the main river, the effect being that the interstices between the boulders in its bed were filled up, for many miles of its course, changing the surface of this bed from one of great ruggedness to the smoothness of a macadamized road, and giving to the river the appearance of a beautiful purling stream instead of that of an impetuous brawling torrent. In process of time the major portion of the small stuff thus distributed over the bed of the river will be removed, but when I last passed through the gorge, eight years after the occurrence of the flood in question, the places where I forded the river still retained the even smoothness which had followed from the great flood.

Such are the principal grounds upon which I have based the opinion expressed in the earlier part of this paper, and I have little doubt that, had I been able to devote time to a more extended examination of the district in which my observations were made, I should have found abundant additional evidence in support of it. I am aware of the danger of drawing general

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conclusions from isolated facts, but instances sometimes occur—footprints on the sand—so pregnant as to justify such a course, and I still believe, after long thought, that the remarkable results of the flood in question, which I had the opportunity of observing in the gorge of the Waiau-ua, are of that character. It must be remembered that whilst all the great observers of physical phenomena have rightly concluded that the changes which have taken place upon the surface of the earth have not been suddenly brought about, but result from the slow though continuous operation of natural causes, none of them can or do deny that there are, or have been, catastrophes or cataclysms, though these are usually limited in extent at any one period, when compared with the whole terrestrial surface. The downfall of nearly thirteen inches of rain, in the course of three days, over an area of thousands of square miles of steep mountain country, was unquestionably calculated to produce a catastrophe in the level areas through which their drainage passed to sea, for even the water which would thus be carried into the river of a valley whose drainage area did not much exceed eight square miles (which is about that of the Kaiwarra stream), would reach the astounding quantity of sixteen hundred millions of gallons, a quantity equal to the entire measured ordinary flow of that stream for a period of three years, or to the estimated ordinary flow of the river from which the city of Wellington is about to derive its new supply of eight millions of gallons a day, for a period of nearly eight months. Whilst I have not hesitated in setting forth the views contained in this paper, I feel that they may not deserve acceptance; but, even then, I trust that the observations I have brought under your notice will not be without their use to those who take an interest in the history of remarkable physical occurrences.

Extracts from the official Meteorological Reports for February, 1868.

The rainfall, especially in the earlier part of the month, was excessive in some districts. A storm, which commenced on the 3rd, appears to have backed round from north, through east, when the rainfall from this unusual quarter was productive of the most disastrous floods which have been recorded in the colony, and which devastated the eastern districts of the South Island.

Taranaki-On 2nd, barometer 29.628, wind S.E.; but scud coming from E. and N.E., threatening rain and wind; at 3 p.m. barometer falling, wind S.E. and rising, evening wild looking, with heavy rain; at 10 p.m. barometer 28.80. On 3rd, gale from S.E., with thunder and lightning; about two inches of rain fell during night; wind changed to S.W., and violent gale blew, breaking the anemometer; a maximum pressure of 18 lbs. to square foot was registered; barometer commenced to rise; at 4 p.m. gale continued, but veered back to N.W., at 9 p.m. barometer 29.20. On 4th gale continued, with heavy squalls of rain, hail, thunder, and lightning, but moderated towards morning. It continued stormy up to 8th.

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Wellington—On 3rd, very low barometer, strong wind from E.; at 3 p.m. barometer 28.754; at 4.15 p.m. rose rapidly, wind shifting round to S., through E.; no rain to speak of at this period.

Nelson—A storm commenced on 3rd, wind S.E.; on 4th, wind N.E.; and on 5th, N.; the rainfall on the 5th, for 24 hours previous, was 7.03 inches; from 3rd to 5th the rainfall was 12.88 inches; barometer down to 28.83 inches.

Christchurch—Disastrous and unparalleled floods oecurred throughout the eastern portion of the Province of Canterbury on 2nd, 3rd, and 4th. The rainfall at Mount Peel was 8.08 inches in 24 hours, ending at 12 p.m. on the 3rd. In Christchurch the rain was heavy, but not so severe as the above.

Hokitika—On the 3rd a heavy S.E. gale experienced, but no great rain.

Dunedin—On 3rd, a storm from S.E.; 1.37 inches rain, recorded on 4th, for previous 24 hours. There were great floods all over the Province, doing much damage.

Southland—Gale occurred on 3rd and 4th from E.S.E., but no rain.

Total rain for Month of February, 1868, compared with averages for same month previous years.

Feb., 1868. Same Month. Previous Years.
Taranaki 6.07 3.67 inches.
Wellington 8.76 3.28 "
Nelson 19.95 6.43 "
Christchurch 5.66 1.25 "
Dunedin 5.07 2.35 "

Art. V.—Remarks on the Sand Dunes of the West Coast of the Provincial District of Wellington

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 20th August, 1881.]

Every person who has travelled from Wellington to Wanganui by the present coach road, must have been struck by the large extent of the dunes which lie inside the shore line from Paikakariki northward. These dunes, as will have been observed, consist of sand washed up by the waves, and then heaped up above the tide line by the action of the prevailing westerly winds. The depressions which occur amongst them are often of considerable extent, and where these lower areas continue moist throughout the year, they support a comparatively dense vegetation, whilst such of them as usually remain dry are mere arid wastes of shifting sand, without any vestige of plant life. The sand of which the dunes are usually composed is not exclusively silicious matter, but contains a proportion of calcareous and other mineral substances, and of animal and vegetable remains, which help to give it a capacity under certain conditions for sustaining vegetable growth, and accordingly we find that where the surface remains undis-

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turbed, and the sand is so placed as to be capable of retaining moisture, it is generally covered with vegetation (more or less luxuriant according to the degree of moisture present), of the special character which affects this description of habitat. I give at the foot of this paper a list of the most conspicuous dune plants indigenous to New Zealand, many of which would be found valuable in other countries.

Now this vegetation confines the sand, and would, if undisturbed by man, or by grazing or burrowing animals, entirely prevent its motion under the influence of the wind, whilst, wherever the surface is not confined by plant growth or by a crust of vegetable matter, the sand is constantly rolled forward in the direction of the prevailing winds. Instances, indeed, are abundant in other countries, of populous and fertile districts having by this means been converted into barren wastes. A recent example of this was observed in connection with the dunes which lie between the Adour and the estuary of the Gironde, on the west coast of France, the sands of which were found, where not fixed by vegetable growth, to advance eastward at a mean rate of about sixteen and a half feet a year, the result being that a large extent of fertile land was destroyed before effectual measures could be taken to arrest the evil. Other instances of the mischief which results from disturbing the vegetation upon the surfaces of sand dunes will be given in the sequel, whilst, to bring the matter home, I may mention that Mr. Hadfield (who occupies a tract of land between the rivers Otaki and Ohau, on the west coast of this Provincial District) informs me that the sands of the dunes between those rivers are advancing inland at a rapid rate and threaten great injury, unless effectual steps be taken to prevent it. I have observed the same thing occurring on the shores of Pegasus Bay, but in less degree owing to the fact that the strong westerly winds which are frequent there, blow off shore, and prevent any rapid inland extension of the sand under the influence of the easterly winds which prevail on that coast.

It has been a question of interest in Europe, whether, and to what extent, the generally bare condition of coast dunes is to be attributed to the improvidence and indiscretion of man, and recent investigations seem to have shown that, in almost every case, the inland advance of dune sands may be traced to man's interference with natural operations. A patent instance of this is given in connection with the dunes of the Frische Nebrung, on the coast of Prussia. It is related by Willibald Alexis (as quoted by Mr. Marsh, in his interesting and valuable work on Physical Geography), “that the dunes of the Nebrung were formerly covered with a great pine forest, which extended to the water's edge, and bound, with its roots, the dune sand and the heath uninterruptedly from Dantzig to Pillau.

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King Frederick William the First, however, wanted money, and a certain Herr Von Korff promised to provide it for him without loan or taxes, if he could be allowed to remove something quite useless. He thinned out the forests of Prussia, which then, indeed, possessed little pecuniary value, but he felled the entire woods of the Frische Nebrung, so far as they lay within the Prussian territory. The financial operation was a success. The king had money, but, in the elementary operation which resulted from it, the State received irreparable injury. The sea winds rush over the bared hills; the Frische Haff is half choked with sand; the channel between Elbing, the sea, and Königsborg is endangered, and the fisheries in the Haff injured. The operation of Herr von Korff brought the king 200,000 thalers. The State would now willingly expend millions to restore the forests again.”

It has been proved, however, that where man and cattle and burrowing animals have been excluded from the surfaces of dunes, these have gradually become clothed with various species of plants and finally covered with trees, leading to the assumption, that wherever dunes are found in a bare condition, it is to be attributed to man's interference, either direct or indirect, with the natural operations under which they would become and remain covered. It has been found, moreover, that dunes begin to protect themselves very soon after human trespassers and grazing animals have been excluded from them, herbaceous and arborescent plants (of which upwards of three hundred species are known to flourish in such habitats) speedily fixing themselves in the depressions and thence extending to the surfaces of the sandhills. To quote the words of an author on this subject: “Every seed that sprouts binds a little of the sand, and gives shelter and food for the growth of others, and a few favourable seasons suffice to cover the greater portion of the surface with a net-work of vegetation which almost effectually prevents the motion of the sand.” Those who have observed the rapid spread of the toi (Arundo conspicua), amongst the sand dunes on our West Coast (especially where they are not occupied for depasturing purposes), will have seen an example of this natural operation, and one, too, which points to a ready and simple means for preventing the further inland motion of these sands. This plant by the large amount of shade which it makes, and the protection it affords to the surface from the drying action of the wind, would materially assist in promoting the growth of more useful plants whenever it may be deemed advisable to adopt any system of artificial reclamation.

In the latter part of the last century, simultaneous active steps were taken in Denmark, in Prussia, in the Netherlands, and on the west coast of France, for the protection of the surfaces of the dunes in those countries, and for rendering them in some degree valuable, and most satisfactory

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results have followed these efforts in each instance. In France, especially, operations were carried on upon a large scale, under the direction of Bremontier, the system which he used being very much the same as one independently adopted in Denmark at about the same time. Bremontier's efforts were crowned with special success, owing in some measure to the nature of the climate, but chiefly to the liberal assistance which he received from Government, which placed large sums at his command in aid of the work. The area of dunes which has been secured from drifting and converted into valuable plantations by his method, exceeds 100,000 acres, now yielding a large annual revenue in turpentine and resin, independently of the value of the timber from which these are produced, whilst, as a further and more important result of his labours, the fixture of these sands has saved a much larger area of valuable country from the destruction with which it was threatened.

In the neighbourhood of Cape Breton, another process is successfully employed, both for preventing the drifting of the sand and for rendering the surface directly productive. The method there adopted consists of planting vineyards upon the dunes, the vines being protected by hedges of Erica scoparia, so disposed as to divide the vineyard into rectangular spaces of forty or fifty feet square. The same heath would grow luxuriantly on our West Coast dunes, and there are extensive areas amongst them, especially to the north of the Rangitikei River, which appear to me to be admirably adapted for the cultivation of the vine in the manner used at Cape Breton. The vines there are said to thrive admirably, and the grapes to be amongst the best grown in France. Dunes are, it must be remembered, favourable for the growth of vines, fresh sea-sand being regularly employed, in the west of France, as a manure for the vine, alternately with ordinary manure, with the advantage that, as the surface of the vineyard is by this means constantiy raised, the vines as constantly throw out fresh roots and thus promote a vigorous upper growth.

Coming back to our West Coast dunes, it seems clear that if the observations made by Mr. Hadfield be accurate, as applied to the district between the Otaki and the Ohau, there can be little doubt that similar results are taking place further to the northward, where nearly the whole of the coast dunes are included in sheep and cattle runs. The revenue derived from the occupation of such tracts of country by pastoral tenants, cannot possibly compensate for the injury which will be done by the inland advance of the sand, and although it may not be expedient that Government should as yet engage in such operations as those which have been carried on in France, it is in the highest degree important that it should put a stop to further interference with the surface of the dunes, and thus allow them a

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chance of again becoming clothed with a protective growth. The subject is not one to be treated lightly, seeing that the area of dunes on the West Coast of this Provincial District alone cannot be less than 150,000 acres, and that the prevalent winds are generally westerly, and, therefore, exactly those which are likely to do serious mischief.

As enquiries are frequently made on the subject, I think it well to add a few words as to the mode in which forest trees are cultivated on dunes. The principal tree so cultivated on the French dunes is the Pinus maritima, which, besides being valuable for timber, yields a considerable annual revenue from turpentine and resin. It is always grown from seed on the spot which it is intended to occupy, the young shoots being protected for several seasons by the branches of other trees either planted in rows, or formed into wattled hedges, or staked down over the surface of the sand. The sand grasses too are used for the purpose of shelter, and as the pine does not thrive well close to the sea, these grasses (especially Ammophila arundinacea and Elymus arenarius) are planted along the beach and for some distance inland, and these when grown effectually prevent the sand from overwhelming the young trees.

It is found that under the shade of the pine, while still young, deciduous trees and a great variety of herbaceous and shrubby plants thrive well, and contribute to the rapid formation of a coating of vegetable mould. In fact, so soon as the pine has become well established, the reclamation of the sand waste may be looked upon as an accomplished fact. Turpentine is extracted from these trees for several years before they are cut for timber, and although this has a tendency to check the growth of the tree, it is found to improve the quality of the timber. The trees commence yielding turpentine at the age of about eighteen or twenty years, and have been found to yield from that age, up to the age of eighty or a hundred years, an annual return, independently of the value of the timber itself, of about £1 an acre. It may interest you to know that Ammophila arundinacea and Elymus arenarius, as well as other foreign sand grasses, have been introduced and successfully cultivated by Mr. Coutts Crawford at Miramar Peninsula, where they have already been of great service in preventing the spread of the sand over valuable pasture ground.

The following is a list of the principal plants found upon the sand dunes of New Zealand:—

Of primary value for fixing the sands:

Coprosma acerosa, A. Cunn.
Convolvulus soldanella, Linn.
Pimelea arenaria, A. Cunn.
Leptocarpus simplex, A. Rich.
Carex pumila, Thumb.

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Hierochloe redolens, Labill.
Spinifex hirsutus, Labill.
Arundo conspicua, Forst.
Desmoschœnus spiralis.
Scedonorus littoralis, Palisot.
Gahnia arenaria, Hook, fil.

Of secondary value:

Hymenanthera crassifolia, Hook. fil.
Plagianthus divaricatus, Forst.
Haloragis alata, Jacq.
Tetragonia expansa, Murray.
Aciphylla squarrosa, Forst.
Coprosma baueriana, Endl.
Cyathodes acerosa, Br.
Chenopodium glaucum, Linn. var. ambiguum.
Atriplex cincea, Poiret.
Atriplex billardieri.
Salicornia indica, Willd.
Muhlenbeckia adpressa, Lab.
" complexa, Meisn.
Phormium tenax, Forst.
" colensoi, Hook. fil.
Juncus maritimus, Lam.
Cyperus ustulatus, A. Rich.
Scirpus maritimus, Linn.
Carex virgata, Sol.
Zoysia pungens, Willd.
Dichelachne stipoides, Hook. fil.
Agrostis pilosa, A. Rich.
Glyceria stricta.
Festuca scoparia.

Art. VI.—On the Taieri River Floods and their Prevention.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 22nd November, 1881.]

Plate XI.

Immunity from destructive floods during the last few years, together with the extension of the Taieri River embankments, appear to have induced a sense of security amongst the settlers on the Lower Taieri Plain, which may at any time be somewhat roughly disturbed. And I think, therefore, that the conservators of the river should not remain satisfied with what they have already done, but should take steps to determine accurately and

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finally the practicability of utilizing such natural sites as exist for the storage of flood waters, but which have not yet been surveyed and reported on. A tolerably intimate knowledge of the basin of the Taieri River above Outram, and of that of the Waipori River, has satisfied me that certain flats on the banks of these rivers offer very excellent facilities for the construction of dams capable of impounding the most of the flood waters, and that at much less cost than is usually supposed. The expenditure of about £200 on a survey would settle definitely this question, and the money would be well spent.

Floods on the Taieri River have been reported on, or written about, by Mr. J. T. Thomson, C.E., Mr. G. M. Barr, C.E., Messrs. Blair, Bell, and Higginson, M.I.C.E. (Flood Commissioners), and Mr. E. B. Cargill. Their estimated discharges of the river and its tributaries differ somewhat, as well as the remedies propounded; and as to the scheme of the Flood Commissioners, its cost has been fatal, apparently, to its early realization. I propose, therefore, to give you a few facts in support of my statement that the Taieri floods are capable of being checked, if not entirely reduced to manageable limits, by reservoirs, and that at a very moderate expenditure.

Rain Storms.

The opinion that the Taieri floods are due to the sudden melting of snow, caused by warm north-west winds, with or without rain, is erroneous. For, first, in the case of the gathering ground of the snow-fed rivers of Otago—the Waitaki, Clutha, Oreti, and Waiau rivers—the greater part of the snow lies above the 4000 feet level, while the mountains which discharge the greatest amount of water into the Taieri—viz., the Rough Ridge, Lammerlaw, and Rock and Pillar Ranges—do not exceed 3800 feet in altitude (in round numbers), with the exception of about 3000 acres on the Rock and Pillar. The snow is generally off the latter mountains by the middle of November, and this season, while I write (October), there is little or none; and the Taieri floods, particularly the most destructive, do not generally occur while snow is on the highest catchment ground, that is, in winter. The worst flood of all, that of 1868, occurred in the beginning of February. Lastly, the heaviest floods have been consequent on rain-storms from east to south-west. This range of direction does not bring warm rain; that comes from north-west; but the storms blow well home, and as they reach the Upper Taieri Plains keep pretty steady at south-east. My own notes on the weather, made while living on these plains during 1867–68, and 1869, show this to be correct. It is corroborated by the experience of settlers living there, and the meteorological observations taken at Dunedin for the same period are confirmatory. That is the first circumstance to be kept in view in ascertaining the distribution and effects of the rainfall.

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Next, the configuration of the catchment area in its main features is of great importance. This consists of the Mount Ida range and the Kakanuis on the north; the Rock and Pillar, Lammerlaw, and Rough Ridge on east, south, and west; and the Upper Taieri or Maniototo Plains in the centre, which latter average about 1400 feet above sea-level. And, lastly, the soil generally over the whole area is dry, in many places shingly, and, as a whole, has become so baked on the surface by grass fires and stocking that the rainfalls run off with great rapidity—greater, it is thought by many, than was the case before the interior was settled. But there is one remarkable exception to this general character of the soil. The plateau, or elevated plain which forms the top of the Lammerlaw and Rock and Pillar Mountains, contains a large morass of 3000 acres in extent, besides numerous smaller swamps, with bogs and lagoons. This sponge like and porous soil, with lagoons, is more or less characteristic of the whole catchment area of the Taieri, above the Styx Stream, including the Serpentine Flat, 1800 feet above sea-level.

Effects.

Bearing in mind, then, these facts—the direction of the rainstorms which, at their worst, come from S.E. to S.W., the exposure and resistance offered by the faces of the mountains to these storms, and the nature of the soil on the mountain tops and on the plains, with the relative heights of these localities—what should we expect? We should expect the rain-clouds, which come up in a storm from the Southern Ocean, on reaching our coast, and losing the contents of their lower strata among the coast hills, would pass on until caught by the higher ranges which surround the sources of the Taieri River. There, rolling up the slopes of the Lammerlaw and Rock and Pillar Mountains, and forming an eddy on the flat summits, they would become piled up, and their rate of travelling or velocity being thus reduced, they would naturally deposit the greater portion of their contents on and around the tops of these ranges. The remainder of the rain-clouds would pass on and become gradually dispersed by the higher temperature of the interior plains. The more northerly columns of the rain-clouds would draw along the Horse Range to the highest peaks of the Kakanui Mountains and Kyeburn Hill, and lose the greater amount of their contents among these peaks. At the same time the Maniototo Plain itself, lying immediately west of these ranges, together with its western boundaries, the Mount Ida Range and northern part of the Rough Ridge, would have but a reduced balance of rainfall to receive, reduced still further by the superior warmth of the plain itself.

Evidences of Distribution of Rainfall.

And what do we find to be the case? The experience of the oldest settlers on the Upper Taieri Plains goes to show that the above theory is correct. For instance, Mr. James Murison, who first took up country there as a runholder in 1857, has assured me that, while the southerly storms rage around the Lammerlaw and Rock and Pillar, the basin of the Upper Taieri River itself escapes these to a great extent. From the Kyeburn, all round the north and west side of the plain to the Totara, that is over an area of 280 square miles, or 180,000 acres, there is not a single stream but such as a man may easily jump across. The Kyeburn stream has a rapid descent, and in floods rises to a considerable height, but falls quickly. This I saw during the big flood of 1868, when camped on its banks. The streams then round to the Totara discharge very little rainfall into the Taieri; and the most received by Mount Ida flows into the Waitaki; while on the east side, round to Hyde, there is but a small quantity runs down the Sowburn and Pigburn.* But the Deep Stream and Lee Stream rise rapidly and carry off as swiftly a large amount of rainfall. After the flood of February, 1877, I examined parts of the gorge of the Lee Stream, where the flood marks were visible 40 feet above the ordinary water-level on a width of about two to three chains. This gorge has a descent of 900 feet in 11½ miles, while that of the Deep Stream falls 825 feet in 20 miles, or thereby. Then it is well known the main body of the Taieri above the Styx comes away slowly—owing partly, no doubt, to the sponge-like and retentive nature of its catchment ground, and continues high long after the Kyeburn, Deep Stream, and Lee Stream have run off their flood waters. These latter streams are sudden and violent in their action, especially the Deep Stream, which should be checked; but most danger appears to me to lie in the accumulation of rainfall at the sources of the Taieri itself, after the ground there has become saturated and the river has risen to its full capacity. Here, then, the main reservoir should be.

[Footnote] * I find from measurements recently made by Mr. D. Barron, that the average discharge at Hamilton Bridge exceeds that at Pateroa Ford by only 8,000,000 cubic feet daily.

Picture icon

Map of the basin of the Taieri River above Outram 1881.

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Stated shortly, the above remarks come to this,—That an excess above the average rainfall on the basin of the Taieri River takes place on and around the Lammerlaw Mountains; that the Sutton, Deep Stream, Lee Stream, and Waipori River, carry off the first of this rainfall, while the Upper Taieri River itself brings away the main flood comparatively slowly after-wards; and that on these streams the necessary sites for impounding reservoirs must be looked for.

Sites for Reservoirs, the Styx Dam.

From a consideration of the above conditions, it seems to me that the drainage of the plain from the Kyeburn round to near the Styx may be disregarded, and that a reservoir at the Styx would catch nearly as much flood

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water as one at the Taieri Lake. It is at this place, then, the Styx, that the natural advantages which exist should be utilized by the forming of a main reservoir. Here a large plain, 1800 feet above sea-level, and nearly flat, is narrowed in to a few chains width by the surrounding ridges, which thus offer a natural dam, only requiring man's work to complete it. There is a choice of two sites one mile apart. For nine miles up this plain the total fall on the river does not exceed 40 feet, while the first six miles of this distance, I estimate, has not a greater fall than 10 feet. There is a great width on this plain, which naturally divides itself into two parts, 920 acres in the lower, and 5,344 acres in the upper, or 6,272 acres of water-space for the reservoir all over. The average depth of water, deduced by me from a few levels taken during the triangulation of the Serpentine Flat, are, for the lower area, 27.5 feet, and for the upper area 14 feet, taking the height of the embankment, or dam, at 30 or 33 feet. The capacity of this reservoir will thus be 4,370,636,160 cubic feet, assuming the above figures as correct; and the cost of the dam, 5 chains long, if of masonry, £6390. Now, from the Flood Commissioners' report, I find they calculate on having to impound above the township of Outram, 1,506,400,000 cubic feet daily, while Mr. G. M. Barr's paper gives 4,608,000,000 cubic feet; and a rainfall of 1.5 inches run off over 1700 square miles gives 4,233,968,640 cubic feet daily. The mean of these quantities, or 3,449,456,213 cubic feet, I take as the amount required to be impounded above Outram in one day, and as the duration of flood is found to be from seventeen and a half hours to three days the proposed reservoir has the necessary capacity. For, as the drainage area above the Taieri Lake, compared with that above Outram, is as 850 square miles to 1700, the quantity of water to be retained at the Styx, taking it as the same with that at Taieri Lake, will only amount to 1,725,000,000 cubic feet. So that the Styx reservoir will be far more than equal to the work of retaining this quantity—or it will hold two and a half days' accumulation at the rate of 1725 millions of cubic feet per diem.

The only doubtful element in the above is, does the catchment area above the proposed Styx reservoir run off daily this quantity—1,725 millions of cubic feet of water during flood? This can be ascertained approximately by experiment, and, should it be somewhat less, still the quantity would be large enough when retained by the reservoir, to afford an immense relief to the Lower Taieri Plain.

Deep Stream Reservoir.

Supplementary to that at the Styx, a reservoir or reservoirs on the Deep Stream would be very useful. A good site exists for a dam to one of these, about a mile and a half below Walsh's accommodation house, where an

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embankment, 6 chains in length and 15 feet high, would retain 217,800,000 cubic feet over an area of 500 acres. The catchment area above this point is 59 square miles, which, with a rainfall run-off of 1.5 inches, gives a daily discharge of 205,603,200 cubic feet. The cost of this dam, if of masonry, I estimate at £3,115. There are other good sites on this river, but none on the Kyeburn, Sutton, or Lee Stream.

Waipori Reservoir.

The valley of the Waipori also offers facilities for impounding flood waters above the junction of the Verterburn, and near the outfall of the sludge-channel. I am not so familiar with this spot as with those sites above described, nor do I think it so good. Still, here also there is an area which I estimate at 900 acres suitable for a reservoir. An embankment or dam, 10 chains in length and 33 feet high, would impound about 588,060,000 cubic feet of water, the inclination of the flat being 7 feet per mile. If of masonry, its cost would be £12,000; but probably a careful survey would show that the dam need not be so long, and, consequently, not so costly. This Waipori reservoir would not, of course, be a check on the floods of the Taieri itself, and may therefore be left out of consideration until the money required for its construction is available. At the same time, it would benefit the Henley estate and others of the low-lying lands in that quarter, while indirectly it would relieve the outflow of the Taieri by the lower gorge into the sea.

In each of the above dams, self-acting sluices, openings or culverts, would be necessary, the particular form being a detail which need not here be gone into.

Neither have I particularly referred to the embankment of the Taieri River on the Lower Taieri Plain, from Outram seawards. I would only remark that, while I think it probable the money spent on this might have been expended more profitably in the construction of dams further up the river in the interior, there can be no question as to the benefit the embankment has been to the lands on the right or west bank of the river. This, however, is secured at the expense of the lands on the east side of the river, of the channel of the river, and of the bridges on the river.

In concluding this paper, I would say that the facts I have given go to prove that nearly all the flood-water which could be impounded at the Taieri Lake, may be confined above the Styx River at much less cost, and that an exhaustive survey should be initiated without loss of time, first to determine where the greatest rainfall occurs on the catchment area, and next the precise capabilities of the various reservoir sites which I have indicated, my own calculations of the latter being only approximate,

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I append a table of Taieri River floods, data from Dunedin Meteorological Observatory; also a map of the Taieri Basin (pl. XI.)

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Date. Direction of Storm Average. Total Rainfall in Inches.
1867–November 19th to December 1st N.W. to N.E. 4.002
1868–January 29th to February 8th N.E. to S.W. 5.246
1876–January 22nd to 24th S. to S.W. 4.960
1877–February 2nd to 9th N.E. to S.W. 6.200
1879– March 24th to April 1st N.E. to W. 4.728
" June 28th to 30th S.E. to S. 4.560

Art. VII.—On the Reclamation of Waste River Beds.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 2nd June, 1881.]

One of the most striking features of the Canterbury Plains is the great area of ground occupied by the shingle beds of the rivers, an area quite out of proportion to the size of the rivers were they confined so as to flow in one deep channel instead of spreading as they now do in numerous shallow streams over their wide shingle beds.

From the Waipara to the Rangitata the area of the shingle beds is at least 100,000 acres, one half of which would be amply sufficient for the water-way were the rivers properly regulated. Not only do the rivers occupy a much greater area than is at all necessary for the water-way, but in the lower part of their courses they are continually filling up their beds with the shingle brought down from the mountains, and cutting fresh channels in the adjoining lands, thus destroying valuable property, and being a continual source of expense and anxiety to those who live on their banks.

The Waimakariri in Canterbury, and the Wairau in Marlborough, are well-known illustrations of this statement.

All rivers have a tendency to raise their beds in the lower part of their courses, this action being slowest when fine silt only is brought down, such as that deposited by the Nile and Mississippi, and most rapid in shingle-bearing torrents, such as our own rivers.

Even in the case of large rivers with long courses and little fall, the rise of the river bed, and often the adjoining overflowed country, is more rapid than would be expected by a casual observer. From long before the historical period, the Nile has been steadily raising its bed, but as its

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flood-waters were the source of the fertility of lower Egypt, river works were undertaken with a view to obtain the advantage of the overflow on the greatest possible area, and the flooded lands were raised annually by this process, as well as the river bed itself.

This cannot happen in the case of torrents carrying large quantities of shingle and sand, which are brought down in times of flood and left in the channels as the velocity of the stream decreases, and although much may be done towards raising the adjoining lands by inducing an overflow of flood water upon them, the floods will always bring down from the upper levels masses of material that it has no power to move along the lower course.

This is the problem the Italian Engineers have had to deal with in the management of the Po and its tributaries.

The general system in Europe for conservation seems to be to wall in the river between embankments with the endeavour to make it carry its silt as far forward as possible, making traps for catching shingle; where possible raising adjoining lands by ponding up flood-water upon them; and many other expedients for keeping the rivers from changing their courses and wandering about their fans into new courses. The great drawback to this treatment is, that however much (within certain limits) the river may be embanked, it continually raises its bed, and the banks must be raised in proportion.

To such an extent has this been done that some of the Italian rivers are now far above the level of the adjoining lands, so that the surface drainage of the country has to be carried in other channels, involving all kinds of complications in the drainage; and should the embankments fail, immense volumes of water may be dammed up on the low-lying land by the banks which were built for their protection, entailing great loss of life and property. Such a disaster occurred not long since in Hungary, at Szegedin, on the River Theis.

When we consider the enormous cost that would be incurred in attempting to control our great torrents by any system of solid embankments, it becomes apparent that we must either invent some plan which can be carried out on a much cheaper scale, or else let matters take their course.

Doubtless weak places may be defended by groins and spurs; and the more chance will there be of success so long as only one side of a river is being worked upon. But so soon as works are undertaken on both sides of a river, they will have to be more or less continuous embankments, which must be made of permanent materials, involving immense expense.

On the Canterbury Plains the conditions are most favourable for the formation of broad shingle beds, the loose shingle banks offering no resistance

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to the action of the floods. In a bush country, in its natural state, quite other conditions obtain; the vegetation along the river, so long as it is uninjured by stock or fires, affords great protection to the banks. Flood-water overflowing the banks is checked, and the silt deposited, whilst all scouring action is stopped by the roots and vegetation covering the surface of the ground; and when in the course of time the banks wash away, the vegetation at once takes possession of all the shingle-spits, so that in the end the forest recovers the ground lost, and the mean area of shingle remains the same; and also the silt brought down during floods settling amongst the shrubs and trees on the banks, raises them as well as the river bed. This is the way in which nature utilizes the shingle beds in bush countries; and it appears to me that by following the same mode a vast area of profitless shingle bed could be turned to account, and the rivers kept within bounds at the same time.

I consider planting would be within the means of the country; and, if properly carried out, would eventually turn valueless shingle beds into valuable forest.

I would plant a belt of willows along the river in the first instance, and, as these grew, the planting should be carried out on all the higher spits and islands. The willow-planting would be done very cheaply, a stout willow-stick being put down in a hole made with an iron bar. As soon as the willows grew, they would rapidly collect silt, and, on the ground thus formed, trees of useful varieties suited to the locality should be planted. Many flats which are only flooded slightly, on very rare occasions, could be planted at once; and in a few years the present shingle deserts would be turned into a wide expanse of young forests, with the river meandering through them. In addition to the planting, it would be necessary to erect protective works in some cases, where there was danger of the river destroying the plantations before they were strong enough to protect themselves.

In a few years the willows would provide ample material on the spot for the construction of brushwood groins, and a vast amount of live protective works could be constructed at a small cost.

It is to be expected that the plantations would suffer from time to time by the floods; but, as the banks got well covered with vegetation, the destruction of the river banks would be very slow, and the trees washed away would lodge on shingle banks and commence recovering land without further help.

By utilizing the shingle beds in the manner just described, I consider two advantages would be gained,—the formation of a useful forest, and the regulation of the river so planted,—as the forest itself would form one of

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the best protective works that could be made. By no other system could protective works be made a source of profit, and the money expended must be considered as so much capital sunk, the yearly interest on which represents the price the country pays for the privilege of occupying the endangered land.

The next question is that of cost, which can only be arrived at approximately, as no planting has ever been undertaken in New Zealand on such a scale as that now proposed under similar conditions; but, probably, £15 per acre would be sufficient, including the cost of fencing. At the end of ten years the thinning-out should be worth at least £1 per acre (for fence stakes and firing), clear of expenses for management and renewals; and at the end of twenty years, the timber would be large enough for posts and rails, scaffold poles, and mining timber.

Assuming that 40,000 acres could be easily utilized, the cost would be approximately, as follows:—40,000 acres, at £15 per acre, £600,000; to this add, say, £100,000, for groins, wing-dams, etc.: making a total of £700,000.

For ten years the interest on this sum will be lost; but, at the end of that time, the returns should be at the rate of £1 per acre per annum, which equals £40,000, or a trifle over 5½ per cent, on the £700,000, and the profits would increase as the trees grew larger.

The presence of the forests would, doubtless, exercise a very beneficial influence upon the climate of the plains, checking the north-west winds and inducing a greater rainfall.

There are many difficulties at present in the way of carrying out such a scheme as the foregoing, but not such as would offer any insurmountable obstacle, if the matter was taken seriously in hand.

It would be necessary to have one Board of Conservators for each river, possessing full power to fence, take land, and carry out everything necessary for the work.

There has been a great deal of planting done in Europe during the last fifty years,—the greatest achievement being the planting of 150,000 acres in the south-west of France. The whole of this area was planted in twenty-five years, at the end of which time a quantity of mining timber was being exported to England, and factories were being erected for the manufacture of paper and distillation of turpentine.

By following such an example as this, we may reclaim our barren shingle beds, control the rivers through a considerable portion of their course, and lay the foundations of extensive and profitable local industries.

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Art. VIII.—A few Remarks on the Carved Stone Bird, named Korotangi by the Maoris, now in the possession of Major Wilson.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 13th October, 1881.]

Through the kind offices of Dr. Buller, F.R.S., Major Wilson has sent to the Canterbury Museum a remarkable carving in stone, which he obtained from a native tribe in the North Island, by whom it was much prized; in order that I might have a careful cast prepared from it. Having done so, and before returning it, I have thought that it might not be without interest to the Philosophical Institute to have it exhibited at to night's meeting, and to allow me at the same time to make a few observations on its character.

It is carved out of a very dark green serpentine, according to a calculation made by Mr. G. Gray, of a specific gravity of 2.531, at 60° F., which is about the mean of a series of this mineral, of which the specific gravity has been ascertained by other mineralogists.

The bird, carved in a bold and careful way, and in a natural position, seems to represent, at a first glance, a species of Prion, the beak being so very much depressed, but, on closer examination, it will be seen that it does not possess the united nasal tubes placed on the top of the bill, but has the nostrils lateral, near the base of the beak, as in the ducks, but it is very possible that it might be only a conventional form.

It is not my intention to anticipate, in any way, the forthcoming paper of Major Wilson, who is going to give us in our “Transactions” a doubt-less very interesting account of the history of this remarkable specimen of eastern art, said to have been brought over to New Zealand in one of the original canoes from Hawaiki, but simply to show it to you, and to note its mineralogical character by which it might perhaps be traced to the locality where it was manufactured.

I exhibit, at the same time, from the museum, an ancient Japanese bronze, without doubt a vessel for burning incense, representing also a bird, the character of which is, in many respects, not unlike the specimen carved from stone.

In both, the feathers on the back are rounded, with a central line, from which smaller lines slope down on both sides, while the wing-feathers are more pointed, and have a similar ornamentation.

To my mind there is no doubt that both have a somewhat similar origin, and come either from the same eastern country, or, if from two different countries, that the latter are nearly related to each other, and where, for many centuries, if not thousands of years, industrial art has been practised.

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I wish also to draw your attention to the fact that the stone bird has been carved with a sharp implement, either of iron or bronze, of which, as we know, the Maoris had no knowledge; the lines are all cut so evenly that it could not have been done with a stone implement.

To show in what respect this specimen is held by the natives of the North Island, I add an extract from a letter of Dr. Buller's, received a few days ago:—

“Mr. Sheehan tells me that Rewi Maniapoto was greatly pleased to see the Korotangi on his visit to Waikato, and kept it on the table near his bed, waking up at intervals to tangi over it.”

Art. IX.—On Vertical Triangulation.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 13th October, 1881.]

The object of this paper is the investigation of a formula for the determination of the distance between two points, their difference of altitude being known, and also the angle of depression from the higher to the lower.

This problem frequently occurs in topographical surveying in the following form:—

Given the height of a station above the surface of a lake, bay, or arm of the sea; and the zenith distance, or angle of depression, to a point on the shore; to determine the distance thereto.

Let A be the elevated station, B the point on the shore, and C the centre of the earth. Refraction will cause the point B to appear at D, and the observed zenith distance will be the angle ZAD, the true zenith distance being ZAB. Draw HE perpendicular to AH, and HG perpendicular to AB. Subtracting the observed zenith distance from 180°, or the observed angle of depression from 90°, we get the angle DAH, which we will call the observed Nadir distance, and subtracting the refraction from this, we get the true Nadir distance = BAH = GHF.

Then the distance HB = HG sec. GHB = AH sin. BAH sec. GHB.

Let N be the observed angle from the Nadir = DAH.

Let K = the distance HB.

Let m = co-efficient of refraction.

Let C = the contained arc.

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Let h = height of the station A above the surface of the lake.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Then K = h sin. (N−mC) sec. (N−mC + ½ C). = h sin.(N−mC)/cos.(N−mC+½C)/(1)

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

If Z = the observed zenith distance, then the following will be the formula:— K = h sin.(Z+mC)/cos.(Z+m C−½C) (2)

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

If D = the observed angle of depression; then K =h cos. (D+mC) cosec. (D+mC−½C) = h cos. (D+mC)/sin. (D+mC−½C) (3)

These 3 formulas require the angle C (or contained are) to be known, but as this is measured by the distance HB, some method of approximation must be employed in order to get this distance. This may be done graphically by making AH = the height in links, then draw HE perpendicular thereto, and draw AF making the angle HAF = N, then HF will be the distance required in links nearly, but always less than the true distance. The same thing may be done by calculation, by multiplying AH by tan N.

A more accurate method may be investigated as follows:—

To investigate a method of finding the distance HB approximately.

Draw HE perpendicular to AH, then the distance HE (to a point vertically over B) will not differ much from the distance HB. Draw the line AE, then the angle BAE will be nearly = the angle BHE, which is = ½ C.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Assuming the angle BAE = ½ C and the angle BAD = 1/14 C, then the angle BAE = ½ C − 1/14 C = 3/7 C, therefore

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Multiply AH by tan (N + 3/7 C) and the result will be HE nearly (4)

Or if D be the observed angle of depression, then

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

AH cot (D− 3/7 C) = HE nearly (5)

Or if Z be the observed zenith distance, then

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

AH tan (Z—3/7 C) = HE nearly (6).

Art. X.—Notes on the Height of Mount Cook.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 1st September, 1881.]

The height of Mount Cook has been calculated in August, 1881, by Mr. George John Roberts, assistant geodesical surveyor of the Westland Survey Department, as 12,349 feet above the mean level of the sea.

This altitude is a mean result deduced from observations at twenty-two stations, and may be considered as final.

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Fourteen of these results are within 5 feet of the mean mentioned above.

In my “Notes on the Height of Mount Cook,” read at this Institute on the 7th of August, 1879, I stated the height to be, from my own observations, 12,375 feet, but as my observations were made under unfavourable circumstances, I consider Mr. Roberts' determination as the most reliable.

I took observations at six stations only, the nearest being 34 miles from Mount Cook, and the other five varied from 71 miles to 130 miles.

Mr. Roberts took observations from twenty-two stations, averaging only 16 miles from Mount Cook, so he would have much better opportunities of getting accurate results than I had.

Art. XI.—Remarks on Mr. Frankland's Paper on “Mind-Stuff”

[Read before the Southland Institute, 26th March, 1881.]

Mr. Frankland's paper on “Mind-Stuff”* excited considerable attention amongst the ethical world of Wellington; and, as it is a subject in which interest is ever reviving, I hope I shall be held excused for bringing it before the notice of the members of the Southland Institute. On hearing the paper read, I found my opinions at variance with the author, and had noted my objections at the time, but any desire of stating these publicly and immediately lapsed in my listening to the reply by Mr. Justice Richmond. However, on reperusing the paper as printed in the “Transactions,” it struck me that there was yet room for observations, and they are as follows:—

Mr. Frankland, at the commencement, states the object of his paper as being “to describe briefly a theory or doctrine of existence, expounded by the late Professor Clifford, in an article ‘On the Nature of Things in Themselves,’” and, at the end, he sums up in the following manner: “That there is nothing in the doctrine of Mind-Stuff to negative the belief either of the spiritualist or the theologian;” but, “there is equally little in it to encourage or lend assistance to theological belief.” Again, “In regard to theology, the doctrine of Mind-Stuff,” he says, “is neutral.” “It affirms that there is only one Existence, and that the supposed dualism of matter and spirit is an illusion.”

[Footnote] * Trans. N.Z. Inst., Vol. XII., p. 205.

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The above summation is founded on the following main precepts, which I reproduce as succinctly as I can:—

1.

That all the properties of material objects are capable of being analysed into possibilities of feeling, or relations among possibilities of feeling.

2.

That the only concrete realities—i.e., things in themselves—are feelings. All the real existences we know of being mental states.

3.

That the external world is an “eject”—i.e., the minds of my readers are “ejects” of me, and my mind is an “eject” to them.

4.

Acccording to the doctrine of Mind-Stuff, feelings or thoughts are noumena, the “things-in-themselves” which underlie the changes in the grey matter of the brain.

5.

The universe is a stupendous web of Mind-Stuff from eternity to eternity, and the universe of matter is a complex of possibilities of feeling.

6.

Motion is Mind-Stuff, volume of feeling is mass, intensity of feeling velocity.

7.

The relations of synchronism among elements of feeling will have their counterparts among motions of matter, etc.

Of this theory of existence, the author informs us that he arrived at it independently of Professor Clifford, as far back as the year 1870, which, stating it in my own way, makes reality into nullity, and the things of this universe into mere possibilities of feeling.

It struck me at the time the paper was read, that, though accepted as discoveries, these doctrines were not new. Turning, then, to Wilson's Religion of the Hindoos, and coming to the Satnami Sect, we find that to them worldly existence is an illusion, or the work of Maia, the primitive character of Bhavani, the wife of Siva. However, they recognize the whole Hindoo pantheon (and “hence there is nothing in their doctrines to negative the belief either of the spiritualists or theologians of their nation”), but although they profess to worship only one God, they pay reverence to what they consider manifestations of his nature visible in the Avatars particularly Rama and Krishna.

Next the Sunyavadis have an atheistical creed. They say what we behold is vanity. Theism and Atheism, Maia and Brahma, all is false, all is error—the globe itself, the egg of Brahma, the seven Dwipas and nine Khandas, heaven and earth, the sun and moon, etc., etc. Speech, hearing, and discussion, are emptiness, and substance itself no more (than this). Let every one meditate on himself (“perform self-analysis with perfect precision and faithfulness” as Mr. Frankland expresses himself) nor make self-communion known to another; let him be the worshipper and the worship, There is no other but myself, and I talk of another from

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ignorance. In the same way as I see myself in a glass, I see myself in others; but it is an error to think that what I see is not my face but that of another. Father and mother are non-entities; I am the infant and the old man, the wise man and the fool, the male and female, etc.

Thus we have the old adage exemplified, that there is nothing new under the sun, however unexpected be the quarter in which we find it. But we have nothing to do with the peculiar persuasions of the Cliffords, Frank-lands, Satnamis, and Sunyavadis in their religious aspect, it is only in their scientific phase that this society, by its constitution, permits discussion. I shall, therefore, address myself to this portion.

According to Mr. Frankland, “the universe of matter” is “a complex of possibilities of feeling,” and again “feelings or mental states, comprising comparatively vivid ones known as sensations and emotions, the fainter copies of these, sometimes called ‘ideas,’ constitute the” material of which thought is woven, and certain unique states of mind which form integral parts of volition and belief—states of mind which assimilate most nearly to emotions, but which may be described as somewhat too colourless, if the term be allowable, to be fairly classed with these.”

Here almost at the commencement of his paper I find myself at issue with the author, my view going only so far as to say that the universe of matter may be a complex of possibilities of feeling, but to which I must add that these same feelings are either no guide or doubtful and very erring indicators in comprehending such matter of the universe.

Thus we stand on the surface of this world, and feel that the sun, moon, and stars traverse the heavens above us. Our feelings lead us to the belief that we stand stable, and the universe revolves round us. But a higher faculty informs us to the contrary. This faculty we call reason, and which is seldom at one with our feelings, but more often at variance; further, sometimes in diametrical opposition, such as in the case above recited. How frequently do not our feelings impel us to do that which is wrong, and how often would we do wrong had we not reason to stay us? Indeed, our feelings are astray in almost every direction, that it is a wonder to me to see men with enquiring minds building up a theory of empty existence on them. Thus, in the physical world, our feelings tell us that the sun has risen; our educated reason tells us it has not, for it only appears to have risen; the truth being that it has not, atmospheric refraction creating the deception. Many such illustrations might be entered into, but this would be tedious.

Again, in the moral world, how often our feelings would deceive us by impelling us to retort the angry word, and how well it is when reason comes to our aid and directs the opposite course, which is the true one,

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Thus I am unconvinced when the author describes “feelings or mental states” as being divided into “vivid” and “faint,” the former being “emotions,” the other “ideas.” On the contrary, my study of the subject has led me to conclude that these attributes are not similar, and only differing by degree of power, but opponent, though essential. And to the ideal part of man's nature I give incomparably the higher place. It is by his ideal or ethereal nature that man weighs the sun as it were in a balance; that he predicts by many years the positions of the stars in the heavens; that he anticipates eclipses and other astronomical phenomena; that he scientifically navigates the great ocean, and that he by his designs overcomes space and time by the railway and electric telegraph. Thus man is gifted with an attribute far outside of gross narrow feeling, as truthful and transcendent in its comprehensiveness as the latter is misleading and misguiding. Hence there is objeetiveness and idealization or mental conception attached to man's life, the former being that function of the feelings which makes us accept as actual what is only apparent and inaccurate, while the latter is that function of the mind which enables us to comprehend what we arrive at by processes of abstract study, thought, deliberation, or consideration, entirely apart from feeling. This gift of mental conception places man in his pre-eminent position in nature, and is that ethereal part of his being which being truthful is undying and immortal.

Mr. Frankland describes man as believing his fellow-creatures to be conscious beings, while that the higher animals are sentient. It is difficult for me to guess the particular import he gives to these words, but I may suggest that he takes the former as being the power of reflection, the latter the power of perception. If so, to my mind these terms are not so appropriate as the orthodox ones—i.e., reason and instinct. It is true that reason and instinct approach at times so closely that we cannot know where the one begins and the other ends, for some of the higher animals show a sagacity which makes it hardly possible to deny them some of the attributes, however small, of reason. Yet that the higher animals are only sentient I think is not consistent with correct observation, for even the lowest creatures must be admitted to have perceptions of a kind due to their varied wants and habits. In this manner even the worms have per-ception, and hence are sentient. To my mind, therefore, the orthodox and approved terms are yet the best—i.e., reason and instinct. The material difference between man and beast is that the former stands erect on two feet; the ethereal difference is that having reason man can restrain himself, and in so restraining himself he can record and bear to record his actions, and in recording his actions he can take praise or blame, and in praising and blaming he reasons. And his reason, an ethereal attribute,

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carries him yet further; it gives him knowledge of letters, and he writes down events; thus the history of 4,000 years is unlocked to him. By the knowledge of figures he explores the heights of the heavens and the depths of the earth, and beholds with wonder and enjoyment the works of creation. To neither the sentient faculty of the beasts, nor the mere sensualism of humanity, could these be made obvious. They are beyond the “possibilities of feeling.”

Then as to Mr. Frankland's doctrine regarding the relations of synchronism among elements of feeling having their counterparts among, motions of matter, we are again at issue. Our conclusion being that among motions of matter and elements of feeling there is the contrary. Let us by way of illustration take an event, such as the firing of a cannon, wherein there is “motion of matter.” By “self-analysis with perfect precision and faithfulness,” what would be the relations of an observer's feelings in regard to this?

Let, for example, the observer be at 12 miles distance. First he would see the flash, next he would hear the report, then he might smell the fumes were his olfactory nerves peculiarly sensitive and the wind favourable. Now, by these elements of feeling, would there be synchronism in relation to the event? By precise and scientific analysis not so. For with the knowledge of the speed of light which reason has enabled us to measure, the event would be impressed on the feeling of sight, not synchronously, but 6/100,000th of a second after it. By sound it would come to the feeling of hearing one minute after, and carried by the wind it might be smelt in feeling a quarter or half an hour afterwards. Thus among the elements of feeling the relations of events are not in synchronism, but in complete discordance.

Hence in regard to a single event or events there is no synchronism “between a man's own feelings” and things as they appear to him, one sense leading him 6/100,000th part of a second astray from scientific truth, another one minute, and another a quarter to half an hour. “Feelings,” therefore, give no rigid or scientific basis on which to found a “theory of existence;” and if this is to be attained it must be by and through the higher phase of man's nature—viz., the ethereal one, reason, which gives him the power of accurate and truthful mental conception, and ultimately stable faith and belief.

And it may be mentioned in passing, though it has no necessary connection with the argument, that neither do separate men's feelings admit of synchronism as with each other. This fact is well-known to astronomers, when observing by time, wherein it is a fact that one person does not hear or see concurrently. Thus, in time observations: one person hears before

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the other, sometimes to the extent of half a second; while in instrumental reading, one often reads a minute or two different from the other, and in order to overcome the inexactitude or deficiency of sense or feeling in this respect, the mental power of men,—i.e., reason,—has again to be had recourse to; wherein minute calculations, abstract of feeling, are made to reconcile the observations of different persons,—in other words personal equation has to be ascertained by man's ethereal or mental attributes, and allowed for, in all investigations which approach higher science or rigid truthfulness.

As synchronism between feelings and events is a radical element of Mr. Frankland's theory of Existence, I will be excused in dilating on it some-what prolixly; and, in doing so, may bring to notice the very unequal manners and different times in which separate men's feelings are affected by influences and objects. Thus rhetoric makes one laugh, another cry, another sorrowful, and another angry; and, while the feelings of none are affected exactly alike, neither is the time of affection one and the same. Some being notoriously slow and obtuse in impression, others easily and rapidly moved. Some are case-hardened to any appeal; others, the contrary. Hence, as between one man and another, feelings and events are anything but in synchronism. Now as on this doctrine Mr. Frankland founds his ultimate theory,—to wit, that there is only one Existence, therefore, to his showing, non-synchronism indicates two more, or many existences; this is obvious as between man and man, or as between multitudes of men.

Again, in each individual we have seen that neither is there synchronism in regard to “motions of matter,” or events “among elements of feeling,” hence, by the same rule we are bound to conclude, that in each individual there is more than one Existence.

And when we consider the widely-distinct essentials appertaining to man's position in creation,—that is in the lower attribute, “feeling,” always erring or inaccurate, and, as between the several senses, discordant; in the higher attribute, “reason,” capable of accuracy, truth, and concordance; the one feeding on the apparent, the other on the intangible; the one on the objective, the other on the invisible; the one on the relative, the other on the abstract; the one on the material, the other on the ethereal; the one contracted, the other boundless; we are led up to the doctrine of two Existences,—the one fleshly, revealed through our feelings, the other mental, revealed through our reason: the one Existence of matter finite, the other Existence of spirit Eternal.

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Art. XII.—On the Production of Inflammatory Action in detached Portions of dead Animal Bodies.

[Read before the Westland Institute, 1st November, 1881.]

The question, “What is death?” is one not so easily answered as might be supposed. The popular idea that death in animals is a sudden and instantaneous change, is of couurse not held by physiologists, who have long recognized the distinction between somatic death, or that of the animal body as a whole, and molecular death, or that of the elementary structures of which it is built up. It is difficult to find a good and terse definition of death. In the following article, somatic death may be defined as the permanent arrest of all the functions and powers of the body. The only certain proof of death, as thus defined, is the commencement of chemical decomposition in the whole of the body

It will be at once apparent that this definition of death leaves a considerable interval between that cessation of respiration and circulation, accompanied by entire unconsciousness, which is the popular idea of death, and the commencement of chemical decomposition. During this interval the only vital actions* generally supposed to continue, are that peculiar state of muscular action called the rigor mortis, and the growth of the hair. Some writers consider even the latter as not a true growth, but only an appearance produced by the shrinking of the skin.

It is the purpose of this paper to give a very brief epitome of a series of experiments which have been performed during the last ten years, showing that, in so far as inflammation may be considered as an evidence of life, molecular life exists with a vigour and for a length of time hitherto unsuspected, after somatic death has taken place.

It may just be mentioned that, when in medical charge of a smallpox hospital some ten years ago, in the West Indies, I was engaged in microscopical investigations into the growth and development of the variolous vesicle, which were published at the time in the “Medical Times and Gazette,” 1871–2, in a series of papers on the Pathology and Treatment of Smallpox. I then observed that in my quarters, a small wooden building of inch planks, where the temperature in the middle of the day was often 100° F., changes took place in the variolous matter, kept in the ordinary capillary glass tubes. I was thus induced to try the cultivation of variolous

[Footnote] * I use this term for convenience' sake.

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matter, and subsequently of vaccine lymph. These experiments were only partially successful for reasons which are now obvious; but they led on to other experiments.

Mainly these were on the growth and development of the red corpuscles in birds. The results of these experiments were published in the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute for 1874. It was shown that by the use of a suitable nutrient fluid—egg-albumen mixed with water—the nucleated red corpuscles could be made to grow and throw off their nuclei, which became developed into round coloured non-nucleated corpuscles, exactly resembling those of mammalia. The same experiments, with a like result, were made with the blood of fishes, particularly with sharks and rays, and subsequently with the blood of reptilia.

During the investigations upon the blood of reptilia, (frogs being selected for convenience), I naturally took the opportunity of observing the phenomena of inflammation, as seen in the web of the frog's foot and the tail of tadpoles. Having for some time entertained grave doubts, on à spriori grounds, as to the possibility of Cohnheim's so-called wandering corpuscles really passing through the walls of the capillaries, I was induced to make some experiments with a view of testing the matter.

For this purpose I took advantage of a few months' residence in New South Wales, not only carefully and repeatedly to examine with the microscope, the phenomena of inflammation in the tails of tadpoles, but also to show, beyond the possibility of doubt, that leucocytes do not, in these animals, wander from the blood vessels, but are formed from pre-existing germs in the solid tissues, either from connective tissue corpuscles or from some other source. A very simple experiment showed this. A small portion of the transparent extremity of a tadpole's tail was cut off, and immersed in a nutrient fluid, (half egg-albumen and half water was found the most useful), and kept at the ordinary temperature of the air, which at that place and season varied from 70° to 90° F., in the house. Control experiments were made by immersing other portions of tails in water, in water impregnated with carbolic acid, and in various other media. The tails immersed in pure water were in a few hours in a state of decomposition, sulphuretted hydrogen was evolved, bacteria and multitudes of animalcules (monads) were formed in the water, the portion of tail was shrivelled, and dead to all intents and purposes. With carbolic acid the tails underwent no change.

The following description, taken from the notes of one experiment, will show the changes that ensue in a few hours:

“March 13th, 1878, 2.30 p.m—Snipped off four tadpoles” tails, placed them in a mixture of egg-albumen and water. Tails sank in mixture.

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5 p.m. temp. 90°F. The cut extremity of each piece was cloudy and whitish, as viewed through a lens of 1½ inch focus; vessels looked more marked and prominent than when put in; outline of pieces not so sharp and well marked as those in the water.

“Under the microscope, round nucleated cells were seen projecting from the cut surface; a few of such cells were floating in the nutrient fluid; several dark-coloured cells round, containing numerous nuclei, were seen.

“At 5.30, these were obscured by a cloud of white cells with granular contents.

“14th, 9 a.m.: The little phials in which the tails had been placed showed a white cloudy precipitate, about ¼ inch deep. On microscopical examination, this proved to be granular protoplasm in amorphous masses, but showing faintly a commencement of segregation into cells. In the fluid were floating about (A) innumerable altered red corpuscles; (B) many round cells of a yellowish or fawn colour, containing two or three nuclei; (G) innumerable leucocytes; (D) columnar and other epithetial cells.

“The tails themselves showed the following changes:—1st, all the red corpuscles were gone; none were to be seen in the most transparent parts; 2nd, all the pigment cells were broken up into small portions, irregular in outline, but much rounder and less angular than the normal pigment cells of the tadpole; 3rd, the striped muscular tissue was in a state of incipient fatty degeneration; 4th, over the whole of the skin were crowds of leucocytes covering it, and easily detached.”

This is a fair sample of scores of similar experiments. They proved that leucocytes originated in an inflamed part, and were not brought to it from the blood.

I then tried what could be done with warm-blooded animals, but was for a long time only partially successful, owing to not using a proper nutrient fluid at a sufficiently high temperature. The following experiment with egg-albumen and water is interesting, as showing that even with this the commencement of inflammation could be produced in a warm-blooded animal.

December 23rd, 1878.—Placed portions of the liver, the Peritonœum from the mesentery, and voluntary muscle of a duck, in a mixture of egg-albumen and water, kept in contact with my own body. The Peritonœum was in a separate bottle. Between two and three hours afterwards, there was evident (naked eye) turbidity of the albumen in which the Peritonœum was placed; the membrane appeared swollen and milky. The turbidity of the bottle in which the muscle and liver were placed was not so marked. Both appeared paler.

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December 24th, 8 a.m.—Increased turbidity. Peritonœum much swollen and milk-white; the muscle nearly milk-white; the liver a pale yellowish grey.

Peritonœum bottle; under microscope, multitudes of young cells and granules were floating about in the fluid;* Peritonœum granular, with many young, round, nucleated cells sticking all over it. (Bad light; very wet day.)

Liver very friable; quantities of young cells with well marked edges and nuclei, mostly one, some two, a few three. The usual liver cells were dark, with many dark spots, not removable by acetic acid.

Muscle: no cells except a few adherent to it. No trace of striation, but very opaque fine granules (commencing fatty degeneration).

At length it occurred to me that defibrinated blood would be the best nutrient fluid for mammalian tissues. After numerous experiments, many of which were failures owing to the want of suitable apparatus, and the extreme difficulty of keeping the blood at the temperature desired, ranging from 100° to 105° F., the following were found to be the conditions under which inflammation in detached portions of the body could be carried as far as the production of pus.

The blood should be obtained from an animal rapidly killed by violence, not poison. It should be defibrinated by whipping, and the agitation of the blood should be continued until the whole has become bright scarlet, and thoroughly oxyginated. The parts to be operated on, which should if possible be from an animal of the same species as that from which the blood is taken, are then to be placed in a glass vessel containing a quantity of the blood—the more blood the better; for instance, 4 fluid oz. of blood would be a fair allowance for a sheep's eye. The vessel must be closed to prevent evaporation of the watery parts of the blood. Open vessels are found not to answer, the blood gets thick very soon. This glass vessel must be placed in a water bath, which must be kept at a temperature of 100° to 105° F. This is the most difficult part of the process. Until one has watched a thermometer for some hours, it will hardly be believed, how, with the same degree of applied heat, the temperature of the water bath will vary. As the temperature of the room falls or rises, so the applied heat has to be adjusted, and a few minutes neglect will suffice for the whole

[Footnote] * Subsequent researches made it probable that these were not derived from the Peritonœum itself but from the lymphatic vessels and their contents, contained within the folds of the mesentery.

[Footnote] † The blood always becomes of a dark venous hue after being exposed to the temperature indicated for a few hours.

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experiment to be spoiled. E.g.—One night after watching from 8 p.m. until 1 a.m. I turned away for a few minutes to get a cup of coffee. When I had finished I found the thermometer marked 113° F.; half an hour afterwards the blood was black and smelling most offensively. It may be observed that when once molecular death has occurred in the blood and tissues, chemical decomposition proceeds with very great rapidity.

The only absolutely safe plan to prevent the temperature rising too high, is to place a very small tube or bottle in contact with the body of a warm-blooded animal. The warm-blooded animal I found most convenient was myself, but on one or two occasions I used a fowl, tying the tube or bottle under its wing when at roost. I also tried a cat, but cats and fowls are both objectionable—the former have claws, and the latter claws and beaks. The objection to the healthy human body is the low temperature; you can get cell-growth abundantly; you can get fatty degeneration of muscle, but I have not yet succeeded in getting pus, except at a temperature over 100° F. (38 Cent.) Having only produced pus in the chambers of the eye, I have not yet been able to do so except at a higher temperature than the healthy human body affords. I have tried every tissue of the mammalian body, except bone, repeatedly, but the most striking results were with eyes, and as the globe of the eye roughly removed with muscles attached, contains nearly all kinds of tissue except bone and cartilage, it is very convenient. I will briefly describe the changes that follow immersion for from 4 to 12 hours in defibrinated blood of the temperature 100° to 105° F.

I sent an account of these experiments more than a year ago to Professor Flower, F.R.S., and to Mr. R. Brudenell Carter, with specimens put up in carbolized glycerine, of portions of the retinæ and conjunctivæ, and I think other structures of the eye. Since that time I have several times repeated the experiments with the same results. I am now about to try what changing the blood frequently, so as to give fresh supplies of oxygen, will do.

It may be well to mention that the immersion of an eye in defibrinated blood at a temperature of 50° to 60° F., will in about half a hour restore the transparency to the cornea; making it quite bright like the living eye, so as to make out all the structures with an ophthalmoscope.*

Within a period varying from one to two hours, according to the temperature, a fresh mammalian eye will undergo the following changes when immersed in defibrinated blood of a temperature of 100° to 105°. First, the dull opalescent tint of the cornea will disappear and it will become bright and transparent. Then it loses this brightness again, and becomes of a

[Footnote] * This might be utilized for the purpose of taking photographs after death.

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dull milky tinge; not the appearance presented after death, but more opaque. It is difficult to describe the difference, but it will be immediately appreciated when seen. Second, after two hours, or thereabouts, some one point near the centre of the cornea becomes obviously whiter and more opaque than the remainder, and looks rougher and more granular; in fact, looks like a recent ulcer in the first stage. Third, during the course of six or eight hours the cornea becomes quite opaque, so that no portion of the pupil or iris can be seen; the epithetial layer peels off in large pieces with great ease; the whole globe becomes flaccid; the sclerotic much softened; the crystalline is slightly less transparent in sheeps' and pigs' eyes, but small eyes may be semi-opaque; the aqueous humour is turbid; the vitreous reddened but transparent; the retina, except round the optic nerve, converted into dirty-looking pus, mixed with the débris of the pigment layer of the choroid. The recti and other muscles are pale; the cut extremity of the optic is reddened. When portions of the epithetial layer of the cornea are detached, they appear the colour of whitey-brown paper when wetted, but are more opaque. Under the microscope, to quote from the notes, “The shreds of fibrinous exudation in the anterior chamber are composed of granular masses faintly marked out into cell-like portions. The epithetial layer of the cornea is a mass of proliferating cells, the nuclei of the flat epithetial being much enlarged and quite round; immense numbers of cells, four or five times the size of a human red corpuscle, and exactly resembling these enlarged nuclei, were floating about in the immediate neighbourhood of these shreds of epithetium. The columnar and spherical cells were all enlarged, and in many the nucleus was showing a tendency to divide.” The deeper layers of the cornea are full of young cells, and the normal structure is often quite obstructed by their number. In addition to the shreds of fibrinous exudation in the aqueous, “it contains numbers of detached leucocytes.”

The crystalline shows, without any staining or preparation, its fibrous structure; the nuclei of the fibres are much enlarged and very distinct. When the crystalline is detached from the eye and immersed directly in blood it assumes a sort of opalescent tint.

The smaller vessels of the choroid have disappeared, the pigment cells are almost all broken up, and in the most advanced stages nothing but pigment granules can be seen.

The retina, except just round the optic, is, as has been said, dissolved into pus and débris; all traces of rods, cones, and nerve cells, have disappeared. The portion adherent to the optic is of a dirty drab colour, and loaded with leucocytes.

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In the vitreous itself, numerous leucocytes, appear to exist, but I am not sure that they are formed in the substance of the vitreous, as they may be merely adherent to the portions examined. In the centre of the vitreous a vein may be observed by the naked eye, “it is gorged with red corpuscles, but there were no leucocytes within it, nor surrounding it in greater numbers than were to be found elsewhere.”

The muscles show commencing fatty degeneration of the fibres.

This is a very brief account of some of the changes that occur. Briefly the whole globe may be said to be in the first stage of acute inflammation.

Portions of lung, treated in the same way, show swelling of the pleura; the air cells gorged with leucocytes, and the lung no longer crepitant.

If in any parts of the body subject to this process there are veins filled with blood, and visible to the naked eye, the corpuscles within them become shrunken, and much smaller. All the red corpuscles in the capillaries and smaller vessels disappear. My opinion, derived from hundreds of observations, is that they dissolve when in vessels which contain only one or two rows, furnishing the material for the formation and growth of leucocytes.*

The following experiment was a little variation from the plan usually adopted:

November 5th, 1880.—A kitten was killed by wringing its neck; its abdomen was opened, and about half an ounce of blood from another kitten, not defibrinated, placed in the cavity of the Peritonœum, together with two eyes, a portion of liver, and a portion of lung from the other kitten. The animal was then wrapped in a warm cloth, placed in a Norwegian refrigerator previously heated, together with a bottle of hot water. It was then kept in a warm room for twenty-eight hours, the bottle being refilled with hot water three times.

November 6th, evening.—It was evident from the smell that decomposition had commenced. The kitten was therefore taken out and exposed during a cold night.

November 7th, morning.—The abdomen was opened. It was first noticed that every particle of the blood put in had disappeared from the Peritonœum. The bowels near that part which had been opened were rough and of a bright red colour; particles of what appeared like lymph were attached to the Peritonœum in flakes; they were of a drab colour, and under the microscope were seen to consist of minute granular particles, bacteria and fatty matter; not a trace of red or white corpuscles.

[Footnote] * This is not the place for the indication of this opinion, but I have numerous notes of microscopical examinations, which may at some future time be published in support of the view here maintained.

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The piece of liver was soft, of a pale fawn colour. It was not examined microscopically.

The eyes were in the condition described above.

The pericardium was distended with serum, tinged bright red with blood; the wall of the left ventricle contained a black clot.

In a similar experiment performed with puppies, I find it noted that “striped muscular tissue shows nuclei very distinctly; no blood corpuscles amongst the muscular fibres; blood in capillaries has all disappeared.” This is invariably the case. [See note ante.]

In one puppy, when a portion of pericardium had been removed immediately after cessation of respiration, during a condition of entire unconseiousness, but the heart having beat a few times, I find it noted “the chest and membranes wounded appear inflamed; pericardium found clouded with leucocytes.” In this case the puppy was poisoned with hydrocyanic acid.

To conclude. The experiments, of which I have given a very brief account, and which have been carried on with intervals for several years, extend to hundreds of observations. They show that in parts of the body separated from the trunk after somatic death, the phenomena of inflammation as far as the production of pus may be produced by immersion for some hours in defibrinated blood, at a temperature of 100° to 105° F., or in albuminous fluids of the same temperature capable of supplying them for a short time with nourishment. It will be observed that true nutrition does not occur; there is no evidence that the structures grow; they do not assimilate to themselves the elements necessary for their growth or reproduction; they degenerate; they take on a lower form of life, but still it is life after a kind. The highest forms of tissue, like muscular fibre, simply undergo fatty degeneration; cell structures take on a lower form of cell structure without differentiation.

I have given an epitome of some of the observations made without attempting to theorize on them. Should this paper receive any attention, I may pursue the subject, but in this remote corner of the world, without access to libraries, without personal communication with men engaged in similar pursuits, and with most imperfect apparatus, there is not much encouragement to persevere.

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Art. XIII.—On a Source of Water Supply for Invercargill.

[Read, before the Southland Institute, 4th May, 1881.]

[Abstract.]

It seems certain that the whole of the country between Invercargill and the Hokonuis consists of a comparatively level deposit of silts and clays, resting on a bed of sandstone sloping gently to the south. This deposit of gravel, etc., lying on the impervious subjacent rock, has been proved by actual experiment to be absolutely saturated with water; and that, as soon as we pass the first bed of clay, at a very considerable pressure indeed. Here then is what we want; an inexhaustible supply of well-filtered water, close at hand. Why go thirty miles for what can be had within less than thirty yards? Supposing for a moment that artesian springs will never be discovered strong enough to reach the surface, and that even the supply from a series of tube wells might not prove sufficient, why not sink an ordinary shaft, protected by suitable casing (say a bridge cylinder), as far as such a shaft could be sunk, and kept dry with a good pump and a ten horse-power engine? When the engine can no longer keep down the water, then you have got all you want, namely, a water supply which will suffice for many a year to come, and that at a very moderate cost. From what I have seen I should be much surprised if such a shaft ever reached the depth of 100 feet, the quantity of water is so great. Then as to the permanence of the supply. There seems no reason to suppose that the vast subterranean-stream which it is proposed to tap should be less permanent than any river flowing on the surface. Of the existence of this immense supply of water, all who witnessed the progress of the borings are firmly convinced; and it seems reasonable that others should accept their testimony. The water was in fact the one difficulty, and an ever-present difficulty, in the way of the boring. A recent bore put down at Clinton to a depth of 102 feet, presented precisely the same features, so far as the constant inrush of water was concerned. There is really no question as to the quantity. Then as to quality: the water from all the lower levels tasted perfectly pure and free from any mineral solution. As to its freedom from organic matter, twenty miles of natural gravel filter, from the base of the Hokonuis to Invercargill, is a sufficient guarantee for that. This is an advantage which no water collected from surface gathering-grounds can possibly possess; for where the water, or any considerable portion of it, passes over ground covered with herbage and the droppings of animals, organic matter in various stages of decomposition is always present; and where that is found, living 10

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organic forms, chiefly of a low type of animal life, are found also. The most careful artificial filtering fails to free the water entirely from these organisms, some of which are now regarded as the probable source of many diseases. Filtering certainly fails to eliminate the germs; that is to say, such artificial filtering as is possible on a large scale, such as that of a water supply. But what art cannot do, nature does with unerring certainty, for microscopic examination shows that the water from deep strata is perfectly free from every form of organic life. It must be remembered also that the vast natural filter-beds which lie between Invercargill and the Hokonuis do their work without trouble or interference, and while perfect in their action, are not a source of expense. I therefore claim for the subterranean supply the double advantage of abundant quantity and perfect purity.

The quantity and purity being taken for granted, it has still been objected to this proposal that the expense of pumping, and the difficulty of obtaining a sufficient pressure for extinguishing fires, render it inferior to a gravitation scheme. Without now going into details, I may remark that the question of expense is one which can easily be settled by calculation; and I fearlessly assert that the expense of pumping will be but a mere fraction of the interest on cost and the maintenance of thirty miles of iron mains.

It should be noticed that the pumping scheme has the advantage of being capable of expansion, at no great expense, exactly as the wants of the town increase. When one shaft is no longer sufficient, another at a small distance can be added, and the supply doubled, and so on as required. Or should it ultimately be decided to adopt a gravitation scheme, this would not stand in the way; for, with the single exception of the pumping machinery and shaft, everything else in the town service is exactly the same as that required for the gravitation scheme, and could be utilized without the slightest loss or additional expense.

On all these grounds it appears that the subterranean sources of supply are worthy not only of more attention than has hitherto been bestowed upon them, but of a serious practical trial. The expense of a trial-shaft would not exceed £200, including hire of engine and pumps. The question of quantity would then be for ever settled.

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Art. XIV.—On the Conversion and Civilization of the Maoris in the South of New Zealand.

[Read before the Southland Institute, 20th September, 1881.]

Foveaux Straits, between Stewart Island and the south coast of the South Island, was but imperfectly known in civilized parts when I arrived here in May, 1844. Going to an unknown region, it was thought not advisable to be encumbered with much luggage: so I landed on the island of Ruapuke with a carpet-bag and a pair of blankets. I was now alone among the Maoris, and had a good opportunity of learning their language and their ways of thinking. There were then about two hundred living on the island, and about four hundred more were living in small villages on the coasts and islands in the straits. The island of Ruapuke, where the principal chiefs resided, was the centreing place for all, and was frequently visited by the dispersed population in the straits; it was, therefore, a suitable place for commencing mission work.

Some years before my arrival the straits had been frequented by whaling and sealing vessels, and some forty of the sailors had remained here among the Maoris. This was of importance, for through them a little trade was coming up: and they could make boats, which were of far more use to the Maoris than their former canoes. But a movement of greater importance had now come from the north.

To understand this movement, we must first look into the then condition of the Maoris. Through the increasing importance laid on the tapu, during several generations, they had lost their hold on the poetical and sublime ideas of their ancient religion. Their ancient gods had now merely historical significance, and these were known only by a very few wise old men. Their poetical ideas had no longer any influence on the minds of the Maoris. They had sunk deeper and deeper in savage barbarism and cannibalism. This is unnatural to the idea of humanity, and must lead to destruction of the race. So their bodily constitution lost its vitality. If any one became sick, he had no hope of recovery. The tapu—sacred to ghosts and favourable to the higher classes livings—had grown to a fearful extent. Anything tapu dared not be touched or even approached by people of the lower classes. Offenders were generally killed for such sacrilege; and, even if they were not detected, the ghosts always killed them through inward fear. The higher classes had the power to lay the tapu on any thing, by solemnly naming it with deceased members of the chiefs' families. Though they were not affected by all tapus, yet all, high and low, had to

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dread them. Especially dreaded were old forsaken houses, old fences, or anything which had once been occupied by families of the higher chiefs now dead.

In former times, while they lived and moved in the feelings of their ancient religion; while the poetical ideas of their gods occupied their minds, and they felt themselves above grovelling animalism: they could be healthy, live and thrive as other heathens do, though their morals and civilization do not come up by far to that of the Christians. But when those higher ideas did no longer occupy their mind, when they were in constant dread of offending against the tapu, when their physical constitutions were no longer healthy, when they saw but few children were born and many of the young people died: then they lost heart, and felt themselves sinking.

Yet there is something in the human mind, also in the mind of the miserable savage, which, through all the dulness, inward and outward, longs for something higher, for something heavenly, divine. When, therefore, the Maoris in the north of New Zealand at last comprehended the teaching of the missionaries, when the spirit of Christianity was brought near their heart, then they felt that that was the very thing which gave them relief in their inward groaning. Some were converted; others followed. They were sincere. They became cleanly, enlightened, good, and loving. Others saw it,—it infected them. Then Christianity spread from place to places—a most powerful spiritual movement vibrated through the race.

With Christianity the missionaries in the north had also introduced the arts of reading and writing. This was a marvel to the Maoris, who, by nature, are endowed with a fair intellect. That the new things, called books, could talk to them; yea, that they could put their talk on paper and send it to distant friends, there to be understood: that was to them a miracle, which confirmed their faith in Christianity. They felt at once their minds lifted high above the old dulness, and that explains the great spiritual movement which vibrated through the whole race. Yet it was not the mechanical art of reading and writing which changed their minds from wolves to lambs, but the spiritual ideas in Christianity. Murder, cannibalism, and other sins, as far as they had light and understanding, were at once abolished. Also wars ceased, so long as the spirit of gentleness and forbearance of Christianity dwelt in their simple minds. That there should come some reactions, that the inherited wildness in a generation grown up since then should have broken out here and there, was no more than might be expected.

Now, that great spiritual movement from the north had already reached this far south, chiefly through native agencies, when I arrived here. It was, therefore, quite safe for me to live among the Maoris. The New

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Testament had been translated into Maori, and some copies had found their way hither. Some of the young people were learning to read and to write; yet none were so far as to understand the meaning. It was much as they could do, like children just learning to read, to spell out the words. It will be seen, therefore, that I found a “field, here white for the harvest.”

When landing at Ruapuke I was taken to the house of the principal chief, named Tuhawaiki, commonly called Bloody Jack. The chief himself was absent northward—I had met him at Banks Peninsula—but the house was full of his relatives. A sort of bedstead was provided for me to sleep on, but several persons slept on the floor close by. This did well enough for a few days, but it could not go on so for long, or I should lose my civilization. I wanted a house for myself alone, and the Maoris were kind enough to put tip one for me. It was fourteen feet by nine. The walls were four feet high. The whole structure, walls and roof, was thatched with grass and looked like a heap of hay. Herein, then, I lived like a hermit; but I had always visitors from morning till evening. By and by I found that I could not keep up cleanliness in the house as it was. First I had to make a chimney to let the smoke out. I cut a hole through the roof, put up a frame of wood and sticks and plastered that over with prepared clay. When that was done I made a fire and went out to see, and lo ! the smoke curled up out of my chimney as in a civilized place. Then, little by little, I took away grass from the walls, put more wood and sticks in and made clay walls. I also plastered over the insides of the roof. My visitors all the time looked and wondered, none offered to help. I had brought with me a small parcel of very small panes of window glass, not much larger than cardpaper, for convenient carrying. Now I made a window frame with my pocket knife, and so got a window. In order to keep the house free from fleas, which my visitors brought me in great abundance, I procured some planks and made a floor. I also partitioned off a sleeping place, to keep the visitors with their fleas away from my bed. The house being now a little refined, visitors were no longer allowed to go to sleep in it, nor to stay over long. When a set of them left I took the broom and swept the fleas out after them.

I must needs speak a little of myself, because I am so mixed up with the recent history of these southern Maoris, and my actions, trifling as they may seem, were not without influence. By the time the spring season came round I had fenced in a potatoe garden, and in it, just before my window, I planted a flower garden. My visitors always liked to look through the glass of my window, and by and by when the flowers were in bloom it raised their admiration.

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These flowers were sermons. Among a people sunken so low in the scale of humanity, all such little improvements help to lift up their minds a little higher. Among other faculties of their minds, the Maoris here had lost altogether the sense of the beautiful. Some of the very old Maoris were much tattooed, and there was art in the designs. I do not mean to say that it improved the beauty of their faces, far from it, but art and beauty was in the design. The same can be said of some pieces of clothing, which sadly distort the beautiful human form in highly refined society—there is art in it. Only the old Maoris carried out the art of beauty in their tattoo; in that of the younger there was none. The young women had not the least taste for beauty, only by instinct they painted, or rather besmeared, their faces with the red juice of a wild berry.

They were altogether a dejected people. I found, as I kept a register of births and deaths on the island, that, year by year, for every child born, from three to four persons died. No wonder that they had lost heart and felt as if there were no spirit of life left in them. Now, when Christianity was brought near their hearts, they began to feel as if some help were coming. I cannot yet say it gave them hope, for they had not even a word for that in their language. They liked to read in the New Testament, as they began to understand the meaning, that Jesus was so good and helped poor suffering people without asking if they were good. But then they would learn to love Jesus and that would make them good. It went to their hearts that Jesus had died for the badness of mankind. There is an affinity between it and a deep yearning in the human heart, and when they come near each other then there is a contact, and happiness is the result. Theological arguments, and dogmatical statements, are too poor to explain it. There was a belief in the old Maori religion, that the goddess of death was dwelling in the world of night (their Hades), and drawing her children (she having before been the original mother of mankind) down to her. That gave them no comfort. But it comforted them to learn that Jesus died upon the cross, that he rose again and went to his Father in heaven—and that he will draw all men unto him.

By the foregoing I have simply indicated the way the Maoris have been converted, and science need not ignore that.

By and by some earnest simple souls wished to be baptized. These were instructed more fully, and then solemnly baptized before the whole community. They felt that they were taking upon themselves a great responsibility, that all the others would watch them to detect flaws in their lives. This made them careful to be good and to walk circumspectly. Then others followed, who were likewise instructed and baptized. Soon the news of this spread over all the straits, and boats after boats, with

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anxious inquirers, came to Ruapuke to see the new things and to ask for baptism. They had to stay here for a week or longer to be instructed and to see if they were sincere, and were then baptized. After that they sailed back to their homes, to be there a light among their neighbours. So it came to pass that in a short time there were earnest Christians in all the villages of the district.

It was natural that, by and by, I should feel constrained to go and visit my spiritual children. I made, therefore, frequent voyages with Maoris in their boats. When I came to a village I stayed there for about a week to strengthen the faithful, to help up again the fallen, and to instruct fresh candidates for baptism. Then, when all was done, I went to another place to perform similar works. I mention this and the following to show the state of the Maoris at that time, both mental and bodily.

The Maoris in most of the dispersed villages were very poor; their houses were not good. They were improvident with their food. It would happen during bad weather, when the sea was too rough to go out fishing, that for a whole week we had nothing to eat but potatoes, and nothing to drink but cold water. Add to this, that the hovels were overcrowded, for where I went others went. We had to sleep rather close on the hard clay floor. The smell of such sleeping company was not pleasant.

A man in the strength of his life, and whose mind is in his work, can bear such hardship. Yet I was always glad when, after a poor Maori hospitality, I came to a place where Europeans lived, namely, some of the before-mentioned former whalers and sealers, who had remained here and taken Maori wives. In their houses I found a clean seat, not perhaps on a chair—chairs and tables were rare articles at that time in this part of the world—but on a seaman's chest, drawn for me to the fire. Here also I was treated to pork and damper (unleavened bread baked in hot ashes).

Cleanliness and better living were not the only pleasures I found in the houses of the Pakeha Maori families. (I prefer to use the term Pakeha, for that includes Americans, and these might object to being termed Europeans.) The Maoris had few children, and these had a dirty and dull look about them. On the other hand, in the Pakeha Maori families, I found plenty of clean, lively, and healthy-looking half-caste children. Surely a friend of flowers wandering through a waste country, where only a few stunted plants were growing, and thinking to himself, there might be green leaves and bright flowers here, but there were none, and who then found a rosebush full of buds and roses just opening to the light of the sun, could feel no greater joy than a loving heart must feel at the sight of those lovely children. The houses were clean, and the parents and children were clean. They were all very simply but neatly dressed. May be this was not always

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so. There may have been washing and cleaning because I was expected. Be that so, it was a step in the right direction. The Maoris had not yet caught the idea that it would be comely to wash and clean themselves for the visit of a stranger whom they respected. The baptized, of course, had to appear a little cleanly, but the mass comprehended that not yet.

Here some one may ask: Why not civilize the Maoris first and afterward christianize them? To that I would reply: That cannot be done. No savage will take to civilized habits before a higher idea is instilled into his mind and is working there. Always washing and combing—too much work. Let now the leaven be mixed with the unsightly lump of flour, and by and by, when it is working, we shall see the uprising of a civilization.

I have said the Maoris had but few children, and these had a dull and unhealthy look about them. What was the cause? Let us look into their family management. Strictly speaking, there were no families—there were parties—large ones and small ones. Most of the food was procured and eaten by each party in common, and as there was no organization for economy, there could be no saving. When after a time of hunger there came a time of plenty, then the craving was so great, that they ate overmuch. At another time they had to starve again. Their eating, clothing, housing, were unwholesome. For a time such a way of living might go on; but in the end, generation after generation, it must weaken their health, at least in these latitudes. Besides the above, it was a settled custom among them, that parents must not correct their children—and there was a reason for it. They did not understand that children were to be made better by correction. If they would beat their children, it would be done in a brutal way, while in a great rage. Then others of the party would get angry and interfere. This would lead to a fight, and perhaps to manslaughter. To avoid such disturbances it had come to be a settled habit, that children must be left to have their own way, and the children knew that they need not obey. If a child objected to be weaned, the mother must go on giving it suck. I have known children four or five years old still sucking. It was a common sight to see a mother coming into the house and sit down, then a big boy, or a big girl, would run up to her and stand bolt upright by her side and suck, like a big calf. No wonder they had but few children, and one can think that children growing up in such a way must make bad parents. They could not always have been so, else they would have died out long before.

On the other hand, Maori women, though grown up in the same way, when joined to a Pakeha husband, had plenty of healthy children. How can we account for that? It was because the families were provided for

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and ruled over by Christian fathers. I do not say that these fathers were regenerated Christians; but they were born and had grown up in Christian countries, had got used to civilized habits, and, as sailors, had learned discipline. The mothers in such families, had, therefore, better food, better clothing, better dwellings, than the other women of their race who had Maori husbands. This raised their minds to a higher level of humanity. They got self-respect. This made them willing to fall in with the discipline of their husband. They became healthier and had more children.

Such chaste, soul-ennobling love, as exists in refined Christian societies, was at that time unknown among the Maoris. All marriages were treated as political affairs. The tribal divisions were subdivided again and again, to mere parties. Such parties had many things in common. Now marriages among the young people, if left to. themselves, might be to the advantage of one party and the disadvantage of another. There were rights to be considered. Therefore the councils of the parties, in which all free men and women had voices, decided how people should marry. On the same wise were some of the girls given away to become wives of the Pakehas among them—not without a consideration.

The minds of the Pakeha Maori wives were affected by the agitation of the conversion among the Maoris; the half-caste children were so lovely as “to turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just, to make ready a people prepared for the Lord.” When a mother with her children had been baptized, and the blessings of a Christian marriage pronounced over father and mother, then all felt so happy that now they formed a Christian family.

It was a time of revival here then, and as such, a happy time, but it was a poor time in temporal affairs. It was as if we had been left and forgotten in this out-of-the-way corner of the world. The whales and the seals had been exterminated, and it did not pay any longer for ships to come this way. Wellington, at Cook Strait, was the nearest civilized settlement, and that was far away. The communication was by Maori boats from place to place along the coast. It took about two years before my clothes and books, which I had left at Nelson, found their way to Ruapuke, and it was a marvel that they arrived at all. Correspondence here was not so easily carried on then as it is now. When I wrote home to Germany, it took two years and a half before I could receive an answer. I lived, when not travelling, like a hermit, cultivated my food and cooked it myself; did also my washing. When I could get no flour, then cooked peas were a good substitute for bread. I also tried to introduce the cultivation of peas among the Maoris, who needed such nutritious food, but could not succeed; the time for industry had not yet come.

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As the conversions went on, there came gradually a change over the minds of the Maoris. They saw that the low dirty way of life they were leading did not agree with their new Christian feeling. They became desirous for a better way of living and were willing to work for it, for civilization requires a great deal of fresh work. I felt the same for them; but what could I do? Their civilization must commence in the families, as will have been seen in the foregoing, and there I could not help. There was one way of helping—I must get a wife, one that is “cumbered about much serving” the Lord Jesus in “the least of his brethren.” Such women there are in civilized Christian communities, but there were none of that sort in this obscure corner of the world. Yet there was a chance.

When I had been five years here, it became necessary for me to go to Wellington and Nelson to make arrangement with some merchant or banker to draw some money from home. In 1849, I set out on that journey. Coming to Otago I found that a few settlers had arrived there; but what is now the city of Dunedin, was then an insignificant place with a few small houses. Five years before I had seen that place when it was an uninhabited wilderness. However, I could find a passage on a schooner direct from here to Wellington.

When I had arranged my money affairs, I looked out for a wife, and in Wellington I found a young lady who had a willing mind to carry civilized habits into the families of the Maoris in the far south. If these statements do not concern science, they concern learning—I mean learning the history of civilizing the Maoris in the south.

The Maoris had already got into the way, of their own accord, of calling themselves my children, old and young; and now, when I came back to them and brought a wife, she was received at once as the head mother of the community; and she had the talent to establish her authority as such, and to be obeyed. She went into the work with her mind in it, and with excellent results. When she went to a place and was observed on the road, then the children shouted, “Mother is coming!” Quickly the women began to sweep and to put things tidy, so as to pass muster at the inspection. Gradually each family was taught to manage its own affairs.

The children could no longer be allowed to have their own perverse ways; but as the parents did not know how to correct them, I had to take the chastisement in hand. If children were under a sentence of whipping, they knew that it would be carried out, and that made them feel unhappy. So a conscience was cultivated in them, for which the heathen Maoris had not even a word in their language. When those children felt the guilty

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weight getting too heavy on their minds, they came to me of their own accord, and begged to have the whipping over, so that they might feel good again. The chastisement was then performed under loving admonitions, and that made them love me and helped them to be good.

To the civilization of the Maoris also belongs the introduction of the English language. So long as they cannot read the colonial newspapers, they must remain an inferior race in the colony. This cannot be accomplished in one generation—the Maori language being so simple and the English so complicated, especially in spelling and pronouncing—but it can in two or three. I commenced a school for that purpose. Of course the scholars did not learn much English, but they learned some, and that did them good; for when they grew up and became parents, by the time the Government had established English schools among them they were very anxious that their children should attend regularly, while parents who had not been at the former school were not.

The work towards civilization began at Ruapuke, but it spread also to other parts of the Strait. Let us look at their dresses, when, in the time of transition, they came into the church in their Sunday clothes. Some wore native mats, some woollen blankets, though cleanly, in most cases old and much worn. Some few also wore parts of European clothes, but seldom complete. It caused not the least surprise when a man came in dressed in a European man's shirt and a short waistcoat and nothing else. Some years later such an appearance would not have been tolerated by the congregation. In a few years more, as improvement went on, all wore simple and decent European clothes. Though they were much patched, it was neatly done. The head mother of the community had instructed them. It also did not look amiss when the patches were of different colours. I rather liked that under the circumstances.

By this time the Maoris had turned very industrious, their minds having been raised by Christian ideas. They raised now large crops of potatoes for export. At first they had to take them in their boats to Dunedin; but by and by trading schooners came this way who bought the potatoes and sold wearing apparel and other things necessary for housekeeping. Cows were imported, and the girls learned to milk and to make butter. The cultivation of wheat was introduced. We got a cart, ploughs, and hand-mills. I broke in young bullocks for working. However, most of the cultivation was done by spade husbandry, owing partly to the rocky soil of the island, and partly to the men, being proud of their skill in managing boats on a boisterous sea, disliking the working with bullocks. However, large crops of wheat were grown, both for home use and for export. The health of the Maoris improved; the births began to exceed the deaths.

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The circumstances of our mission work here in the south were remarkably favourable. First, when I began my work here, the great movement of the conversions in the north had reached this way. Secondly, when civilization began, the Otago settlement commenced, so that our Maoris found a market to sell their produce and to buy things necessary for a civilized life. But no civilization among such low sunken savages could have succeeded if conversion to Christianity had not gone before. The savage heathen is used to filth and vermin and occasional starvation; they do not inconvenience him. If nice things of civilized people come within his reach, and he can get them by begging or stealing, he will take them; but to work constantly, which a civilized life requires, that he cannot and will not. Looking from his standpoint at the toil of civilized men, he must be a fool to undertake these in exchange for his careless ways. But when conversion comes in, and his mind is occupied with Christian, humanizing ideas, then that is all changed. He becomes willing to work out his civilization, his mind is in his work, and the advances he makes please him.

It is a wonderful power that works so mightily in the human mind and changes it for the better. It may be “hid from the wise and prudent and revealed unto babes,” figuratively. Missionaries understand that power, for they have it, else they could not and would not undergo such long hardship as to live among savage heathen for the purpose of helping them up, by precept and by example, to a Christian humanity. Savage heathen are not pleasant company; they are rude and offensive; they are full of vermin, they stink. But the wonderful spiritual power within overcomes all that. There was a time, before they became missionaries, when they groaned and travailed, may be in a dry orthodoxy, may be in an honest scepticism, till they listened to the voice of Jesus: “Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden.” They came and found rest for their souls. There came into them the mind which was also in Christ Jesus, namely to seek and to save such as are lost, though it may be under hardship and sufferings.

I have stated the above to show the moving power of mission work, because science works to bring to light hidden forces which produce visible effects.

Some people think that no good is done by converting the heathen; but such people do not know the heathen in their places of heathenish living, nor the converted in their civilized homes. The Maoris here in the south had, in their heathen state, such weak constitutions, brought on by their miserable way of living, that anyone who became sick had no hope of recovering—(they had no word for hope in their language). The sick were

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taken out of the houses to some distance, so that their sickness and dying might not offend the living. A rude shelter was made over the sick person. Sometimes someone might sit with him, but more often he was left quite alone, with some cooked cold potatoes and some cold water within his reach. So he was left to die without comfort, without consolation. Now, since the Maoris have been converted to Christianity, the sick ones are nursed in their houses by their loved ones, they are supplied with bodily comforts and die with Christian consolation.

The wheat culture, which flourished under the excitement of the conversion and the commencement of civilization, did not last many years. This was not due so much to a reaction in industry, as to trade finding its level. The Maoris here could catch and preserve in airtight kelp bags a great quantity of a kind of young fat seabirds, commonly called mutton-birds. They abound in the south, but not further north than Foveaux Straits. All the Maoris are very fond of them, and if our Maoris could have sent the preserved birds to the north, they would have received good value in return. But it was too dangerous to sail with heavily loaded boats. This was changed when settlers came to Otago and Southland, and shipping came with them. Then our Maoris found that if they took their preserved birds to a merchant in their neighbourhood, they could depend upon their being forwarded to a port near which those Maories resided to whom they were addressed. They then received flour and sugar in return. Thus they found that this was an easier way and better to their liking, than to grow the wheat in the field and to grind it in hand-mills.

I have said before, that with civilization, through cleanliness, better food, better clothing and housing, the health of our Maoris improved. This was as if a person in decline is patched up for a while through some change. The inherent sickness of the Maoris, consumption, brought on and intensified by their unhealthy ways of living, could not be entirely cured. When the old Maoris dropped off, they left but few children and young persona behind them, and these had more or less the old disease in them, which some overcame through the new spirit of life and civilization. A small remnant of the Maoris would have been left here, but for the half-caste children, of whom I have spoken before. These grew up and intermarried with the remnant of the real Maoris. Therefore, the present Maori population here, has strong European features, and one sees only a very few real Maoris among them.

The Island of Ruapuke, which, lying between two coasts, was formerly, in the time of Maori dominion, an important centreing-place, is now, since colonial shipping has superseded the canoe and boat voyages, an insignificant spot, with a small population. The Maori young men grown up

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here, were very fond of the sea. They went away as sailors, then came back, married the girls, and procured for themselves cutters for oystering, fishing, sealing, etc. But there being no good harbour at Ruapuke, they left and settled at Stewart Island. The remnant of the families of the old Maori nobility is still here. They have some sheep on the island, the profit of which gives them a living.

It will have been seen, that the common saying, “When a superior race comes in contact with an inferior one, the latter must die out,” does not apply to the dying-out of the Maoris in New Zealand. I have lived thirty-seven years among these Southern Maoris, and am not unmindful of observing the signs of the times around me. I can positively say that the coming of the Europeans has nothing to do with the dying-out of the Maoris. They would have died out, only faster, if none of the stronger race had ever come to New Zealand. They were dying-off very fast when I came among them, thirty-seven years ago, and the few pakehas, who had come only a few years before my arrival, could not have had the slightest influence among them to that effect. On the contrary, by keeping discipline in their families, and inspiring their Maori wives with higher ideas than grovelling animalism, their half-caste children were lively and healthy. The Maoris, as a race, had outlived their time. Still, a remnant will be saved; but it will be melted into the European settlers.

Still I think there is, in a higher sense, a connection between the dying-out Maoris and the coming-in of a superior race to take their place and to make a better use of it. I believe that God takes a great interest in the ways people and races have to work out their destinies under his, mostly unseen, guidance; and that when the Maori race was going to die he caused a race, best fitted for his purpose of mercy, to come and smooth the bed of the dying Maoris with Christian consolation and bodily comfort. “Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.”

Art. XV.—Fallacies in the Theory of Circular Motion.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 21st January, 1882.]

If a body be set in motion in empty space it would move on in a straight line for ever, if not subject to any action outside itself. If the body be deflected out of a straight course some force outside itself must have acted upon it. When a body is deflected from a straight course continuously, so

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as to move in a circular orbit, of course round a central point, a certain force must have acted on this body. Mr. Todhunter says: (1.) “If a body of mass m describes a circle of radius r with uniform velocity v, then whatever be the forces acting on the body their resultant tends to the centre of the circle and is equal to m v2/r. No single fact in the whole range of dynamics is of greater importance than this.” It will be advisable to illustrate this measure of circular force by an example. A slinger whirls round a stone in a sling. “The stone pulls at the string one way, the controlling hand at the centre of its circle, the other (2). Were the string too weak it would break, and the stone prematurely released would fly off in a tangential direction. If a mechanist were told the weight of the stone (say a pound), the length of the string (say a yard, including the motion of the hand), and the number of turns made by the stone in a certain time (say sixty in a minute or one in a second), he would be able to tell precisely what ought to be the strength of the string so as just not to break: that is to say, what weight it ought at least to be able to lift without breaking. In the case I have mentioned it ought to be capable of sustaining 3 lbs. 10 oz. 386 grs. If it be weaker it will break. And this is the force or effort which the hand must steadily exert to draw the stone in towards itself, out of the direction in which it would naturally proceed if let go, and to keep it revolving in a circle at that distance.” The result of the foregoing example is obtained from the preceding formula in this way. The formula stated that the acceleration, that is the pull on the hand of the slinger, is equal to the mass (one pound) multiplied by the square of the velocity divided by the radius. As the radius was three feet, the circumference of the circle would be equal to 18.8496 feet nearly, and as the mass made one revolution in a second, this is the velocity. The square of this velocity is equal to 355.30742016 feet, and on dividing this by the radius, three feet, the acceleration is found to be equal to 118.43580672 feet. The acceleration of the force of gravity at the surface of the earth is very nearly equal to 32.2 feet, and it is thus seen that the force with which the stone has to be pulled into the hand greatly exceeds the force with which a pound weight is pulled to the earth by gravity. On dividing 118. etc., by 32.2 the answer is 3.6781306, which is the ratio of the greater acceleration to the less—that is, the force said to be pulling the stone (a pound mass) into the hand is 3.67, etc., times the force with which gravity pulls a pound mass towards the earth. Now the force of gravity pulling at the stone gave it a weight equal to one pound, and consequently the central force pulling at the stone would give it a weight of 3.6781306 pounds, meaning that the hand has to bear this weight to keep the stone from breaking away. This reduced is equal to 3 lbs. 10 oz. 371.9142 grains, and more exact figures would have given a closer result.

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Reference to the formula will show that the centripetal force varies as the square of the velocity. It will be well to see very clearly what this means. Taking the particular example already given, if the velocity be doubled the acceleration is quadrupled; that is, the acceleration would be 474 feet, nearly. This means that the force necessary to retain the stone in its revolution round the hand, if it constantly acted on a mass in the same way that the force of gravity does, would add to the velocity of the mass moving freely, 474 feet per second, which is nearly fifteen times the effect produced by gravity, and the hand would experience a pull equal to that which it would feel in supporting fifteen pounds weight (nearly). If the velocity had been trebled, the acceleration would be nine times 118 feet, and the weight nine times 3lbs. 11 oz. (nearly). If the velocity were increased nearly twenty-five times,—that is, if the pound mass made twenty-five revolutions per second (471 feet per second),—the pull exerted by the stone would be equal to the pull which would be exerted by a ton weight suspended from, say, a stout beam. If the pound mass revolved one hundred times per second, it would exert a pull equal to that which would be exerted by a weight of 16 tons. This velocity, 1885 feet per second, is about 300 feet faster than a fast cannon ball, and the weight, 16 tons, is almost sufficient to break, by stretching, ordinary bar iron one inch square. These figures are remarkable, but science teaches remarkable things, and we are not much surprised at them. The principle itself will have to be looked at closely.

Momentum is the measure of force. It is the measure of the force of gravity. The acceleration produced by gravity, namely, 32 feet per second, really means the momentum generated in a mass by gravity. Let us use the word momentum instead of acceleration, meaning, when applied to the effect produced by the force of gravity, the velocity with which the mass was moving at the end of the time. This can easily be done by taking a one pound mass. If the revolving pound mass have its velocity successively increased by blows, its momentum may be represented by v, av, bv, cv, nv, and in this case the corresponding accelerations may be represented by v1, a2 v1, b2 v1, c2 v1, n2 v1 when v1 stands for acceleration, ordinarily represented by f, and in the special case of gravity by g. Both these sets of measures are momentum measures of force. Does it not seem strange, that if the momentum of the revolving pound mass be increased n times, the momentum to be generated by the centripetal force will be increased the square of n times. It may be conceived possible to make n indefinitely great, and still it is asserted that the momentum generated by the centripetal force will be as the square of n. Does not this seem very much like creating force out of nothing. It may be urged against this, that

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a blow is of the nature of an infinite force, while it might be said that the centripetal force is infinitesimal, it being the force of a pressure. In such statements as these, however, the phrase “of the nature of an infinite force,” is itself a vague and indefinite expression.

The clearest objection that can be raised against the common measure of centripetal force, is that which can be urged against the assertion that a mass revolving in a circle with uniform velocity, is every instant trying to fly off at a tangent to its orbit. The words “instant” and “tangent” here have their mathematical meanings. If the string holding the revolving mass in its circular orbit is inextensible in a mathematical sense, then it is difficult to conceive how the stone can possibly be doing otherwise than trying to go off at a tangent to its orbit. But this will only make it less necessary for the centripetal force to be great in amount, even when the velocity is considerable. If the stone is every “instant” trying to fly off at a “tangent” in a strictly mathematical sense, then every “instant” the stone is going in a direction at right-angles to the string; how then can it possibly exert a pull along the string? Of course practically no string is inextensible, but theoretically, the more the string is made inextensible, the less should be the force necessary to retain the stone in its orbit. And yet for all that, some force is necessary, for how could a stone be deflected from a straight line unless a force acted upon it. Let a ball strike a smooth surface very obliquely, in a direction almost parallel with the surface, and it will be deflected from its straight course; but how small relatively to that of the striking ball would be the force that deflected the ball in the least degree only out of its course. Is not this effect similar to the effect of a centripetal force? If so, can the force possibly be so great as shown in a previous paragraph it would be if the formula is correct?

Perhaps the foregoing reasons may be considered a sufficient cause for a reconsideration of the formula giving the measure of centripetal force. Let us examine with great care, and step by step, the process by which this formula has been obtained. A large number of treatises on astronomy and mechanics, including the best and most commonly used, deduce the formula from one of the two following propositions:—

Theorem.—If two straight lines cut one another within a circle, the rectangle contained by the segments of one of them, shall be equal to the rectangle contained by the segments of the other. (Euclid, Third Book, Prop. 35.) The case is taken where the diameter bisects a chord.

Theorem.—If from any point without a circle two straight lines be drawn, one of which cuts the circle, and the other touches it, the rectangle contained by the whole line which cuts the circle and the part of it without the circle, shall be equal to the square on the line which touches it.

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(Euclid, Third Book, Prop. 36.) The particular case taken is where the point outside the circle is the extremity of the tangent, and a diameter produced to meet the point. Mr. Todhunter deduces the formula apparently from the parallelogram of velocities.

The method of deriving the formula for the measure of centripetal force is very clearly and precisely given by Mr. (I think now Professor) Goodeve in his “Principles of Mechanics.” He takes the thirty-sixth Proposition of the Third Book of Euclid, where it is proved that the square of the tangent is equal to the rectangle contained by the diameter produced to meet the tangent and the part produced. Accordingly, in the annexed figure, the square on the line AP will be equal to the rectangle DP, PB.

In the work referred to, the explanation given is nearly as follows:—The rectangle DP, PB is equal to DB, PB together with the square on PB. When the angle is made very small, the square on PB may be neglected, and then the square on the tangent AP is equal to the rectangle DB, BP. Now DB is the diameter of the circle; then (AP)2 = 2r. PB. (1.) In the limit this is mathematically exact. Let the body revolving with uniform motion be supposed passing through the point B by the end of the time t. If no force had deflected the body it would have pursued a straight course along the tangent, and would have reached the point P at the end of the time t, or to speak more exactly it would very nearly have reached that point, because AP the tangent is greater than AB the are. When the are, however, is extremely small, the difference between the arc of the angle and its tangent is inappreciable—in the limit they coincide. The body was deflected from its course the length PB. It is pulled through the distance PB, that is it falls through that distance. From this geometrical construction we can now derive an algebraical equation. The line AP is equal to tv, and the distance fallen through, namely PB, is equal to ½ ft2. Here v of course is the velocity of the body, and f stands as usual for the acceleration. The time that would have been taken by the body to move from A to P is, of course, the same that it took to fall from P to B, that is, if the angle represented by the arc, or tangent, be very small. In the figure the angle is very much exaggerated for the sake of clearness, but the arc taken should not be greater than a degree when the error will be very small. Bearing these considerations in mind, we can proceed to evolve from the equation we have obtained the measure of centripetal force. The equation before given may be conveniently put distinctly. Thus:—

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AP = tv (2)

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PB = ½ ft2 (3)

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These two equations may be put in the form of a ratio, as follows:— As AP: PB: tv: ½ ft2

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or in a better form: AP/PB = tvft2 (4)

Both sides of this equation are really identical, the capital letters forming one side of the equation being lines, and the small letters forming the other side of the equation being the algebraical,—that is the numerical,—value of those lines. The square of the tangent AP is equal to the square of tv. See equation (2). Equation (4) can now be put as follows:—

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(AP)2/PB=(tv)2ft2 (5)

On referring back to equation (1), it will be seen that (AP)2 is equal to 2r.PB. Substituting this value of (AP)2 in equation (5), we have now:

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2r.PB/PB=t2v2ft2 (6)

or, as PB cancels out, the simple form will be:

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2r=t2v2ft2 (7)

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It will be necessary to pause here. A careful study of these three last equations, namely (5) (6) and (7), shows us that t2v2 is the square of the tangent, and that ½ ft2 is the distance fallen through. The last equation then reads thus, if the numerical value of the square of the tangent be divided by the numerical value of the distance fallen through, the quotient will be equal to 2r. Here 2r is, of course, the diameter of the circle. In the last three equations the quantity t2 could have been cancelled out, but, by retaining this quantity, the whole algebraical expression on the right-hand side of the equation can be directly transformed into its geometrical equivalent. The term ½ ft2 is certainly the distance fallen through represented by the line PP, and is it not equally true that tv is the length of the tangent represented by the line AP, t2v2 being the value of the square on the tangent, which is equal to (AP)2. The fraction in the denominator of the fraction on the right-hand side of equation (7) is got rid of, and the equation will then stand thus: r = t2v2/ft2 (8)

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It may be read thus: If the value of the square of the tangent be divided by the value of twice the distance fallen through, the quotient will give the value of the radius of the circle. Cancelling out the time equation (8) becomes r = v2/f (9) and from this equation the formula for the measure of centripetal force is obtained, that is the value of f is found to be as follows: f = v2/r (10)

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Equation (7) will be the best to take for a special consideration. The equation is 2r=t2v2ft2

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This may be read,—The diameter is equal to the square of the tangent divided by the distance fallen through. Let us double the velocity and the body would traverse the tangent AP in half the time, and it would have to fall the distance PB also in half the time. The velocity would be represented by 2v. The equation would then stand 2r=(2v)2t)2ft)2

Here the two numeral factors, 2 and ½, cancel one another, and the tangent is unaltered. It will be seen, also, that to give the same quotient, 2 r,f must be increased four-fold; that is, the velocity being doubled, the acceleration had to be increased in the ratio of the square of the velocity. Other cases can be made up in the same way. In all of them the acceleration would have to increase as the square of the velocity.

Mr. Proctor observes, in effect, of the radius vector sweeping over equal areas in equal times, as follows: “Because a line, which is attached to a fixed point at one end and at the other to a body in motion, sweeps over equal areas in equal times, it does not therefore follow that the body is going in any orbit. For if the body moved in a straight line, the line joining the body to the fixed point would still move over equal areas in equal times. Let there be any fixed point A, and another B at some distance from it, and join AB. Let now a body be projected from B along a straight line BZ, at right angles to the line AB. It will move with uniform velocity in this direction, and of course will move over equal distances in equal times. Let it move from from B to C in one second. Mark off on the line AZ a number of spaces CD, DE, EF, etc., each equal to BC. Join AC, AD, AE, AF, etc. The body passes through the points C, D, E, F, etc., in successive seconds. The triangles constructed on these bases, BC, etc., are all equal to one another, because they have equal bases and are between the same parallels. The line joining the fixed point with the body moving in the straight line AZ, will therefore sweep over equal areas in equal times. It is not necessary, therefore, for the body to move in any orbit, because the line joining it to a fixed point passes over equal areas in equal times.

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Let a body be held at rest at the point A and let a uniform constant force act in the direction AZ. This line AZ may be conceived as being vertical to the surface of the earth, or any other planet, or the sun. Let the body at the point A be set free to the action of the accelerating force, and let it be drawn, or fall through, the points B, C, D, at the end of the first, second, and third seconds respectively. The formula s=½ft2 is perfectly general. If the accelerating force be equal to the force of gravity

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at the surface of the earth, the point B will be 16 feet from A, the point C 64 feet, and the point D 144 feet. Let it now be required to make the body pass through these several points in half the time. What must be the acceleration? At B, s = 16 = ½ f (½)2 = frac18; f and f = 128 " C, s = 64 = ½ f 12 = ½ f and f = 128 " D, s = 144 = ½ f (3/2)2 = 9/8 f and f = 128 From this we gather that when the body falls through the same spaces in half the times the acceleration must be four-fold, for 128 is four times 32. Let the body be now drawn by an accelerating force through the points B, C, D, in one third of the times it was drawn through those points in the first case. What must now be the acceleration? " B, s = 16 = ½ f (frac18;)2 = 1/18 f and f = 288 " C, s = 64 = ½ f (⅔)2 = 4/18 f and f = 288 " D, s = 144 = ½ f 12 = ½ f and f = 288 We see from this that when the body is drawn through the same spaces in one-third the times that the acceleration must be increased ninefold. Reverting now to the geometrical figure already given (see page 138), if the velocity of the revolving body be increased to twice or thrice the velocity it had at first, it will have to be drawn from P to B in half or one-third the time. But if the body had not been revolving at all, but had been at rest at P, the acceleration would have had to be increased fourfold or ninefold. It is not necessary, therefore, for a body to be revolving in any orbit to satisfy the condition, that if it be required to draw the body through the same space in one-half or one-third the time, the acceleration must be increased fourfold or ninefold. That the acceleration should increase directly as the square of the velocity, or inversely as the square of the times, it is not necessary, therefore, that the body acted upon by an accelerating force should be moving in any orbit.

Let a circle be drawn, and let a polygon of n sides be inscribed in the circle. Produce each of the sides to a distance equal to itself. This lengthened side is divided equally by the circumference—the side of the polygon is one-half, and the part produced outside the circle is the other half. From the end of the produced side draw a line to meet the angular point of the polygon opposite to it. This line will not coincide with the radius—it will not form part of the radius produced through the angular point of the polygon. Let a particle B be moving with any velocity along one of the sides of the polygon, and when it comes to the angular point let it be struck by another particle H so as to cause it to move along the next side of the polygon. When the particle B comes to the next angular point of the polygon, let it be struck by another particle (of course equal to H), so as to cause it to move along the next side of the polygon. And so on in

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the same direction along the other sides without loss of motion. Let the length of each side be represented by b, and let the length of line passed over by particle H, during the time particle B traverses a side, be represented by h. Then h will be the length of the line drawn from the end of a produced side to the angular point opposite. When B has traversed all the sides of the polygon, it has passed over a distance equal to n × b and the sum of the distances passed over by the other particles (which are the same as H, and have the same velocity) is equal to n × h. The ratio of the distance passed over by the striking or deflecting particles to the distance passed over by the revolving (struck or deflected) particle is constant. Whether the velocity be augmented or diminished the ratio is the same. The force necessary to deflect by successive impulses a particle along the sides of a polygon does not therefore have to vary in strength as the square of the velocity of the deflected particle. It is only reasonable, therefore, to suppose that the force necessary to deflect a particle so as to cause it to move in a circle does not vary as the square of the velocity.

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II.—Zoology.

Art. XVI.—On the New Zealand Hydrobiinæ.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 3rd November, 1881.]

Plate I.

In the “Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collection,” vol. vii., and also in the “American Journal of Conchology,” vol. i., 1865, Dr. Stimpson founded a new genus—Potamopyrgus-on Melania corolla of Gould, from Banks' Peninsula, and in my “Manual of the New Zealand Mollusca,” (Wellington, 1880,) I followed Dr. v. Martens in considering this species to be the same as Melania corolla (Reeve), and Paludestrina cumingiana (Fischer). I also followed Mr. Tenison Woods in putting all our other Hydrobinæ into Moquin-Tandon's genus Bythinella. But an examination of these shells during the last year has convinced me that Gould's species is not the same as Paludestrina cumingiana, and that all our species belong to the genus Potamopyrgus. I have not seen the “Mollusca of the United States Exploring Expedition,” but I found my identification on the fact that P. cumingiana is not found in Banks' Peninsula, and that its dentition does not correspond with the description given by Dr. Stimpson of the dentition of P. corolla, while that description does agree with the dentition of P. fischeri (Dunker), which is common in Banks' Peninsula. The dentition of all the species is so much alike that all must be included in one genus, but it is necessary to alter Dr. Stimpson's diagnosis in order to include the slight differences that are found among them.

The absence of books prevents me feeling certain that all the synonyms I have given are correct, and as three out of the four species vary very much, it is possible that other naturalists may consider some of the forms to be distinct which I consider only as varieties.

Potamopyrgus, Stimpson.

Shell, ovato-conic or oval, imperforate; body whorl more than half the length of the shell; aperture ovate, the outer lip acute; peritreme continuous or discontinuous. Operculum horny, subspiral, without any internal process. Animal with the foot rather short, broadest, and slightly expanded, in front. Tentacles very long, slender, tapering and pointed. Eyes on very prominent tubercles. Dentition. Median tooth trapezoidal,

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the inferior margin more or less trilobate. First lateral broad and excavated in the middle, contracted into a long peduncle, the denticles nearly equal. Second lateral pointed at the inner extremity; the shank broad, and thickened on its outer margin. Third lateral with the inner extremity broad and rounded, constricted at its junction with the very broad shank, which is thickened on its outer margin. Number of transverse rows of teeth, 55 to 69.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Formula of the denticles, 7 or 9/3 or 4−3 or 4; 9 or 11; 20 to 23; 30 to 40.

The formula of the denticles differs widely from that of Bythinella, and approaches more nearly those of Stomatogyrus and Amnicola; but Potamo-pyrgus is readily distinguished from both these genera by the shape of the third lateral tooth.

P. cumingiana and P. antipodum are both ovo-viviparous, and probably the other species are the same. The species inhabit both fresh and brackish water. They are very variable in form, and the only reliable character is the dentition.

Key to the Species.

Shell with spines, whorls more or less carinated.
Spines long; first lateral tooth with 9 denticles P. cumingiana.
Spines short; first lateral tooth, with 11 denticles P. corolla.
Shell without spines, whorls rounded.
Whorls 5 or 6; basal denticles 3-3 P. antipodum.
Whorls 4; basal denticles 4-4 P. pupoides.

P. Cumingiana.
Plate I., figs. A and E.

Paludestrina cumingiana, Fischer. Jour., de Conch. viii., 1860, p. 208.

Paludestrina salleana, Fischer, 1.c. 1860, p. 209 (?).

Melania corolla, Reeve. Conch. Icon. fig. 366; not of Gould.

Shell ovate, thin, olive-brown; whorls 5½ to 6½, angulated; a row of distant curved spines on the last two or three whorls, 10 to 17 spines on the body whorl.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Formula of denticles, 9/3−4; 9; 23 to 25; 26 to 30.

Axis, ·2 to ·23 inch; breadth, ·12 to ·1.

Habitat: The northern part of the North Island and the valley of the Waikato. I have not seen it from Wellington, nor from any part of the South Island. Fresh-water only.

The shell is very variable in shape, especially in the angle of the whorls, which is sometimes sharp, sometimes rounded, and sometimes absent altogether on the body whorl. The peritreme is usually continuous, but occasionally it is discontinuous in apparently adult shells. The lower side of the median tooth is trilobate, but the middle lobe is not conspicuously developed, and is sometimes slight.

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The specimens figured were sent me from Lake Pupake, Auckland, by Mr. T. F. Cheeseman.

P. Corolla.
Plate I, figs. B and F.

Melania corolla, Grould. Pro. Bost. Jour. ii., 1847, p.

Amnicola badia, Gould. Pro. Bost. Jour. iii., 1848, p. 75.

Hydrobia fischeri, Dunker. Mal. Blatt. viii., 1861, p. 152

Hydrobia reevei, Frauenfeld. Abh. Zool. Bot. Ges. Wien, 1862, p. 1024.

Shell ovato-conic, reddish-brown or brown, rather solid; whorls 5 to 6, angulated; a row of close short spines on the last 2 or 2½ whorls; usually from 26 to 32 spines on the body whorl. Peritreme continuous or discontinuous.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Formula of denticles, 9/3 or 4−3 or 4; 11; 23; 35 to 40.

Axis, .15 to .22 inch; breadth, .13 to .08.

Habitat: South Island; abundant in fresh water, Wellington.

This is a very variable shell in shape, but the whorls are always angulated. The spines are always short, but very variable in number; sometimes several are united together, and then the number on the body whorl may not be more than 8 or 10; but their compound nature is indicated by their broad flattened base, while in P. cumingiana they are always round and long. This form may be P. salleana, Fischer. The specimens figured are from the Heatheote River, near Christchurch.

The animal is white, sparingly speckled with black on the foot, body, and tentacles; more thickly speckled on the head and rostrum; a paler transverse band near the end of the rostrum.

The animal does not glide, but moves along by jerks, dragging its shell after.

Dr. Dunker agrees with Dr. v. Martens that his H. fischeri is only P. corolla with the spines rubbed off, which is no doubt true. A. badia, Gould, and H. reevei, Frauenfeld, are certainly the same as H. fischeri.

P. Antipodum.

Plate I., figs. C and G.

Amnicola antipodum, Gray. Dieffenbach's New Zealand, 1843, p. 241.

Amnicola zealandiæ, Gray, 1.c., p. 241.

Amnicola egena, Gould. Pro. Bost. Jour. iii., 1848, p. 75.

Amnicola gracilis, Gould. Un. States Ex. Exp., p. 126, fig. 150.

Hydrobia spelæa, Frauenfeld. Abh. Zool. Bot. Ges. Wien, 1862, p. 1022.

Shell ovate, blackish-brown to olive-green, rather solid; whorls 5 to 6½, rounded, smooth; aperture ovate, peritreme continuous or discontinuous.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Formula of the denticles, 7 or 9/3−3;9; 23; 35 to 40.

Axis, .24 to .16; breadth, .12 to .09.

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Habitat: Throughout the whole of New Zealand; abundant in fresh water, extending into brackish water.

A very variable shell, but easily recognized by its smooth rounded whorls. The aperture varies from nearly a half to a third of the length of the shell. The narrow, turreted, form is P. zealandiæ, but I do not think it is distinct, as there are many intermediate varieties.

The animal is in all respects like P. corolla. The central lobe of the median tooth is considerably produced.

Our species appears to be quite distinct from the Tasmanian Paludina nigra (Q & G), the whorls in that shell, judging from the figure, being much more oblique, and the aperture nearly parallel to the axis. Hydrobia spelæa is, I think, only a small form of P. antipodum. It was found, along with H. reevei, with moa bones in the Collingwood caves near Nelson.

P. Pupoides.

Plate I., figs. D and H.

Shell minute, oval, olive-green, or brownish; whorls 4, smooth, rounded; aperture ovate, two-fifths the length of the shell, peritreme continuous.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Formula of the denticles, 9/4−4; 9; 20; 30 to 35.

Axis, .06 to .07; breadth, .035.

Habitat: Estuary of the Avon and Heathcote rivers, in brackish water. Not found in fresh water.

This shell is very constant in its form, and very unlike the other species of the genus, but the animal and dentition at once indicate its relationship. No doubt it will be found in many other localities. The central lobe of the median tooth is considerably produced; the central denticle of the first lateral is rather larger than the others. The inner surface of the operculum has some small granules at its anterior end; these are not calcareous.

Explanation Of Plate I., Figs. A To H.

A

1. Potamopyrgus cumingiana, × 5 times.

2. Potamopyrgus cumingiana embryonic shells × 25 times.

B

1. Potamopyrgus corolla, × 5 times.

2. Potamophyragus corolla animal × 5 times.

C

1. Potamopyrgus antipodum, three varieties × 5 times.

2. Potamopyrgu antipodum operculum × 8 times.

D

Potamopyrgus pupoides, × 10 times.

E

Potamopyrgus cumingiana, teeth × 470 times.

F

Potamopyrgus corolla, median tooth × 470 times.

G

Potamopyrgus antipodum, median and first lateral teeth × 470 times.

H

Potamopyrgus pupoides, median, first and second lateral teeth × 470, and operculum from the inside × 20 times.

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New Zealard Hydrobiinæ, and a New Gerus of Rissonæ

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Art. XVII.—On a new Genus of Rissoinæ.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 3rd November, 1881.]

Plate I.

There is a small mollusc, common in the rock pools in Lyttelton Harbour, that I cannot bring into any genus in Adams' “Genera of Recent Mollusca.” The shell is like that of Barleeia, but the operculum is sub-spiral, like that of Rissoina, but without the marginal ridge. The animal differs from Rissoina in having the opercular lobe simple, and the foot emarginate behind, as in Barleeia, but from this genus it differs in having the tentacles long and setaceous, and the rostrum emarginate. From all other genera it is distinguished by the process on the operculum.

Dardania. Gen. nov.

Animal. Foot large, rounded in front, and emarginate behind; opercular lobe small, simple. Rostrum emarginate at the extremity; tentacles long, and setaceous; eyes large, on swellings at the outer bases of the tentacles. Operculum ovate, sub-spiral, with a long shelly process from below the nucleus. Shell ovate, sub-conical; whorls smooth; aperture oval, entire, rounded in front, peritreme not continuous, outer lip thin; axis imperforate.

D. Olivacea. Sp. nov.
Plate I., fig. K.

Shell small, ovate, olive brown when alive, purplish black when dry; whorls four, convex, smooth, with fine lines of growth. Length .08: breadth .06.

Animal light brown, foot and tentacles white. The sole of the foot has a median longitudinal groove, and the tentacles are smooth. The central tooth is as broad as long, and with two denticles on each side of the median denticle. The first lateral tooth has five denticles, the middle one larger than the others. The second lateral has three denticles, the inner one the smallest. The third lateral is narrow, abruptly bent and expanded near the base, it has three minute denticles.

Habitat: On seaweed in rock pools; Lyttelton Harbour.

It is probable that some of the New Zealand species described as Rissoina, or Barleeia, may belong to this genus, as in none of them is the animal or the operculum known.

Explanation Of Plate I., fig. K.

K Dardania olivacea, × 10 times.

2.

" animal × 10 times.

3.

" teeth × 470 times.

4.

" operculum, inside, × 30 times.

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Art. XVIII.—On the Fresh-water Lamellibranchs of New Zealand.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 13th October, 1881.]

Plate II.
Unionidæ

In the second volume of Dr. Dieffenbach's “Travels in New Zealand” (London, 1843) Dr. Gray described two species of Unio, brought to England by Dr. Dieffenbach and Dr. Sinclair. These he called U. menziesii and U. aucklandica. They are distinguished by the first being high and compressed, the posterior lateral teeth crowded, the inner anterior tooth of the right valve large, thick, ovate, rugose, and the other teeth small and compressed. He also distinguished a variety which was more elongated, and rounder behind, and the posterior lateral teeth not so elevated. The second species is thick, the cardinal teeth low, blunt, oblique, and the posterior lateral teeth laminar, and far off. These species were afterwards figured by Reeve in his Conchologia Iconica.

In 1850 Mr. A. Gould published in the “Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History” a description of another species from Auckland, under the name of U. lutulentus, and this was afterwards figured in the “Mollusca of the United States Exploring Expedition,” and also by Reeve. I have not seen Gould's description or his figure, but, according to Reeve, the shell is rudely longitudinally plicated.

In the “Malakozoologische Blätter” for 1861 Dr. Dunker described a U. hochstetteri, brought to Germany by Dr. v. Hochstetter from the River Waikato and Lake Taupo, distinguished by being “very indistinctly subverrucose in the middle. This also is figured by Reeve, and shows a shell very much truncated behind, the length being only 1.4 times the height.

In the “Mollusca of the Voyage of the Novara” Dr. Dunker also described and figured a U. zelebori. This is rather an elongated shell, the length being twice the height, and with the cardinal teeth compressed, acute, and crenated. Having examined a large number of specimens from various parts of New Zealand I have come to the conclusion that neither the shape of the shell nor the form of the teeth can be depended upon for specific characters, indeed hardly two individuals can be found alike; and from the River Avon, at Christchurch, I have obtained many individuals, living together, which combine in various ways the characters of menziesii, aucklandica, and zelebori, and the animal in all is alike. U. lutulentus is, I think, distinct, although some specimens are difficult to distinguish from U. menziesii. I have not examined the animal. U. hochstetteri I have never seen.

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New Zealand freshwater Lamellibranchs.

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Notes on the animal of U. menziesii.—Pl. II., figs. A, B, C, and D. The anal siphon is dark purple outside and yellow inside; the orifice is simple. The region of the branchial siphon has numerous cirri, some of which are dark purple, others yellow; inside the shell the margin of the mantle is speckled with yellow pigment spots. The branchiæ are yellow-brown in colour, the outer darker than the inner one. They are attached at their posterior extremities to the mantle below the anal siphon, but are free from this point to the posterior adductor. The outer branchia is attached to the mantle throughout its whole length, and is obliquely truncated anteriorly; the inner branchia is not united to the foot. The foot is large, and its anterior and lower portions, which are not covered by the branchiæ, are slate grey in colour. The labial palpi are white, speckled with yellow, their length is about twice their breadth, and for about half their length the two on each side are united posteriorly. All the nervous ganglia are white, but show nothing remarkable in shape or position. The heart makes fifteen beats a minute. The alimentary canal is remarkably simple; from the capacious stomach it runs along the lower side of the body cavity to the end, and then turns abruptly upward and forward to the stomach, from whence it ascends to the heart. A crystal-style is sometimes present. The animal is diœcious. I have found both spermatozoa and ova in the month of June.

Cyrenidae

In the Catalogue of the “Conchifera in the British Museum,“and in the “Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London” for 1854, M. Deshayes has described a Sphærium novæ-zealandiæ, which has been also figured by Reeve. It is a small species of a bluish-grey colour “abundantly irregularly transversely banded;” and is said to come from New Zealand and Australia. I have never seen a shell answering to this description, and the New Zealand habitat may perhaps be erroneous.

In the “Malakozoologische Blätter” for 1861, Dr. Dunker described a Sphærium lenticula from specimens brought to Europe by Dr. v. Hochstetter from Lakes Rotoiti and Taupo. This little shell (pl. II., fig. E) is common throughout New Zealand; but it is a Pisidium, and not a Sphærium. Usually it is nearly equilateral (fig. E.a.), but occasionally very inequilateral (E.b.). The two forms are, however, only varieties of one species, as intermediate varieties completely connecting them are found in the same locality. At least both forms and intermediate varieties live together near Christchurch. The longer side of the shell is anterior. The siphons are very short, and completely united, the margin is simple. The foot is long

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and colourless. The animal is very active and moves about by means of its foot, much in the manner of a Gastropod. It lives not only in mud, but also on aquatic plants.

Pisidium novæ-zealandiæ was described by Prime in the “Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London” for 1862, and afterwards in the “Annals of the Lyceum of Natural History of New York” for 1867 with a wood-cut. This may be the same as the variety b of Pisidium lenticula, as the description agrees very well; but if so the figure, judging from a tracing I had made for me, cannot be very correct, for that represents a nearly equilateral shell with a prominent umbo. The specimens described by Mr. Prime are said to have been brought from New Zealand by Mr. Cuming, so there may be a mistake in the habitat, as I believe Mr. Cuming never visited New Zealand.

Explanation Of Plate II.

A.

Unio menziesii, with the foot expanded. c anal siphon.

B.

Unio menziesii, left valve and mantle removed. a Anterior adductor muscle; b posterior adductor; c anal siphon; d foot; e labial palp; f branchiæ.

C.

Unio menziesii, left side of mantle and branchiæ removed, and the pericardium laid open. a Anterior adductor; b posterior adductor; d foot; e labial palp; f right branchia; g rectum; h heart; i cerebral ganglion; k parietosplanchnic ganglia.

D.

Unio menziesii, body cavity laid open, showing the mouth, stomach and intestine; I pedal ganglia.

E.

Pisidium lenticula. a Type form; b variety.

Art. XIX.—Notes on some Pulmonate Mollusca.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 2nd June, 1881.]

Plates III. and IV.

Patula coma, Gray. The jaw is slightly arcuate, with the ends attenuated; it is marked with distant striæ which converge slightly towards the upper margin. (Plate III., fig. L.)

The radula is .01 inch in breadth. Teeth 13–1–13, of which 6 may be called laterals. The central tooth is tricuspid, the side cusps short and ronnded and without cutting points, the median cusp long and narrow with a small cutting point at the extremity; the base of attachment is broad and rectangular, and extends beyond the cutting point of the median cusp. The lateral teeth are similar to the central, but the base of attachment is oblique. The seventh tooth has the cusps nearly equal, and the inner side

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cusp as well as the median has a cutting point. No. 6 is intermediate between No. 7 and the laterals. Towards the margin the cusps get smaller and the cutting points larger, but the outer side cusp never has a cutting point. (Pl. III. fig. A.) The teeth are arranged in nearly straight transverse rows. (Pl. IV., fig. g.) The specimen from which the drawings are taken came from Dunedin, but I have found the same species at Queenstown. There are 5–5½ whorls, and the ribs are less than .01 inch apart; the aperture is oblique.

Patula hypopolia, Pfeiffer. The jaw is arcuate, not attenuated at the ends, which are rounded; it is transversely finely striated. It resembles the jaw of P. igniflua, (Pl. III., fig. M.)

The radula is .02 inch in breadth, with about 133 transverse rows of teeth; the rows are nearly straight. (Pl. IV., fig. H.) The teeth are 26–1–26, of which 10 or 11 may be called laterals. The central tooth has a prominent median cusp, with two minute side cusps: the base of attachment is longer than broad, enlarging posteriorly, and extending far beyond the median cutting point. The laterals are bicuspid with a cutting point on each, the inner being the larger. No. 12 is also bicuspid, but the reflected; portion and the cutting points are very oblique. Towards the margin the cutting points increase to four. (Pl. III., fig. B.)

This specimen is also from Dunedin, where the species is not uncommon. Some specimens are entirely “horny-cinereous,” as in the typical P.hypopolia, but some are slightly spotted, and others strongly spotted and marked with rufous, thus passing into P. iota. Both forms are sub-carinated. The peculiarity of the jaw in this species and in P. igniflua, is no doubt sufficient to remove them from Patula; but in the absence of full information I make no attempt to place them properly.

Patula igniflua, Reeve. The jaw is arcuate, with rounded ends, with distant transverse striæ. It is membranaceous, soft, and pale horn-coloured. There is no median projection. (Pl. III., fig. M.) The striations of the jaw appear to arise from folds in the membrane; it gives the appearance of the jaw being made up of many pieces slightly imbricated, but I could not satisfy myself that they were really distinct.

The radula is .03 inch in breadth, with about 70 nearly straight transverse rows of teeth. (Pl. IV., fig. I.) The teeth are 37–1–37, with 11 laterals on each side. The central tooth has a single cusp, surmounted by a cutting point; the base of attachment projects beyond the cutting point. The laterals are bicuspid, but without a cutting point on the outer cusp. The inner marginals are also bicuspid, but the cutting point is longer. The outer marginals have the reflected part and the base of attachment much reduced, but the cutting points are very long and sharp. (Pl. III., fig. c.)

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This fine species is not uncommon near Dunedin. It nearly always has obscure spiral grooves. In colour it is either horn-coloured, or irregularly marked, or flammulated with red. There is a variety with membraneous, deciduous ribs, which I suppose may be the P. portia of Gray. The dentition of both is the same, and the membraneous ribs are easily removed. If I am right in identifying this ribbed variety with P. portia, then Dr. Gray's name will stand for both. There is a mucous gland at the posterior end of the foot.

Placostylus bovinus, Brugière. Jaw arcuate, attenuated at the ends; membranaceous, soft, transversely striated by infoldings of the membrane, giving the jaw the appearance of being composed of many pieces. (Pl. III., fig. o.)

Radula .17 inch in breadth, and length about two and a-half times as much, with about 140 transverse rows of teeth. These rows are nearly straight, forming a very obtuse angle salient posteriorly. (Pl. IV., fig. K.) Teeth 55–1–55, of which 28 are laterals. The central tooth has a single cusp with rounded shoulders at its base; the cutting point is short and broad; the base of attachment broadens posteriorly and does not extend as far as the apex of the cutting point; the lateral teeth are bicuspid, with the outer cusp small; there is no cutting point on the interior cusp near the central tooth, but at about the twelfth row a small cutting point appears; this gets larger to No. 20, then smaller again, disappearing in the marginals altogether. At about the fortieth row the central cutting point disappears also. (Pl. III., fig. D.)

The specimen from which the drawings were taken was given me by Professor T. Jeffery Parker, and had originally come from the north part of the Auckland district. Although there is considerable difference in the published descriptions of P. bovinus and P. novoseelandicus, I think that they are the same species, as nearly every specimen that I have examined combines characters of both. Usually they have the general form and colour described as characteristic of P. novoseelandicus, together with the seven whorls and the cherry-red mouth of P. bovinus. Although the shell has seven whorls, the animal has only three and a-half whorls.

Daudebardia novoseelandica, Pfeiffer. (?) The animal has no locomotive disc, but a specimen long preserved in spirit showed a central longitudinal groove on the foot. There is no jaw. Teeth 15–0–15. There are about 35 transverse rows of teeth, which form an obtuse angle of about 100°, salient posteriorly. (Pl. IV., fig. M.) The breadth of the radula is .16 inch, and its length about three times as much. Teeth aculeate, with a central process of attachment. The apices of the teeth belonging to the five inner and two outer rows are simple, but those of the sixth to thirteenth rows are barbed, looking like the fluke of an anchor seen in profile. (Pl. III., fig. E.)

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Pulmonate Mollusca.

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The specimen from which the figures were taken was collected by Mr. T. Kirk, at Waiuku, in the Lower Waikato district. The animal was without its shell, but from the mark on the body it was easy to see that the shell was pauci-spiral, and on the hinder part of the body. As Daudebardia novoseelandica came originally from the Waikato, I presume that this is the same species; but while the shape of the shell is that of Daudebardia, the teeth appear to belong to Testacella.

Paryphanta busbyi. There is no jaw. The radula is about an inch in length, and .4 inch in breadth at the anterior end, tapering to a point posteriorly, with about 104 transverse rows of teeth, the rows forming an obtuse angle of about 130°, salient posteriorly (Pl. IV., fig. L). The teeth are 50–0–50. They are all aculeate, and similar, with simple bevelled tips (Pl. IV., fig. A). The first five laterals are small. From the sixth they gradually increase in length to about the thirty-fifth, and then get smaller.

This description is taken from a specimen, very well preserved in spirit, kindly given me by Mr. T. F. Cheeseman. The whole of the animal, including the sole of the foot, is dark blue-black. The upper surface is covered with rather large, flat, granulations. The foot is narrowed in front and behind, the margin produced, and waved. I could see no sign of a caudal gland.

It is evident that this genus should be placed in Vitrininæ, near Daudebardia.

Helix fatua, Pfeiffer. The jaw is arcuate, slightly attenuated at the ends, composed of about twenty imbricating plates; its outer surface is rough, with horny hair-like papillæ, which form a fringe round the lower margin. (Pl. III., fig. N.)

The radula is .007 inch in breadth. The transverse rows of teeth form an obtuse angle of about 200°, salient posteriorly. (Pl. IV., fig. N.) The teeth are 20–1–20. In all the reflexed part is very small. The central tooth has a single cusp, bearing a cutting point, with square projecting shoulders at its base; the base of attachment is rectangular, three times as long as broad, and two-thirds of its length projecting beyond the cutting point of the reflexed portion. All the lateral and marginal teeth are bicuspid, the cusps being equal, and each bearing a cutting point. The cusps gradually diminish in size outward until they can hardly be recognized in the outer marginals. The base of attachment of the inner teeth is rectangular, but becomes oblique in the outer laterals, and then gradually rectangular in the marginals; its length gradually decreases from the central row outward.

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The specimen figured came from Dunedin. It resembled the description and size of H. fatua, except that it was slightly spotted with rufous. It differed from H. zealandiæ, in being only sub-carinated. Its remarkable dentitition and jaw of course take it out of Helix. Probably it must be formed into a new genus, but I have not the necessary books for determining this point.

Limax Agrestis, Linnæus. I have no doubt now that my L. molestus is this species. The differences that I pointed out were the non-obliquity of the keel, which Mr. Binney says is quite inconstant, and the different shape of the ovo-testis. In this latter point I had not compared our slugs with European examples, but trusted to Mr. Newton's figure in the Quar. Jour. Micros. Science, N.S., vol. 8, p. 26; as, however, I find that the teeth are quite identical, I drop my name. The radula has 93 transverse rows of teeth, each row having 42–1–42. On Pl. III., fig. H., I give figures of a central, lateral, and marginal tooth, from one of my type specimens from Dunedin. The jaw is figured at fig. P.

Milax Antipodum, Pfeiffer. Jaw very slightly arcuate, with a slight median projection. (Pl. III., fig. Q.)

Radula .06 inch in diameter, and about two and two-third times as long, with about 92 transverse rows of teeth, which are slightly curved, the convexity being posterior. (Pl. IV., fig. s.) Teeth 40–1–40, of which 16 are laterals. The central tooth has a single cusp, the shoulders of which slope gradually into the base, and each carries a small cutting point. In the laterals the shoulders are more strongly marked, but the inner one gradually dies away and its cutting point gets very minute, until on the 13th or 14th tooth it cannot be seen, and the outer one is very small. In the 15th and 16th teeth the median cutting point rapidly increases, and approaches in size the aculeate marginal teeth. (Pl. III., fig. G.)

The specimen figured came from Dunedin, but I have also found it in the bush at Governor's Bay, Banks Peninsula.

Milax Emarginatus, Hutton. The jaw is narrow, nearly straight, with a slight median projection. (Pl. III., fig. s.)

The radula is .07 inch in diameter, with about 90 transverse rows of teeth, which are slightly curved, the convexity being posterior. Teeth 46–1–46, of which about 16 are laterals. These teeth differ from those of M. antipodum in having the cutting points much larger; the shoulders in No. 1 lateral are much more sloping, and the shape of the reflexed part of No. 14 is quite different. (Pl. III., fig. I.) I have figured the teeth of a small specimen from Dunedin.

Arion Fuscus, Muller. My A. incommodus is, I think, identical with this species, of which I had seen no description until this year. I have only seen it from Dunedin. The ribbed jaw is figured in Pl. III., fig. R. The

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teeth are 34–1–34, of which about 12 are laterals, and there are about 111 transverse rows. I have figured, from a Dunedin specimen, some of the teeth on Pl. III., fig. K.

Onohidella Patelloides. No jaw. Radula is .17 inch in length, and .1 inch in breadth at the posterior end, tapering to a point anteriorly. There are 84 transverse rows of teeth, which form an obtuse angle of about 125°, salient anteriorly. (Pl. IV., fig. R.) Teeth 130–1–130. The central tooth is tricuspid, the median cusp with a short pointed cutting point; the side cusps with broad incurved cutting points. The laterals pass gradually into the marginals; they all have a single cusp bearing a blunt cutting point. From the anterior end a curved process of the base projects forward; this is short in the rows near the centre, and gets longer toward the margin. (Pl. IV., fig. B.)

Bulimus Gibbosa, Gould (Physa)? These specimens were given me by Mr. J. D. Enys, and came from the Broken River. The spire is very short, the whorls are rounded, without any trace of keel; the columella plait obsolete. The shells are olive green in colour, L .3; B .17. The apex in all is eroded, but the whorls are apparently four. I am doubtful whether this is Gould's gibbosa, but it may remain under this name for the present, until the species are better known.

Animal. The edge of the mantle is simple, and not reflexed over the shell. Tentacles long and filiform, with a rounded lobe at their outer bases. Eyes sessile at the inner bases of the tentacles. Foot short and rounded behind, truncated and not expanded in front. Rostrum bilobed. Pl. IV., fig. v.) The animal is yellow-brown, minutely speckled with greenish brown. It walks by jerks. The eggs are in transparent capsules attached to stones, etc., usually three or four together, arranged in a single layer.

Dentition. The upper jaw is simple, arcuate, and attenuated suddenly at each end; it is transversely striated. The lower jaw is membraneous, soft, and yielding. (Pl. IV., fig. T.) The radula is .07 in length, and .03 in breadth; it is parallel-sided and rounded at the anterior extremity. There are 126 transverse rows of teeth, curved slightly forwards. (Pl. IV., fig. Q.) The teeth are 27–1–27. The central tooth has its base longer than broad, and with parallel sides; the reflected portion has a single cusp, which bears two small cutting points, variable in shape and size. There are about ten laterals on each side; they have a single cusp, which bears a tridentate cutting point. In the marginals the cutting point has numerous denticulations, and the reflexed portion gets longer. (Pl. IV., fig. C.)

The simple mantle margin, not reflected over the shell, and the sinistral twisting of the shell itself, would place this species in Bulimus; but the shell is not elongated, the aperture is not narrow, and the foot is not dilated

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anteriorly. Perhaps this and the next species should form a distinct genus; certainly they do not belong to Physa. I would propose that Adams' subgenus Ameria be retained for them.

Bulimus Variabilis, Gray (Physa). Animal and radula like B. gibbosa, but with only 112 transverse rows of teeth. Teeth 18–1–18, of which seven or eight are laterals. Generally the teeth are similar to those of B. gibbosa, but the base of the central tooth is as broad as long at its posterior margin, and the reflected portion is simply convex anteriorly; the teeth are larger and coarser, and the outer marginals are not so long. (Pl. IV., fig. D.)

This description is taken from the common species found in the neighbourhood of Christchurch. It is very variable in shape, the whorls being either rounded or slightly flattened behind; the body whorl usually bears indications of a keel, formed by a single row of fine short hairs, but sometimes this is absent. The spire is more produced than in B. gibbosa, and the whorls are not so much flattened behind as in P. mæsta. Whorls 4; columella plait distinct.

Probably the other species of Physa described from New Zealand will all be found to belong to the same genus.

Latia Neritoides. I have to thank Mr. T. F. Cheeseman for numerous specimens, preserved in spirit, collected by him in Lake Pupuke, near Auckland. I have never seen the genus in the South Island.

Animal. The eyes are at the outer bases of the tentacles, which, in spirit specimens, are short, incurved, and transversely ringed. (Pl. IV., fig. U.)

Dentition. There is no jaw. The radula is .08 inch in length, and .04 inch in breadth, the sides nearly parallel. There are 30 transverse rows of teeth, which form an angle of abont 115°, salient anteriorly. (Pl. IV., fig. P.) The teeth are 27–1–27. The central tooth is small, the reflected portion half the length of the base, and bicuspid, but apparently without any cutting points. The laterals are all nearly alike, and increase in size outwards to about the sixteenth, and then diminish. The base is constricted in the middle, and the outer side has two teeth near the posterior end. The reflected part is oblique to the base, single cusped, with a rounded cutting point. (Pl. IV. fig. E.)

The position of the eyes, outside the tentacles, would appear to take Latia out of the Limnæidæ, and the absence of a jaw, as well as the arrangement of teeth on the radula, are other characters by which it is distinguished. It may form the family Latiidæ.

Amphibola Avellana. In a paper on the anatomy of this species, in the “Ann. Nat. Hist.” for 1879, I briefly described the dentition, but the description is not sufficiently accurate, and I have inadvertently stated that

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Pulmonate Mollusca.

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the teeth point forward. There is no jaw. The radula has 44 transverse rows of teeth, which form an angle of about 105°, salient anteriorly. Pl. IV., fig. o.) The teeth are 29–1–29. The central tooth has five or six denticles on each side of the median cusp, and on the right side the margin is finely but variably denticulated; the median cusp bears a single blunt cutting point. On each side there is a single lateral tooth, which, however, is often divided into two; it is very variable in shape, but more or less quadrate, with a variously denticulated cutting point. Outside this the teeth are all aculeate, and increase in length toward the margin. (Pl. IV., fig. F.)

In the paper already mentioned, I stated that I had failed to discover how the oviduct was connected with the albumen gland, but on the 5th September, 1879, I found a specimen in which the oviduct was distended with ova, and which showed clearly that my supposed accessory gland is the commencement of the oviduct. The sketch on Pl. IV., fig. w, is from this specimen.

Lymnæa Stagnalis. This species has been introduced intentionally into the river Avon at Christchurch, and is now abundant below the Acclimatization Gardens.

Explanation Of Plate III.

Note.—The numbers under the teeth give the longitudinal row of that tooth from the centre. Teeth belonging to the central row have no number.

A.

Patula coma. Teeth × 480.

B.

Patula hypopolia. Teeth × 480.

C.

Patula igniflua. Teeth × 480.

D.

Placostylus bovinus. Teeth × 150.

E.

Daudebardia novoseelandica. Teeth × 80.

F.

Helix fatua. Teeth × 480.

G.

Milax antipodum. Teeth × 280.

H.

Limax agrestis. Teeth × 280.

I.

Milax emarginatus. Teeth × 280.

K.

Arion fuscus. Teeth × 480.

L.

Patula coma. Jaw × 80.

M.

Patula igniflua. Jaw × 40.

N.

Helix fatua. Jaw × 80; a end of jaw further enlarged.

O.

Placostylus bovinus. Jaw × 15.

P.

Limax agrestis. Jaw × 15.

Q.

Milax antipodum. Jaw × 15.

R.

Arion fuscus. Jaw × 35.

S.

Milax emarginatus. Jaw × 15.

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Explanation Of Plate IV.

A.

Paryphanta busbyi. Teeth—a ordinary view; b from above; c side view × 80.

B.

Onchidella patelloides. Teeth—a central tooth; b lateral tooth; c marginal tooth; d side view of marginal tooth × 480.

C.

Bulimus gibbosa. Teeth × 480.

D.

Bulimus variabilis. Teeth × 480.

E.

Latia neritoides. Teeth × 280; a base from behind.

F.

Amphibola avellana. Teeth × 280; a central: b first lateral; c and d marginals.

G.

Patula coma. Portion of radula × 30.

H.

Patula hypopolia. Portion of radula × 30.

I.

Patula igniflua. Portion of radula × 30.

K.

Placostylus bovinus. Radula × 2.

L.

Paryphanta busbyi. Radula, natural size.

M.

Daudebardia novoseelandica. Radula, natural size.

N.

Helix fatua. Portion of radula × 70.

O.

Amphibola avellana. Radula × 15.

P.

Latia neritoides. Radula × 15.

Q.

Bulimus gibbosa. Radula × 15.

R.

Onchidella patelloides. Radula × 6.

S.

Milax antipodum. Radula × 6.

T.

Bulimus gibbosa. Jaw × 30.

U.

Latia neritoides. Head of animal. (Spirit specimen.)

V.

Bulimus gibbosa. Animal—a from above; b from below.

W.

Amphibola avellana. Reproductive organs—a hermaphrodite duct; b albumen gland; c oviduct; d vas deferens.

Note.—The dotted lines on the radulas show the direction of the transverse rows of teeth.

Art. XX.—Notes on the Anatomy of the Bitentaculate Slugs of New Zealand.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 3rd March, 1881.]

Plate V.

In the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” vol. xi., p. 332, I described a new genus of bitentaculate slugs under the name of Konophora. This year, through the kindness of Professor Parker, I have been enabled to examine another specimen, and find that after having been in spirit for some time a lateral groove appears dividing the body from the foot, as in Janella, and that the anatomy is so like that of J. bitentaculata that a new genus seems hardly necessary for its reception. I therefore propose to regard Konophora marmorea as a species of Janella, distinguished from the other two species by not tapering rapidly to the tail, by its conical eyepeduncles, and by the form of the central row of teeth, as described further on.

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The only specimen of J. papillata that I have had for dissection was in such a bad state of preservation that I was unable to make out the details of the alimentary and reproductive systems, but I saw enough to convince me that they are constructed essentially on the same plan as those organs in the other two species; in fact I think that it may be only a variety of J. bitentaculata. I propose, therefore, to give a general account of the anatomy of the genus, and also to point out the differences between J. bitentaculata and J. marmorea. I have to thank R. W. Fereday, Esq., for living specimens of J. bitentaculata which he found on flax (Phormium) at Fendal Town, near Christchurch.

External characters. The anus is situated on the right side, below and a little in front of the pulmonary opening. The reproductive organs open behind the right eye-peduncle, (fig. 1). There is a mucous pore situated on the dorsal groove, just in front of the pulmonary opening. The foot is scarcely distinct from the body, and shows no locomotive disc, but after the animal has been placed in strong spirit a lateral groove appears on each side, and the foot shows three longitudinal grooves, a broad central one, and a narrow one on each side, (fig. 2). Twelve to sixteen minute calcareous plates form a rudimentary shell. They are situated inside the pulmonary cavity; the largest in front of the opening, and the others forming a row on the inner or left side of the opening, (fig. 16). These particles have been figured by Dr. Knight, (“Trans. Lin. Soc.” xxii., p. 381.)

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Alimentary system (figs. 4 and 5). The buccal mass is large, and of the ordinary shape, but the retractor muscles arise from the musculature of the foot, immediately under the nerve collar. The length of the radula is not quite twice its breadth, and each half is rolled up into a separate spiral (fig. 4 c), as figured by Dr. Knight in his paper already quoted. The teeth are about 255–1–255, varying slightly in number, and there are about 130 transverse rows. The central tooth is about 1/1000 of an inch in length, and varies considerably. In J. marmorea the anterior end is emarginate, and there is no central cusp (fig. 9). In J. bitentaculata there is a central cusp, and the anterior end is either simple or has a central swelling, which is either single or divided into two (figs. 10, 11, and 12). In the single specimen I had of J. papillata the central teeth were like figs. 10 and 11, but none like fig. 12. There is no distinction between lateral and marginal teeth (figs. 13 and 14); all are alike, and similar in all the species. They have been very accurately figured by Dr. Knight. The inner laterals are rather more than 1/1000 of an inch in length, and they gradually diminish to about half that size at the margin. They are arranged on the radula in transverse lines that form an obtuse angle, pointing anteriorly. (fig. 8).

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On each side of the œsophagus there is a large salivary gland (fig. 5 c), the ducts opening into the posterior portion of the buccal mass. Below the buccal mass and œsophagus lies a peculiar tongue-shaped organ (fig. 4 d), which is ductless, and fastened in its anterior half to the body wall, but free posteriorly. It is composed of rounded nucleated cells, and is grooved along its upper surface. It may represent the organ of Semper in other slugs.

The stomach is long, and makes nearly three right-hand spiral turns. It passes gradually into the intestine, which turns forward, and follows the stomach back through its windings to the œsophagus; it then turns suddenly back, round the posterior branch of the aorta (fig. 5 f), and again descends nearly to the end of the stomach; it then turns suddenly forward, and once more following the convolutions of the stomach, ends in a short straight rectum, which opens on the right side below and in front of the respiratory opening. The liver (fig. 5 e) is formed of two compact spindle-shaped lobes. In J. marmorea the intestine turns forward immediately after receiving the hepatic ducts, but in J. bitentaculata it descends nearly to the posterior end of the liver, making another half turn before it turns forward.

Reproductive system (fig. 7). The ovotestis is subrotund in form and divided longitudinally below by a groove running from the hermaphrodite duct, which is purplish. It is of a dead white or pale yellow colour. It is remarkable for its position in the animal, lying in front of the rectum, while in all other slugs with which I am acquainted it is placed posteriorly, among the folds of the liver. The albumen gland is long and tongue-shaped, and of a pale yellow. In J. marmorea there are two other large accessory glands at its base, but these are absent in J. bitentaculata. It is, however, quite possible that these so-called accessory glands may be folds of the oviduct which I was unable to unravel. The vas deferens separates from the oviduct at its commencement in J. marmorea, and at about the middle in J. bitentaculata. If the supposed accessory glands in J. marmorea are but folds of the oviduct, then the vas deferens would separate in the same position in both species. The penis is long, narrow, and tapering, and the vas deferens enters it at its posterior extremity. The retractor of the penis (fig. 7 k) arises from the musculature of the foot, on the left side, in a line with the respiratory opening; it is inserted into the posterior extremity of the penis. The spermatheca (fig. 7 g) is purplish brown, globular, with a short neck; it is situated on the oviduct, a short distance from the genital opening. The penis lies across the animal's neck, over the nerve collar. The spermatozoa are gradually thickened at one end, which is spirally twisted. In J. marmorea the ovo-testis lies on the upper surface, and is exposed when the animal is opened from the back; in J. bitentaculata it is hidden, but can be seen from below.

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Bitentaculate Sluc.

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Excretory and circulatory systems (fig. 15). The pulmonary cavity is closed internally by a delicate membrane, slightly radiately plicated, and lies centrally in the animal. The heart is immediately to the left, and outside it. The ventricle is yellow, the auricle colourless. The aorta divides immediately into anterior and posterior branches. The renal organ is double, and lies behind the pulmonary chamber. The duct from the right organ passes over to the left, where it joins the duct of the left organ, and both open by a common duct into the respiratory cavity.

Nervous system (fig. 6). This is very compact and concentrated. The parieto-splanchnic and pedal ganglia are in contact, but not fused together. The whole nerve collar is white. The right peduncular nerve passes over the oviduct, close to the genital opening (fig. 7 h). The auditory vesicles are placed on the outer margins of the pedal ganglia.

Explanation of Plate V.

Fig. 1.

Janella marmorea, natural size. a. pulmonary orifice; b. anus; e. opening of reproductive organs; d. eye peduncles; e. mucous pore.

Fig. 2.

The same. Section across body after having been in spirit, showing the three-grooved foot.

Fig. 3.

The same laid open. a. buccal mass; b. penis; c. ovo-testis; d. vas deferens; e. hermaphrodite duct; f. albumen gland; g. rectum; h. stomach and intestine; i. liver; k. pulmonary opening.

Fig. 4.

The same; buccal mass from the side. a. buccal mass; b. œsophagus; c. odontophore; d. organ of Semper.

Fig. 5.

The same; alimentary system. a. buccal mass; b. commissure of cerebral ganglia; c. salivary glands; d. rectum; e. liver; f. posterior branch of aorta.

Fig. 6.

The same; nerve collar. a. commissure of cerebral ganglia; b. eye peduncle retracted; c. auditory vesicle.

Fig. 7.

The same; reproductive system. a. ovo-testis; b. hermaphrodite duct; c. albumen gland; d. oviduct; e. vas deferens; f. penis; g. spermatheca; h. peduncular nerve; i. opening of reproductive organs; k. retractor muscle of penis.

Fig. 8.

The same; radulalaid open, magnified five times. a. anterior end; the dotted lines show the direction of the transverse rows of teeth.

Fig. 9.

The same; central tooth, magnified 700 times.

Figs. 10 and 11.

Janella papillata; central teeth magnified 700 times.

Fig. 12.

Janella bitentaculata; central tooth magnified 700 times.

Fig. 13.

The same; lateral tooth, magnified 700 times.

Fig. 14.

Side view of the last.

Fig. 15.

The same; excretory system, from below. a. pulmonary chamber; b. heart; c. anterior branch of aorta; d. posterior branch of aorta; e. renal organ; f. anus.

Fig. 16.

The same: rudimentary shell, from below. a. respiratory orifice; b. calcareous plates forming the shell.

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Art. XXI.—Notes on some Branchiate Mollusca.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 7th July, 1881.]

Plates VI and VII.

Octopus Maorum. Dentition. The central tooth varies much in shape; usually it has only a median cusp, which carries a long cutting point at its end, and a small one on each side, but sometimes there is a small cusp behind each smaller eutting point. The first lateral is rudimentary, with a small curved cusp. The second lateral is short and broad, its breadth being four or five times its length, and is more or less curved; it has a short triangular cutting point at each end, the outer one of which is hidden by the base of the third lateral. The third lateral has a quadrate base, and a long curved cutting point, blunt at the end. The marginal plate is large, its breadth more than twice its length; it tapers outwards; the anterior margin is slightly concave, the posterior is convex. (Pl. VI., fig. A.)

The drawing is taken from a very small specimen obtained at Wellington.

Ommastrephes sloanii. Dentition. The central tooth is tricuspid, the median cusp rounded, the side cusps sharply pointed; the median cusp carries a long narrow cutting point. The first lateral is bicuspid; the outer cusp is sharp and without a cutting point, the inner cusp is rounded, and with a narrow sharp cutting point slanting slightly inward. The second lateral has a quadrate base, and a single cusp bearing a long sharp curved cutting point. The third lateral is like the second, but has an aculeate base. The marginal plate is small and oval. (Pl. VI., fig. B.)

The drawing is from a very small specimen obtained at Dunedin.

Euthria lineata. Dentition. The central tooth is nearly twice as broad as long, with three sharp denticles on the upper anterior surface. The laterals have a long curved denticle on the outside and two small ones close together on the inside. They lie close to the central tooth. (Pl. VI., fig. D.) The nucleus of the operculum is apical, forming the apex. The drawing was made from a specimen an inch in length, intermediate between varieties A. and C. It was obtained at Sumner.

Cominella funerea. Animal yellowish white. The eyes are half way up the tentacles, which are marked with black in the region of the eyes. Top and sides of the head with dead-white spots. Siphon long and recurved, white speckled with black. Foot slightly expanded and emarginate in front, rounded behind; with two black spots in front.

Operculum with the nucleus apical, within the apex, the margins simple.

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Branchiate Mollusca.

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Dentition. The central tooth is curved, rather swollen at each end, its breadth four times its length; it has three equal denticles in the middle on its anterior surface. The lateral teeth have two denticles, the outer being the longer, and more curved; they lie distant from the central tooth. (Pl. VI., fig. c.)

The specimen from which the drawing was made was obtained at Sumner.

Columbella Choava. Animal yellowish white, with a narrow black longitudinal line on the back of the head, between the eyes; some scattered dead-white spots on the body and siphon. Tentacles thick, not tapered, approximated; the eyes at their outer bases. Siphon curved. Foot expanded in front, and notched at each side. No operculum. (Pl. VII., fig. o.)

Dentition. 1–0–1; the central portion of the radula is thickened, and divided transversely into membraneous plates, which are broader than long, but the plates bear no teeth. The lateral teeth are versatile; they are curved, pointed at the end, and with two small denticles on the concave side. (Pl. VII., fig. P.)

This species occurs occasionally on seaweed in Lyttelton Harbour. I described the animal in the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” vol. xiii., p. 201, by mistake, under the name of Defranehia luteo-fasciata.

Struthiolaria papulosa. The dentition is remarkably like that of Trochita. The radula is delicate and short, with only about 24 transverse rows of teeth. The central tooth has a quadrate base; the reflected portion is triangular, rather longer than broad, and denticulated on each side. The first lateral has a breadth of nearly twice its length, and the short reflected portion is slightly denticulated on the margin. The second and third laterals are nearly similar, but the base of the second is rather broader and squarer than that of the third; they are versatile. Both are long and curved, the apex blunt and slightly bent over; both are denticulated at the end and on either side near the apex, the denticulations stronger on the outer side. (Pl. VI., fig. H.)

In the male the denticulations are stronger than in the female, in all other respects they are alike. The drawing is taken from a specimen collected at Nelson by Mr. J. D. Enys, in it the teeth are separated to show their form. In their proper position the apices of the second and third laterals nearly meet in the centre. The breadth of the radula is .019 inch, and its length about .07 inch, in a full-sized specimen.

Trochita novæ-zealandiæ. Dentition. The radula has about 44 transverse rows of teeth; the second and third laterals are versatile. The central tooth has a broad rounded base, the reflected has a median cusp with four small denticles on each side; the cusp has a sharp cutting point.

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The first lateral is somewhat triangular in shape, its breadth being three times its height; the reflected portion is denticulated on the margin, and there is a large cutting point at the inner end, with a small one inside it. The second and third laterals are nearly similar, the apices are blunt and denticulated; the outer margin is denticulated in both, while the third lateral has also some denticulations on the inner margin. (Pl. VII., fig. A.)

Littorina cincta. Animal. Foot sooty brown; head brownish black, with a white space round the eye; tentacles brownish black with white tips, and a white triangular mark at the base.

Dentition. Radula very long; .01 inch in breadth. Central tooth .002 inch in length, with a rounded cutting point. The first lateral has two large cutting points; the second lateral has four, and the third lateral five cutting points. The length of the third lateral is .004 inch. (Pl. VII., fig. D.) The drawings were made from a specimen from Sumner, the axis of which was .43 inch. The operculum is sub-spiral, the nucleus near the end.

This species varies very much in colour.

Littorina cærulescens. Animal and operculum as in L. cincta. The dentition is smaller than in L. cincta, and the cutting points finer. In a specimen with an axis of .42 inch, the length of the central tooth was .015 inch, and that of the third lateral .025 inch. Breadth of radula, .006 inch. (Pl. VII., fig. E.) According to Mr. Gwyn Jeffreys, this species is identical with L. neritoides, Lin.

Fossarina varius. Animal. Foot white, simple and truncated in front; head dark purple black, with a reddish tinge on each side of the neck; rostrum short, tipped with yellow; tentacles moderate with the eyes at their outer bases, white irregularly ringed with black. Dentition. This much resembles that of Littorina, but the third lateral tooth is not broad at the apex, and the radula is short. (Pl. VII., fig. B.) The radula is .005 in breadth. The operculum is subspiral, with the nucleus central. (Pl. VII., fig. c.)

This species is common at Sumner, associated with L. cincta and L. cærulescens, on the rocks, above low-water mark.

Janthina communis. The radula has numerous aculeate teeth, which decrease in size towards the anterior end; they do not seem to be arranged in transverse rows. The teeth have a simple hooked apex, and a slightly expanded emarginate base. The length of a posterior tooth is .03 inch, that of an anterior tooth is .008 inch. (Pl. VII., fig. F.)

The specimen was given me by the Hon. G. McLean, who captured it in a towing net off the coast of the North Island.

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Turbo smaragdus. Dentition. The cusps of the teeth are smooth, with cutting points. The central tooth and the laterals have one cutting point each; the marginals have two each, the inner being the larger; in the first three or four marginals these points are very large and acute, in the other marginals they are rounded. (Pl. VII., fig. G.)

Zizyphinus punctulatus. Dentition. All the teeth have denticulated apices without cutting points. The first two or three marginal teeth are denticulated on the outside only; the rest, as well as the central tooth and the five laterals, on both sides. (P. VII., fig. H.)

Anthora tiarata. Dentition. The central tooth is broader than long, the cutting point, with five strong denticles on each side, at the base. The cutting points of the laterals have four or five denticles on the outside, the inside is smooth; the cutting points increase in length outward. All the marginal teeth are small, being well marked off from the laterals; the cutting points are small and denticulated on the outside. (Pl. VII., fig. N.)

Canthaidus texturatus. Animal. Foot white along the sides, marbled with dark purple, which colour forms a transverse band on each side of the operculum; the hinder part is light reddish brown margined with white. Head purplish red, with a pale line down the middle. Tentacles long, white, fringed. Eye peduncles reddish. Filaments, three on each side, white. Side lappets white.

Dentition as usual, the central tooth longer than broad. (Pl. VII., fig. I.)

I have found what I take for this species occasionally at Lyttelton, but always small. It answers well to the description, except that the grooves between the ribs are smooth.

Cantharidus pupillus. The dentition resembles that of the last species, but the central tooth is slightly broader in proportion. (Pl. VII., fig. K.)

Cantharidus huttonii. Animal. Foot white or yellow, thickly marked with blue-black, concentric, interrupted, lines. Head black with three white triangular marks on the vertex between the tentacles; rostrum black, broadly margined with bright yellow or white, with black, concentric, interrupted lines like the foot. Tentacles fringed; white with a black longitudinal line. Eye peduncles short, white. Side lappets white, fringed on the left side, smooth on the right. Filaments three on each side, like the tentacles. The animal is very slow in its movements, and varies much in colour.

Dentition.—The central tooth is as broad as long, and has a minute cutting point; the central lobe is nearly obsolete. The first four laterals have a single, large, sharp cutting point, which is denticulated at the inner base. The fifth lateral has a small cutting point outside the large one. (Pl. VII., fig. M.) In these respects it is like C. texturatus.

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Canthaidus tenebrosus (?). I am very doubtful as to the correct determination of this shell, for although it is bluish black, transversely sulcated, the sulci whitish, and coarser than those of C. huttonii, in shape it is shortly conical, and as broad or broader than high, and when young is perforated. The largest specimen that I have seen measured .3 inch both in height and in breadth, but usually the height is .2, and the breadth .23. It is not uncommon on seaweed in Lyttelton Harbour. Perhaps it may be a variety of C. pupillus.

Animal. Foot blue black, concentrically speckled or striped with yellowish white. Proboscis blue black, narrowly bordered with dusky white or yellow. Eye peduncles short. Tentacles purple, with a dark line down the middle. Filaments purplish, three on each side.

Dentition like C. huttonii, but the central tooth has the median lobe behind well developed. (Pl. VII., fig. L.)

Doris wellingtonensis. Dentition. The radula is folded longitudinally along the central line, the two halves being in apposition, and has about thirty-four transverse rows of teeth. The teeth are about 65–1–65. The central tooth is small and blunt; the laterals have a long, narrow, oblique base, turned over and bearing a narrow, acute, cutting point. They increase in size from the centre to about the thirtieth longitudinal row, and then decrease outwards. The cutting points are much worn in the anterior rows. (Plate VI., fig. G.)

Æolis plicata, sp. nov. (Pl. VI., fig. I.) Head, neck, and body white; branchiæ in close transverse rows on the back, dark brown, each margined with white. Body not tapering behind. Margin of foot fringed and crumpled, except near the head, where it is simple; it is divided in front, but not produced. On the side, below the branchiæ, several rows of small white papillæ (?) arranged in festoons. Tentacles distant, subulate, tapering, projecting outward, white. No eyes. Oral tentacles shorter, thickened at the base, tapering, projecting laterally, and curved backward; white. Length about three quarters of an inch.

Found on the roots of D' Urvillæa utilis, cast upon the beach at Sumner.

Dentition, 0–1–0. About 17 or 18 teeth on the radula, in a single series. Each tooth crescent shaped, with a pointed tooth in the centre, and six smaller denticles on each side (Pl. VI., fig. F. a.) Jaws two, the apices acute and denticulated, the posterior portion flattened. (Pl. VI., fig. F. b.)

Æolis corfei. The teeth of this species resemble those of Æ. plicata, they have a central tooth with six denticles on each side. There are 18 or 19 on the radula. Jaws two, the apices denticulated; the posterior portion reflexed. (Pl. VI., fig. E. a and b.) This species should I think be put into

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Branchiate Mollusca

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Æolis, instead of into Montagua, as the branchiæ are tolerably crowded. On Pl. VI., fig. K, I have given a sketch of the anterior portion of the animal from below, showing the lateral processes at the end of the foot.

Description of Plate VI.

A.

Octopus maorum. Teeth . 80. a second lateral detached.

B.

Ommastrephes sloanii. Teeth . 80. a second lateral detached.

C.

Cominella funerea. Teeth . 150.

D.

Euthria lineata. Teeth . 150.

E.

Æolis corfei. a. tooth . 150; b jaw × 16.

F.

Æolis plicata. a tooth × 150; b jaw with radula . 16.

G.

Doris wellingtonensis. Teeth . 80. The numbers indicate the number of the longitudinal row of that tooth from the centre. The central tooth has no number.

H.

Struthiolaria papulosa. Teeth, detached, . 80.

I.

Æolis plicata. Animal . 2.

K.

Æolis corfei. Anterior extremity of animal from below.

Description of Plate VII.

A.

Trochita novæ-zealandiæ. Teeth . 140.

B.

Fossarina varius. Teeth . 280.

C.

Fossarina varius. Operculum . 8.

D.

Littorina cincta. Teeth . 280.

E.

Littorina cærulescens. Teeth . 280.

F.

Janthina communis. Teeth . 80. a an anterior tooth; b a posterior tooth.

G.

Turbo smaragdus. Teeth . 80. a central tooth: b first lateral; c fourth lateral; d the same, side view; e first marginal; f the same, side view; g second marginal; h a middle marginal; i an outer marginal.

H.

Zizyphinus punctulatus. Teeth . 80. a central tooth; b a lateral; c first marginal; d second marginal; e an outer marginal.

I.

Cantharidus texturatus. Teeth . 160. a central tooth; b first lateral; c fifth lateral; d first marginal.

K.

Cantharidus pupillus. Central tooth . 160.

L.

Cantharidus tenebrosus. Central tooth . 160.

M.

Cantharidus huttonii. Teeth . 160. a central tooth; b first lateral; c fifth lateral; d first marginal.

N.

Anthora tiarata. Teeth . 160. a central tooth; b first lateral; c a marginal.

O.

Columbella choava. Animal.

P.

Columbella choava. Portion of radula with teeth. 470

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Art. XXII.—Description of two little-known Species of New Zealand Shells.

[Read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute, 14th November, 1881.]

Although just forty years have passed since I first detected and made known these two shells, one marine and one fresh-water, which I now bring before you, I have good reasons for believing they are still but little known. Their scientific description, etc., was early published in the “Tasmanian Journal of Natural Science,”* but I do not find them noticed in any of the modern conchological works in our library, under my own or any other specific names; neither are they included in the exhaustive “List of New Zealand Mollusca,” recently laboriously compiled from almost all conchological authorities by Professor Hutton, and published last year by the New Zealand Government. I therefore conclude that they are still but little known. This, however, may be easily accounted for, if, as I suppose, the single localities in which I separately found them are their only known habitats; as such are quite out of the way of both the scientific and general traveller; and although I sought them diligently in my early and general collecting of the shells of this country, I never met with these species anywhere else. At the time, however, of their discovery, I distributed several specimens to various parts of the world.

You will not fail to note, in examining the specimens before you, how exceedingly well they have kept both their original colours and freshness of epidermis, more resembling specimens newly obtained, than those of forty years slumbering in a cabinet. In again giving their scientific description, I shall, on account of conformity, confine myself to the terms I used in the original drawing up, although at that very early period without scientific books.

Genus Patella.

Patella solandri: Shell oval, anteriorly truncated, much depressed, faintly striated longitudinally, diaphanous, fragile, covered with a thin epidermis; inside, smooth, glossy; vertex, very much anteriorly inclined, sub-acute, produced, slightly recurved; margin, entire, obsoletely crenulated within; colour, bluish green, concentrically streaked with brown, beautifully blotched, or tortuously undulated, with same colour towards margin; 5–7 lines long, 4–5 lines broad.

Hab. Adhering to the underside of large smooth stones; Tokomaru (Tegadoo) Bay, East Coast, North Island of New Zealand.

[Footnote] * Discovered in December, 1841, and published in “Tasmanian Journal of Natural Science,” vol. ii., pp. 226, 250.

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Genus Unio.

Unio waikarense. Shell, oblong, or oblong-ovate, concentrically and irregularly sulcated, sub-diaphanous, inflated; anterior side produced, obtuse, slightly compressed; posterior slope, keeled, sharp: base, slightly depressed; umbones, decorticated, flattish, much worn; primary tooth, large crested; epidermis, strong, overlapping at margin, wrinkled on anterior slope; colour, brownish-yellow on posterior side, shading into dusky-green on the anterior, with alternate light-coloured lateral stripes; 3½ inches broad, 2¼ inches long.

Hab. Waikare Lake, mountains, interior of the North Island of New Zealand.

The largest and handsomest of all the known New Zealand species of the genus.

Art. XXIII.—Notes on New Zealand Mollusca.

[Read before the Auckland Institute, IIth July, 1881.]

During my recent trip to England I took with me the late Dr. Sinclair's collection of New Zealand shells, mostly collected in the North Island, and had them named according to the specimens in the British Museum by the aid of Mr. G. B. Sowerby, junr., and Mr. E.A. Smith, of the British Museum, to both of whom my best thanks are due for their kindness. On my return to the colony I have compared these with Professor Hutton's type specimens, in the Colonial Museum, Wellington, and in the Dunedin Museum. The following is the result of my researches, which may probably prove useful to those interested in New Zealand conchology. The pages given refer to the new edition of the “Catalogue of New Zealand Mollusca,” by Professor Hutton; Wellington, 1880.

Pages

16.

Helix reinga—Doubtful if ever found in New Zealand.

41.

Conus aplustre—Add to catalogue. I have a single specimen from the Bay of Islands, but it is doubtful whether either this or Conus zealandicus really belong to New Zealand. They may have been dropped from some South Sea whaler, of which many visit the Bay of Islands.

42.

Acus kirki is Terebra tristis of Deshayes and T. antarctica of Smith.

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Pages

43.

Pleurotoma zealandica—Amend description as follows: instead of “tapering gradually” read “gradated” read “cauda set round with small brown keel.”

44.

Drillia cheesemani—Omit, as this is the same as Pleurotoma zealandica, Smith.

45.

Defranchia luteo-fasciata—Substitute Drillia sinclairi, Smith, manuscript. D. luteo-fasciata is a very small West Indian shell described by Reeve.

48.

Trophon stangeri is clearly the same as Fusus cretaceus of Reeve.

54.

Cominella lurida and huttoni are the same, and are the quoyana of the British Museum.

54.

Cominella funerea is C. costata.

55.

Nassa rutilans, etc., are not New Zealand. I have N. cancellata, A. Adams, N. semigranosa, and Strombus variabilis, all found at Bay of Islands, but all doubtful, as before remarked as to Conus.

59.

Fasciolaria trapezium—Add to catalogue. I have one specimen collected by the late Dr. Sinclair.

60.

Mitra rubiginosa, Hutton—Should be changed as there is a M. rubiginosa of Reeve, Proc. Z. Soc., 1844.

62.

Marginella albescens can hardly be distinguished from M. australis, although a little smaller.

63.

Marginella muscaria, Lam.—Substitute for Erato lactea, Hutton.

66.

Cypræa—I have a specimen of Cypræa found on the beach at the Bay of Plenty in by Rev. Mr. Chapman, but I fear that both this and C. punctata are dropped shells, not New Zealand.

68.

Struthiolaria inermis is the same as australis.

70.

Scalaria lyra is not the lyra of Sowerby. It is most like rubrolineata, but the band is on the middle of the whorl of the latter.

70.

Scalaria jukesii—Add to catalogue. I have specimens; also of another new species.

Scalaria wellingtonensis—Add to catalogue. Described in “Trans. N.Z. Inst.” vol. xii., p. 307.

73.

Eulima chathamensis is Rissoa variegata, Angas.

92.

Calcar cookii is Cookia cookii of the British Museum.

Calcar imperialis is Imperator heliotropium of the British Museum.

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Pages

95.

Diloma æthiops is not Monodonta reticularis of Gray; the latter ought to be replaced in catalogue, as I have both.

96.

Diloma gaimardi is same as D. sulcatus, Wood.

96.

Trochocochlea mimetica, Hutton, is M. reticularis, Gray.

98.

Zizyphinus granatus, Chemnitz, is not the same as Z. tigris, Martyn; the granatus of Dunedin Museum is tigris.

103.

Margarita fulminata should be a Gibbula.

Margarita, nov. sp.—Add to catalogue. Perhaps Gibbula inconspicua of Hutton, p. 102.

106.

Emarginula candida, A. Adams—Add.

Emarginula tenui-costata—Add.

Tugalia ossea—Add.

107.

Tectura pileopsis—Add.

Tectura fragilis—Add.

110.

Patella stellaris—Add. Like one named corticata in Dunedin Museum, but not quite.

113.

Lepidopleurus crocinus, Reeve—Add. This is probably L. empleurus, Hutton.

118.

Ischnochiton antiquus, Reeve—Add.

121.

Haminea zealandiæ and obesa are the same.

136.

Anatina tasmanica is A. angasii.

143.

Tellina disculus is not the same as sublenticularis of Sowerby.

159.

Cardita zealandica is the same as compressa of Reeve.

167.

Mytilus edulis is neither edulis nor dunkeri of Reeve.

171.

Pecten vellicatus, Hutton, is the same as convexus, Q and G, and roseapunctatus, Reeve.

Adamsia typica—Add.

Art. XXIV.—Additions to the New Zealand Crustacea.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 13th October, 1881.]

Plate VIII.

This paper contains the descriptions of three new species of Crustacea, two belonging to the Brachyura and one to the Isopoda. I also describe the male of a species of Amphipoda, the female only having been hitherto known.

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Brachyura.

Genus Hymenicus, Dana.
(Miers' Cat. N.Z. Crustacea, p. 50.)

Hymenicus marmoratus, sp. nov. Plate VIII., fig. 1.

Garapace smooth, naked and flat; sub-triangular with the sides arched, about as broad as long; front projecting and trilobate. Antero-lateral margin with two teeth, the posterior one sharp, long, and very distinct, the anterior one short and blunt. Abdomen of male sub-triangular, first segment broadest and more or less rectangular, penultimate segment narrower than the preceding, the last segment sub-triangular, rounded at the apex. Anterior legs rather large and swollen; tarsi of the remaining legs somewhat densely haired, the other joints being sparsely haired. Colour-variously marked with white and reddish-brown. Length .25in.

Hab. Common amongst sea-weed in rock-pools in Lyttelton Harbour.

Though common at Lyttelton Harbour this crab does not appear to have been hitherto described. It is closely allied to Hymenicus varius, but differs in the shape of the carapace, in having the two teeth on the anterolateral margin well marked, and also in colour.

Genus Elamena, M.—Edwards.
(Miers' Cat. N.Z. Crustacea, page 52).

Elamena (?) lacustris, sp. nov.

Carapace nearly circular, rather broader than long. Rostrum broad, strongly depressed, concave above, sides parallel, obtusely pointed at the end. Antero-lateral margin of the carapace with two nearly obsolete teeth. Last pair of legs much shorter than the preceding. Colour (in spirit)- carapace brown, legs yellowish, spotted with brown. Breadth .15in.

Hab. Lake Pupuke (fresh water), North Shore, Auckland.

This species is remarkable from the fact that it is an inhabitant of fresh water.

I am somewhat doubtful about referring it to Elamena, as I have only seen a single specimen, a female.

Professor Hutton kindly handed over this and the preceding species to me for description.

Types of both have been lodged in the Canterbury Museum.

Isopoda.

Genus Anthura, Leach.
(Bate's and Westwood's Brit. Sessile-eyed Crust., vol. ii., p. 157.)

Anthura, (?) flagellata, sp. nov. Plate VIII., fig. 2.

Body long, slender, sub-cylindrical, thoracic segments sub-equal. Antennæ near equal, the inner one with a distinct flagellum. First three pairs of thoracic legs sub-chelate, the first pair being considerably larger than the

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New Zealand Crustacea.

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two following, and having the hand stout and ovate, and the finger long and curved; the second and third pairs similar in shape and equal in size; the four posterior pairs are all nearly equal to one another, and are nonchelate. First five abdominal segments confluent; the last segment has its posterior edge notched at the centre. Its appendages are broad, operculiform, and biramous, the inner branch formed of a single joint, broad and concave, enclosing the other branch, which has two broad joints, the basal one being much longer than the terminal joint. The terminal segment (telson) squamiform, rectangular, with the posterior angles rounded. The posterior edges of the telson and of the appendages of the last abdominal segment are fringed with numerous long setæ. Length, .3 in.

Hab. Among seaweed in rock-pools, Lyttelton Harbour.

This species differs from Anthura in that the first five (instead of four) abdominal segments are confluent and that the inner antenna has a distinct, flagellum, but as I have only a single specimen I have not made a new genus for it.

Amphipoda

Microdentopus maculatus, G. M. Thomson (Ann. & Mag. N.H., ser. v., vol. iv., p. 331).

This species was described by Mr. Thomson, from a single specimen, a female. It appears to be moderately common amongst seaweed in the rock-pools at Lyttelton. Amongst some specimens answering very well to his description I took one which also agreed with that description in every particular except as regards the gnathopoda. These (plate VIII., fig. 3) are very peculiar, the meros is produced inferiorly into a long acute spine reaching slightly beyond the extremity of the succeeding joint, the carpus; this spine bears a small tuft of setæ about one-third of its length from its extremity. The carpus is large, and is rather more than twice as long as broad. The propodos is much smaller; its inner edge is fringed with numerous setæ. The last joint forms a strong finger slightly curved at the end, its inner edge is smooth; numerous long setæ arise at its base. The second pair of gnathopoda are of more normal shape, the meros not being produced into a spine.

The first pair of gnathopoda closely resemble those of Aora gracilis and Aora typica,* though slightly different from both of them. Mr. Thomson has taken Aora typica in Dunedin Harbour, and he speaks of its resemblance to Microdentopus maculatus, and hints that they may possibly be male and female of the same species. The animal I have, though distinct

[Footnote] * “Brit. Mus. Cat. Amphip. Crust.,” pp. 160–2, pl. xxix., figs. 7 and 8.

[Footnote] † “Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” vol. xiii., p. 218.

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from Aora typica, is, however, so very like Microdentopus maculatus in every part except the gnathopoda that I have little doubt that it, and not Aora typica, is really the male. This is also confirmed by the fact that the two were found together.

Description Of Plate VIII.

Fig. 1.

Hymenicus marmoratus.

a.

Third (external) maxillipede × 22.

b.

Second maxillipede × 22.

c.

Abdomen of male × 5.

Fig. 2.

Anthura (?) flagellata.

a.

Antennæ × 22.

b.

Third thoracic leg × 22.

c.

Sixth thoracic leg × 22.

d.

Abdomen and telson × 22.

Fig. 3.

Microdentopus maculatus.

a.

First gnathopod of male × 22.

b.

Second gnathopod of male × 22.

Art. XXV.—On some Subterranean Crustacea.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 3rd November, 1881.]

Plates IX. and X.

The existence of blind Amphipodous Crustacea in wells and caves of England and Europe, has been long known; in this paper I record the existence of similar animals in New Zealand. The Crustacea which form the subject of this paper were obtained from a well at Eyreton, about six miles from Kaiapoi, North Canterbury. The well was made about seventeen years ago, it is not more than twenty-five feet deep, and it is fitted with a common suction pump, through the medium of which these interesting animals were obtained.

From this well I got three species of Amphipoda and one of Isopoda. In none of these have I seen any trace of eyes, though I have examined living as well as preserved specimens. The most interesting species is the Isopod; the only other blind Isopod inhabiting wells or caves that I know of is the genus Cæddolea, a species of which is found in the Mammoth Cave of Kentucky, and another in the Wyandotte Cave.*

[Footnote] * See “Nature,” 1872, pp. 11, 445, and 484.

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The Isopod that I have to describe is remarkable from the fact that it has only six pairs of legs, whilst the normal number is seven pairs. In many Isopoda the young have at first only six pairs of legs, the last thoracic segment being but slightly developed and destitute of appendages,* and hence it might, at first sight, be thought that the animal I have is only an immature form. This, however, I think can hardly be the case, for there is nothing embryonic about the appearance of the animal, and moreover, I have examined altogether twenty-two specimens, varying in length from .16 of an inch to .46 of an inch, and these all agree in wanting the last pair of thoracic legs. These specimens were obtained at various times from January up to October, 1881, and I think it is hardly possible that these can all be immature forms, and that during the whole time not one mature form should have been obtained. If it is, therefore, a mature form, the absence of the last pair of thoracic legs must I suppose be due to arrested development.

Isopoda.

Cruregens, (nov. gen.)

Generic characters:—Body sub-cylindrical. Head small. First six thoracic segments sub-equal, the seventh small and without appendages. Antennæ sub-equal, neither having a flagellum. First pair of thoracic legs large and sub-chelate, the second and third sub-chelate but smaller, the, three posterior pairs simple. First pair of abdominal appendages forming an operculum enclosing the branchial plates; last pair biramous. Telson squamiform.

In the antennæ, the shape of the body and of the thoracic legs, this genus resembles Paranthura, Spence Bate, and in the shape of the telson and the last pair of abdominal appendages, it is like the closely allied genus Haliophasma, Haswell, but it differs from both in the absence of the last pair of thoracic legs.

Cruregens fontanus, sp. nov. Pl. X. figs. 1 to 12.

Eyes none. Short blunt rostrum between the bases of the upper antennæ. Upper antennæ slightly shorter than the lower, formed of four joints; first joint of lower antennæ long, second short third and fourth about as long as the first, the fourth being followed by a short terminal joint. First pair of thoracic limbs strong and sub-chelate; hand large, broadest at the proximal end, narrowing distally, the palm armed with stout spines, the finger strong and slightly curved; the wrist about twice as long as broad. Last pair of abdominal appendages two-branched, first branch consisting of a single long narrow joint, the other of two joints, the

[Footnote] * “Facts and Arguments for Darwin,” Fritz Müller, pp. 70–72.

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basal one broader and longer than the terminal one. The ends of both branches supplied with numerous rather long setæ. Telson squamiform, sides arched, ending in a blunt point tipped with a few short setæ. Colour transparent. Length of largest specimen .46 inch.

Hab. Pump at Eyreton.

As this Isopod is exceedingly interesting, I have endeavoured to describe and figure it in some detail. The mouth parts are all small and exceedingly difficult to make out, owing to the various parts being to a considerable extent anchylosed together; and I have to thank Professor Hutton for valuable aid in their dissection. Though I have by his aid succeeded in making out the various parts which form the mouth, I cannot, in the absence of sufficient books of reference, be quite certain of their homologies. All the parts of the mouth project forwards; just below the antennæ there is a strong moderately sharp labrum or upper lip (pl. X., fig. 3). The appendage which, by its position, should correspond to the mandibles does not appear to perform the function of mandibles. The two parts, right and left, appear to be here anchylosed together, and no trace of any palp is to be seen; the distal ends are fringed with very short indistinct setæ, and the opposite end is notched (fig. 4). The first maxilla is simple, spoon-shaped at the end, which is fringed with setæ (fig. 5). The second maxilla is also simple, straight, and towards the end it is supplied with short teeth (fig. 6). Though this appendage, by its position, appears to correspond to the second maxilla, yet it is the only one that looks at all like a masticatory organ. If the right and left halves were rubbed longitudinally together they would, owing to the short teeth at their ends, form a most efficient triturating organ. The most posterior of the mouth organs, the maxillipedes (fig 7), are somewhat concave and operculiform, enclosing the rest of the mouth parts. The basal parts of the two halves on the two sides are anchylosed together, and to the head itself, but the terminal portions are free, and the ends, which are at some distance apart, are tipped with setæ. On each side, near the middle, is a peculiar looking small round piece, which is articulated to the rest of the limb. This may possibly represent a rudimentary exopodite, while the free terminal portion may be the endopodite of the typical Crustacean limb.

The appendages of the abdomen on each side consist of a short basal joint supporting two more or less oval branchial plates (fig. 12). In the appendages of the first abdominal segment the outer branch is much enlarged and forms an operculum over the branchial plates; the inner branch, which lies under the operculum, is narrow (fig. 11). In the view of the abdomen from below (fig. 10), the two halves of the operculum have been slightly separated from one another to show the branchial plates underneath.

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Subterranean Crustacea.

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Amphipoda.

Genus Crangomyx.
(Brit. Mus. Cat. Amphip. Crust., p. 178).

Grangonyx compactus, sp. nov. Plate X., figs. 13 to 19.

Eyes not visible. Upper antennæ rather more than one-fourth, the length of the body; peduncle with the first joint longer than the second and the second longer than the third; flagellum rather longer than the peduncle; secondary, appendage small and slender, consisting of one long and one short joint. Peduncle of lower antenna longer than that of the upper, the “olfactory denticle” large and prominent, last two joints of the peduncle equal in length, with their posterior edges fringed with several tufts of setæ; flagellum short, rather more than half the length of the last joint of the peduncle. Appendage of the mandible with three joints increasing in length distally, the last bearing several long setæ. Gnathopoda subequal, propodos only slightly broader than the carpus, palm about one half the length of its inferior edge, defined by a stout spine on each side. Pereiopoda subequal. Pleon having the inferior edge of the three anterior segments furnished with five or six small setæ. Three posterior pairs of pleopoda short and broad; first two biramous, third unibranched, the branch longer than the peduncle and composed of one rather long joint followed by a very small one. Telson half as long as the posterior pair of pleopoda, narrowing slightly towards the extremity which bears two short stout spines. Colour-transparent.

Length, .3 of an inch.

Hab. Pump at Eyreton.

This species is readily recognized by the short stumpy appearance of the three posterior pairs of pleopoda. The secondary appendage on the upper antenna is small and very easily overlooked. On the flagellum of the upper antenna there are some “sensory setæ.” These are small and cylindrical, not quite as long as the joint they are on, and they are divided by a transverse septum about the middle. On the basal portion of the flagellum there are two of these setæ on each joint, but towards the distal end there is only one on each joint.

This species is rather rare.

Genus Calliope.
(Brit. Mus., Cat. Amphip. Crust., p. 148.)

Calliope subterranea, sp. nov. Plate IX., figs. 1 to 10.

Female.—Cephalon without a rostrum. Eyes absent. Upper antenna longer than the lower, about two-thirds the length of the body. The joints of the peduncle decreasing in length and breadth distally- There

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is a rudimentary secondary appendage only about half as long as the first joint of the flagellum. Peduncle of lower antenna equal in length to that of the upper, the last two joints equal in length. Appendage of the mandible three-jointed, the second joint larger than the first, the third short and curved. Second gnathopoda more slender than the first. Last three pairs of pereiopoda increasing in size from before backwards, the various joints being pretty abundantly supplied with stout setæ. Last three pairs of pereiopoda slender, biramous, the penultimate the smallest and having the rami slightly unequal, the rami in the other two being equal. Telson short, as long as broad, the posterior border slightly concave.

Male.—Differs in having sensory capsules and setæ on both pairs of antennæ, and in having the gnathopoda much larger than those of the female. First pair of gnathopoda much larger than the second, propodos very large; palm broad, defined by one long and two short spines, the long one being about two-thirds the length of the finger. Second pair much smaller, palm defined by a short, stout spine. Colour-transparent.

Length of female (with eggs), .3 inch. Male (largest specimen), .5 inch.

Hab. Pump at Eyreton.

This species differs from the other species of Calliope in the absence of eyes and in the presence of a rudimentary secondary appendage on the upper antenna, but I have not considered this sufficient to warrant its removal from the genus. The female is very abundant, but the male is rarely obtained.

The number of joints in the flagella of the two antennæ varies very much (in the female) according to the size and therefore presumably according to the age of the animal. Thus in very small specimens I found 15 joints in the flagellum of the upper antenna and 7 in the lower, while in full-sized specimens there were about 55 in the upper and 21 in the lower.

In the male, peculiar “sensory capsules” are found on both antennæ. They are to be found on the last two joints of the peduncle and on the proximal half of the flagellum of the upper antenna; on the distal half simple sensory setæ (fig. 4 b) are found on every other joint. The sensory capsules are also present on all the joints of the flagellum of the lower antenna except the last two or three. They are cup-shaped and slightly constricted towards the middle, and they are situated on a slight protuberance of the joint of the flagellum (fig. 4 a). On the peduncle of the upper antenna of the male there are other peculiar-looking setæ which are evidently sensory. They are long and slender, with several very fine divergent filaments at the distal end (fig. 3). Similar capsules and setæ

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Subterranean Crustacea.

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appear to have been found in Niphargus puteanus by M. Alois Humbert. * The form of the mandibles, second maxilla and maxillipedea will be readily understood from the figures given.

Genus Gammarus.
(Brit. Mus. Cat. Amphip. Crust., p. 203.)

Gammarus fragilis, sp. nov. Plate IX., figs. 11 to 18.

Eyes none. Superior antennæ about as long as the body; first joint of the peduncle about as long as the next two together, the third joint being only one-third the length of the second; secondary appendage with about five joints, the joints of the flagellum increasing considerably in length distally. Peduncle of inferior antennæ about as long as that of the upper, the last two joints equal in length with their inferior edges setose; flagellum longer than the peduncle. Appendage of the mandible with, three joints, the second being longer than the other two. Gnathopoda subequal, propodos long ovate, finger curved. Last three pairs of pereiopoda very long, increasing in length from before backwards, the last pair reaching as far as the last pair of pleopoda. Last three segments of the pleon with stout setas on their posterior dorsal margins. Of the three posterior pairs of pleopoda the first reaches as far as the end of the second, but the third is very long; its two branches are equal in length and supplied with numerous stout setæ and a number of delicate plumose setæ. Telson double; each part having the posterior end rounded and tipped with two or three setæ.

Colour-transparent.

Length (largest specimen), .65 inch.

Hab. Pump at Eyreton.

This species is readily reeognized by the great length of the last pair of pleopoda and of the last three pairs of pereiopoda. It is not very, commnon, but it is larger than any of the other species.

Descbiption Of Plate IX.

Fig. 1.

Calliope subterranea, female, × 9.

Fig. 2.

" Base of flagellum of upper antenna showing the rudimentary secondary appendage.

Fig. 3.

" Sensory seta from peduncle of upper antenna of male.

Fig. 4.

" Portion of flagellum of upper antenna of male showing sensory capsules a, and sensory setæ b.

Fig. 5.

" Mandible.

Fig. 6.

" Second maxilla.

Fig. 7.

" Maxillipede.

Fig. 8.

" First gnathopod of male.

Fig. 9.

" Second gnathopod of male.

Fig. 10.

" Telson.

[Footnote] * See Ann and Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 4, vol. xix., 1877, p. 243,

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Fig. 11.

Gammarus fragilis × 7.

Fig. 12.

" Base of flagellum of upper antenna, with the secondary appendage.

Fig. 13.

" Extremity of upper antenna.

Fig. 14.

" Mandible.

Fig. 15.

" Second maxilla; a b c, different forms of setæ from the same.

Fig. 16.

" Maxillipede.

Fig. 17.

" First gnathopod.

Fig. 18.

" Telson.

Description of Plate X.

Fig. 1.

Cruregens fontanus × 7½.

Fig. 2.

" Antennæ, from above.

Fig. 3.

" Labrum.

Fig. 4.

" Mandibles.

Fig. 5.

" First maxilla.

Fig. 6.

" Second maxilla.

Fig. 7.

" Maxillipedes.

Fig. 8.

" First thoracic leg.

Fig. 9.

" Abdomen and telson, from above; a, last thoracic segment.

Fig. 10.

" Abdomen, seen from below.

Fig. 11.

" Appendage of first abdominal segment.

Fig. 12.

" Branchial plates.

Fig. 13.

Crangonyx compactus × 9.

Fig. 14.

" Antennæ.

Fig. 15.

" Mandibles.

Fig. 16.

" Maxillipede.

Fig. 17.

" First gnathopod.

Fig. 18.

" Telson.

Fig. 19.

" Extremity of upper antenna showing sensory setæ a.

Art. XXVI.—History of Fish Culture in New Zealand.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 18th February, 1881.]

Plates XII.—XIV.

The experience of other countries, as France, Germany, England, and America, has demonstrated the fact, that the cultivation of water, acre for acre, can be made more profitable to a community than the cultivation of the land. Fish culture, begun as a scientific experiment in natural history, has expanded into a great national industry—and, with the exception of

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that of England, the respective Governments of the above-named nations have assisted actively by money votes, and otherwise, in this most useful work. Breeding establishments-or fish hatcheries, as the Americans call them-have been set agoing in Scotland, England, Ireland, France, Germany, Canada, and the United States-and in every case the results have been surprising. By means of ova and young fish distributed from these hatcheries, and with the assistance of wise fishery laws, duly and strictly enforced, streams and rivers where previously the yield of salmon had been steadily decreasing yearly, or had ceased altogether, have been replenished and stocked again in a surprisingly short space of time. Mr. Ashworth, in the west of Ireland, among other achievements, has actually stocked a river and lake with salmon, where no such fish ever had been or could have got before,—the principal means used being the construction of a salmon ladder to let the fish get up past an impracticable waterfall. In the United States, also, Professor Baird has reported that Canadian salmon in 1878 (the produce of fry liberated there in 1874) were seen running up the Connecticut river in hundreds, and some which were caught were as heavy as 19 lbs. in weight. He adds, that these are the first salmon seen in that river for three-quarters of a century! What then, I ask, may we not accomplish in New Zealand-but particularly in the South Island- where we have lakes, rivers, and burns of the finest water, cool, clear, and perennial? Virgin waters where no ruthless pike-the scourge of trout lurks amid reeds and rushes-waters which even now, with our fish culture in its infancy, have yielded a return of a hundredfold. Our inland fisheries are yet destined to become a source of valuable fish supplies to our population, and our legislators therefore have a grave responsibility on their shoulders, because of their past neglect in the matter of the conservation of our rivers with their water rights; and because of the scanty and doubtful assistance given hitherto to those societies which have been struggling to people our tenantless waters with valuable food fishes.

In laying before you a record of pisciculture in New Zealand, I propose to give an epitome of the work in other countries for easy reference-next, as shortly as possible, the work done by the various Acclimatization Societies in New Zealand, in geographical order from Auckland to Southland; and lastly, I shall endeavour to describe our actual operations in fish hatching, as carried on at our breeding ponds on the Opoho Creek, immediately to the north of Dunedin; illustrated by a few drawings; as such a description may be useful, not only here but for comparison with the process and results in old countries. In addition to this arrangement, I shall attach an appendix giving results, so far as practicable, in a tabulated form, with dates when obtainable.

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Epitome of modern fish culture.—In the year 1763 a German, named Jacobi, has been chronicled as having rediscovered the lost secret-the natural process of fish propagation-as known to Don Pinchon in the fourteenth century. For thirty years, it would appear, Jacobi practised successfully the breeding of fish, by placing the ova of salmon and trout in gravel under water, contained in wooden boxes. In 1834, in Scotland, Mr. Young at Invershin and Mr. Shaw at Drumlaurig began the same artificial process with the salmon, as an experiment to determine (as they did determine) the identity of the parr with the salmon. These experiments, with the subsequent success of the celebrated salmon ponds at Stormontfield on the River Tay (begun November, 1853), may be said to have inaugurated and given that impetus which has set agoing fish-breeding establishments in so many different parts of the world. In the year 1840, Joseph Remi, a Frenchman living on the Moselle, in ignorance of what had been long known, himself discovered by long and patient watching that the female deposited the eggs and the male fish then impregnated them. The outcome of this was the erection of the well-known French fish hatchery at Huningue, established in August, 1852. Thaddeus Norris in his work on American fish culture gives the year 1864 as that in which salmon and trout were first reared artificially in the United States. This was accomplished by Mr. Johnston of New York. Mr. Samuel Wilmot was the first to succeed in hatching out and bringing up to 1lb. in weight many of the whitefish (Coregonus albus). This he did in 1867 at his breeding ponds, Newcastle, Ontario, Canada; and it would appear that Canada took the lead as to time in establishing in America the now great industry of fish hatching. Mr. Wilmot in his report to the Minister of Marine and Fisheries, Ottawa, for 1878, says: “Although fish culture was not adopted as a governmental work in any of the States of the Union till after its practical application in Canada, it has nevertheless made prodigious strides since, quite eclipsing in its onward course any other country in the world. At the present time no less than twenty-seven State Legislatures enact laws and grant aid towards the encouragement and advancement of artificial fish culture, etc.”

But a new era in pisciculture has been established, by the successful transport of salmon ova alive from England to Australia, in 1864. This is known as the “Norfolk” shipment, and out of it 3000 young salmon fry were hatched out in Tasmania, on the river Plenty. Many were lost in some unaccountable manner, but eventually 500 were turned into that river. Since then there have been various reports that the Salmo salar had returned from the sea and been identified as grilse. This may or may not be; but it should be remembered that salmon-trout were also introduced into Tasmania, and ova of the bull-trout (S. eriox) appears to have come by

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mistake among the salmon ova-these three species, at certain stages of their growth, being very difficult of distinction from one another. This much seems certain, that salmon in Tasmania are not an undoubted or complete success as yet, but the feasibility of conveying fish eggs in ice from England to Australia, through the tropics, has been abundantly demonstrated.

Operations of the various Acclimatization Societies in New Zealand.

Auckland Society.

This society was formed by a few gentlemen in February, 1867. Four acres of land, obtained from the Domain Board of the city of Auckland, were fenced in, the ground cleared drained and planted, a house built for a curator, together with aviaries, and water was laid on.

Prussian Carp, the first fish introduced by this society, were obtained to the number of 114, whereof 12 were placed in the Takapuna Lake, during 1867. The advisability, or otherwise, of getting perch was also discussed at this, time, as it was reported to be as objectionable as pike. Other societies have got it-whether it deserves its bad name or not-and I would only remark that I do not think it a valuable fish, unless perhaps for reservoirs.

Brown Trout ova were first received from the Salmon Commissioners of Tasmania in the year 1870, whereof 60 young fish hatched out, and were put into Edgecumbe's Creek, Western Springs. In subsequent years a considerable number more were distributed. (See appendix.) In 1875, Californian Salmon ova were introduced by the Napier Society, but the ice failed on these getting as far as Auckland, and part of the ova was accordingly left there as a precaution. Of this lot 10,000 ova were put in the upper waters of the Thames and Waikato rivers by Mr. Firth and nearly as many more retained to be hatched at the society's ponds. Only a few of the latter came to anything, and these (some hundreds) were distributed in the Thames, Wairoa, and Tauranga districts. By subsequent shipments many thousands more were liberated in the rivers.

The Whitefish ova (Coregonus albus), in 1877, were for the first time imported from San Francisco. These proved almost a total loss; only nine fish hatched out, of which only two survived in the ponds. In 1880 better success was got, the ova being put in Lakes Taupo, Rotorua, etc.

The American Brook Trout (Salmo fontinalis) were introduced this year, (1877), in the form of 5000 ova. But of these 400 only came to life, whereof half were put in a tributary of the Waikato, near Cambridge, and the remaining 200 into the top waters of the Kaukapakapa stream, Kaipara district.

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The Catfish, (Pimelades cattus) was also obtained in 1877, by Mr. T. Russell, from America. In all 140 living fish arrived, and these were put in St. John's Lake. This fish is esteemed good eating, and may be caught by hook and line.

Besides other shipments of brown trout and Californian salmon, this society in 1871 got a direct consignment of salmon ova from England, by way of New York; but this was altogether a sad failure. The acclimatizing of salmon and of trout does not seem as yet to be a success in the province of Auckland. The temperature of its rivers and lakes is, I believe, not too high for Californian salmon (these can live in water at 83°), but I fear it is so for the brown trout. Unless in high mountain ranges, where the streams flow in a southerly direction, and other conditions are favourable to a mean temperature of 48° or 50° Fahr., it is doubtful if trout will succeed at all; or, if they do, will they thrive and propagate? I ought to mention, however, that when fishing in the Deep Stream some years ago I found its temperature up to 62° Fahr. A gentleman just arrived in Dunedin from Victoria has assured me that the trout in that colony are fat, sluggish, and give no sport when caught with rod and line. The secretary of the Auckland society, Mr. Cheeseman, F.L.S., in a letter which I received in May last, thus summarizes the results of their principal venture in fish rearing:—“With regard to trout, you will find in the report for the last year a statement of all our introductions; but I am sorry to say that we have no evidence to prove that trout exist in any of our streams at the present time. With respect to the Californian salmon, repeated statements have been made during the last year of specimens having been caught, in the Thames, Waikato, and their tributaries, and it is probable that there is some foundation of truth in them, although I have not myself seen a young salmon.”

Hawke's Bay Society.

This society, which has been at work for a number of years, has evinced considerable spirit and perseverance in the introduction and establishment of brown trout and Californian salmon, and with a fair amount of success. I cannot illustrate this better than by giving here the chief incidents of fish culture in Napier, as communicated to me by the secretary, Mr. J. N. Williams, of Hastings, on May 17th, 1880. He says:—“In reply to yours of the 20th April, I am sorry to say I cannot give you much information about fish-breeding in this district, as so little has been done, and there are no annual reports. I cannot find any record of importations previous to 1876, and it was not until the following year that any attempt was made to form regular fish-breeding ponds. This has been done by making artificial ponds, similar to those in the Christchurch gardens. These ponds are fed from two artesian wells, giving together a water supply of about fifty or sixty gallons a minute.

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“The fish placed in these ponds in 1877 have done well, and are now large enough for giving ova, of which wehope to get a plentiful supply this winter.

“With the exception of 300 fish received from Christchurch, we are indebted to Otago for the whole of our trout. The trout placed in the Ngaruroro river have done well, and large fish have occasionally been seen. In the other streams they have not been observed as yet, as the Maraetotara, Tukituki, Mangaone, Korokipo, Porongahau, Pakowhai, Maharakiki, Maraekakaho, Upper Rangitikei, etc.

“The rivers in which the salmon were placed are many hundreds of miles in length, and all take their rise in a wooded, broken, uninhabited country. It is therefore scarcely a matter for surprise that no fish have been seen tip to this time.*

“The attempt to import whitefish last year was not successful. We were informed from Wellington that, as the ova would hatch immediately on arrival, it would not be necessary to incur the expense of making the patent boxes advised by the American Government. The ova were consequently placed in the ordinary hatching trays used for trout. The fish began to come out a few hours after arrival, but did not live longer than from twenty-four to thirty-six hours. We removed numbers of the young fish to a box fed directly from the well, but with no good result, as they died just in the same way as those in the race. As an experiment, I removed the last dozen eggs left in the trays to a box fed from, the well, in imitation of the American plan. These all hatched, and were observed in the box for twelve days after, but, unfortunately, owing to a defect in the arrangements, which were hastily made, the young fish then escaped into the trout pond, and were probably eaten by trout. The conclusions I have drawn from the above facts are:—That the fish died from fungus, and not from the temperature of the water, which was 54 degrees. That an attempt to hatch either trout or salmon ova in the same way in the month of January, would have been attended with equally fatal results from the cause above-named. That our climate and waters may be too warm for the successful production of whitefish, but that it yet remains to be proved.

“Enclosed you will find a statement of the fish distributed, and of the rivers in which they have been placed.” (See appendix.) “Carp are plentiful in some of our lakes, but I have not considered them worthy of mention.”

Wanganui Acclimatization Society.

The operations of this society in fish-culture, will also be best recorded in Mr. Brewer's, the secretary's, own words. Writing to me in May, 1880 he says:—“Our first successful consignment of brown trout arrived here

[Footnote] * These rivers are Ngaruroro, Mangaone, Mohaka, Tuktuki, Waipowa, Manawatu. 16

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about three years and a half ago, and were turned out in a stream about ten miles from Wanganui. The consignment consisted of 300, and they were procured from Mr. A. W. Johnson of Opawa. I have been informed by credible witnesses that they have seen specimens of goodsized fish in this stream. We have had since then about 3,000 young trout partly from Johnson and partly from the Christchurch Acclimatization Society. Our first hatching of any number took place last year, from the 4000, ova you were good enough to, send, and 100 sent by Johnson as a sample. The water used for the purpose is not very good, but I succeeded in hatching out about 3600, which after they had lost their egg-sac were turned into, the various streams of the district. What we consider our most valuable work, however, was the introduction of salmon into the Wanganui river. This river is a perfect paradise for salmon. When you get a few miles up, it flows over long shingly beds, interspersed here and there with deep, dark pools. In some places the water is not much more than three to four feet deep on the gravel beds, and in other places there are rapids, forming at their base the turbulent rocky water in which salmon delight. The only other fish except eels in this river, is the opokaroro, or native grayling. I was very anxious to get this river stocked, and when the last lot of ova arrived from San Francisco, about two and a half years ago, a portion of them were sent to Mr. Johnson's establishment to be hatched out. From him I got 3000 young fish, but to my intense disgust the weather came on hot and muggy, a great portion of them died, and the rest had to be turned out in Wellington to save their lives. This was disheartening, but I would not give up, but got another consignment of 3500. These luckily arrived in fair order; I had canoes with Maori crews ready, blankets well watered, rigged up over the cans, and we took them straight off the ship forty miles up the river.”

“Another valuable consignment we had about three years ago, consisted of fifty dozen of perch from Ballarat. After being taken from the lake there, they were acclimatized for some time in the Yan Yean, at Melbourne. They were then put into canvas bags filled with water, and slung on frames on board ship. These arrived in capital order, but a few were lost by a bag bursting, and a few I believe were stolen. With a second consignment we were not so successful, only about half arriving in fair order. These fish have been used to stock the lakes in the district. We have not interfered with them at all, although the first lot were turned out some three years ago; as we thought it best to give them ample time to reproduce their species. Our fish experiments having been so recent, we are not in a position to give much reliable information; but we know that both salmon

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and trout have been seen, some of the latter a good size, and we hope in another year to be able to give a good account of them. It has been decided to devote more than two-thirds of our income this year to procure salmon ova from San Francisco, the whole of which, if they arrive in good order and are successfully hatched, will be put in the Wanganui river.”

“The following little incident will show how easily a slight accident may mar the best efforts of those engaged in fish acclimatization, and cause them to lose all the fruits of their labours. On the arrival of the last consignment of salmon, which consisted of about 3,500 young fish, I had a canoe manned by a Maori crew all ready for the purpose of taking them some fifty miles up the Wanganui. I was accompanied by Major Nixon, a very old resident here, who was personally acquainted with the various tribes of Maoris living in the up river district, and who was much liked and respected by them. It was about midday when the fish arrived, and we started immediately. It was an exceedingly hot day, and when we came to a part of the river where the banks were high and precipitous the heat was almost unbearable. We had a framework rigged up over the cans, over which we placed blankets, leaving both ends open so as to get all the air possible. One of our party was detailed off to keep the blankets constantly wet by pouring water over them. The fish were rather sickly on arrival, caused, no doubt, by their long confinement on ship board. However, we were glad to find that in spite of the heat, thanks to the precautions we adopted, they freshened up wonderfully after a quantity of the cold river water had been put into the cans; and I had great hopes of bringing them all safely to their destination. My crew were not afraid of work and poled and paddled away until about nine o' clock, when we arrived at the pah, where we were going to stop the night. The place seemed all that could be desired on account of the fish, as, although the pah was on the top of the cliff, there was a shingly beach at the landing place, with water varying from two inches up to three or four feet. The Major explained the object of our visit to the natives. They were very much interested, and rendered us every assistance. In a few minutes we had the cans out of the canoes and placed in the river so that the water could (as I thought) flow just over the top of the cans. I thought this was splendid, and as nay blankets had been carried up, I went up myself to find out what sort of a sleeping place I was going to get. I found we were to be accommodated in a large whare, where there were at least a dozen more, and our luxurious bed consisted of a Maori mat laid on the earthen floor. However, as I had seen a bit of campaigning in my early days, I did not think this an intolerable hardship.

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The Major being deep in confab with the old chief, recounting some of the stirring scenes of olden days, and fighting their battles o' er again, I found it was of no use going to bed for a time, so lighting my pipe I strolled down to the river to have one last look at the cans. The scene was a marvellously pretty one. High precipitous cliffs clothed with dark foliage threw a dense shadow over part of the river, but the moonlight irradiated with a silvery sheen that part of the water in which the fish had been placed. It looked like a good omen, and I stood there rearing fancies, and in imagination almost saw an angler with his long rod whipping the stream, and by and bye landing one of the speckled beauties. Turning to go up again, some indefinable impulse for which I cannot account, made me stoop down and put my hand in the water, when, to my horror, I found it quite warm! I gave a yell which made the Maoris and the Major come tumbling down the declivity in double quick time, and which the latter described as being something like that of a Red Indian on the war-path. In a few seconds we had the cans in the canoes and taken into the centre of the river. Upon examining them I found the fish were just beginning to turn over on their backs, and were looking as if their last day was come. However, we got cold water in the cans from the deep part of the river, and they began to revive. We then lowered them by ropes to the river bottom and there left them, I going up to keep a lively company with the fleas, which seemed to very much appreciate a change of diet from Maori to pakeha! At the first glimmer of dawn we were up, got the cans from the river, and found the salmon as fresh as paint. Starting at once without waiting for breakfast, we had the fish all turned out at their destination by 11 o' clock, and we then camped on a gravelly shingle bed and cooked our breakfast, which I can assure you we enjoyed, in fact I myself put away nearly a whole ‘billy’ full of new potatoes. On returning past our first camping place I found out the reason of the water being warm. That part of the river where the canoes landed was a kind of back-water. At night it looked like a rippling stream, but in the day time you could see that there was scarcely any motion in the water. Being shut in by cliffs and a hot sun pouring on it all day, it naturally became warm, and if I had not put my hand in the water just before retiring for the night, we should have had to come back to Wanganui with the sad report that all the salmon were dead, which would, no doubt, have been attributed to our own carelessness and mismanagement. The Wanganui river flows for miles over gravelly reaches interspersed with rapids and deep dark pools, looking a very paradise for salmon and trout. A number of the latter, as well as some perch, have been put in, and we hope in a year or two more to have some good fishing.”

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Wellington Society.

Fish rearing in the province of Wellington, which was started in 1874, does not appear to have been either very extensive or very successful. I am indebted to Dr. Hector for the following summary of the work there:—

Trout were liberated by the Wellington Acclimatization Society in the Kaiwarawara Creek, the Hutt River, and the Wainuiomata, in 1874. From the first they have disappeared, and in the latter they keep to the higher waters, where they get more congenial food.

Californian Salmon were turned out in 1877 in the Hutt, seven miles from the sea; the Manawatu, in the gorge, thirty-five miles from the sea; Wairau, fifteen miles up; Wanganui, ten miles up. Except two doubtful fish in Wellington Harbour, nothing has yet been seen of them.”

Reviewing the above somewhat statistical history of fish breeding in the North Island of New Zealand, I find that the Auckland society has taken the lead. It got the first imported fish into New Zealand, Prussian carp in 1867, but its first trout in 1870; and Californian salmon in 1875, unintentionally howowever, as regards the salmon. The American brook trout and catfish have also been introduced by it. The results, however, as regards trout and salmon, as well as whitefish, are doubtful as yet. In Napier, Wanganui, and Wellington, there is every prospect, from the number of large fish seen in different rivers, that the trout (Salmo fario) will succeed; but as to the Californian salmon it would be premature to hazard any decided opinion, beyond repeating this, that the temperature of the rivers need not of itself operate hurtfully, as in California the adult fish at least, lives in water sometimes as high as 83°. At the same time I must observe that the best authorities say that the fry descend, or are carried down to the sea by the floods consequent on the snow melting every summer on the mountains, and as these floods are of cold water, we have but a partial approach here to such a condition in our rivers.

South Island.

In the South Island of New Zealand, I may say that the rearing of trout and Californian salmon, also of English salmon and sea trout, has chiefly occupied the attention of the various societies in so far as regards fish culture. And, owing no doubt to the fact of the streams discharging colder water, and that the work was begun sooner—the success has been much greater than in the North Island.

Grey District Society.

This society has introduced trout (S. fario), and Californian salmon, (S. quinnat). Of the former, several thousands of ova were got from the Otago society in the years 1878, ′79, and ′80. The 1879 lot was almost entirely a failure, owing I believe to the length of the voyage (some ten

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days) occupied by the steamer Wanganui between Port Chalmers and Greymouth-to the hot weather of October, 1879, and to the ova being considerably advanced in development when shipped. But the ova received from Dunedin, in September, 1880, arrived in splendid condition-some 4,000-which were packed in ice. I have not heard anything as to the growth of trout on the West Coast, more than that some have been seen 14 inches long. Neither as to the Californian salmon introduced in 1877, further than that the West Coast Times of October, 1879, reported that the Chinese whitebait fishermen had been taking numbers of young salmon in the Hokitika river. But of course this report requires confirmation. Also they are said to have been seen in the Grey river, in 1880.

Nelson Society.

This society has successfully introduced the brown trout, and for several years past angling has been permitted in one or two rivers. In December, 1877, about 25,000 young Californian salmon were put into the Wairoa and Motueka rivers. In May, 1880, the Nelson society reported that their American whitefish experiment was a failure. (Parliamentary Papers for 1880). I have not been able to get any more information regarding fish culture in Nelson.

Marlborough Society.

This society has worked perseveringly, since 1878, in getting fish for its rivers, and with very good prospects as to the final results, It was formed in the year 1874, and began operations by introducing birds. Regarding fish breeding, the secretary, Mr. Paul, has communicated the following in May of this year. “Up to the year 1878, no systematic attempts had been made to introduce fish. H. Redwood, Esq., of Spring Greek, had brought from Christchurch, in 1876, 200 young -trout. For three years it was doubtful whether they had survived; the river they were placed in being fed by water which is filtered underground, through shingle, for some considerable distance. The matter, however, is now placed beyond doubt. Several fish of about two pounds weight have been seen, which means that a considerable number have survived. In 1878 the society procured from Dunedin 3,000 ova. Of these only 700 were reared, owing, we believe, to the very advanced stage in which they were received—they were hatched out a few hours after arrival. These were fed on raw liver forced through a colander, for about four months, and then liberated.

“In the beginning of the same year 500 young American salmon, part of a Government shipment, were received.

“A few of the young fish of 1878 have been seen, but nothing is known of the fate of the salmon. Last year we procured 800 young fish from Nelson and 9,000 ova (trout) from Dunedin. We were more successful in

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the hatching than on the previous occasion, obtaining about 70 per cent, of live fish. These were distributed in eighteen different small streams, as well as in the three large rivers of this portion of the province. The native trout and eels are very plentiful in our rivers, and kawai ascend some six miles from, the sea, making the natural enemies, of the Salmonidæ, in their early stages of growth, masters of the situation. We do not, therefore, intend to relax our efforts in propagation, until we are certain that there are in the rivers such numbers of trout and salmon as will keep the native fish in check.

“So far as we can learn, the trout are the English lake trout * which attain a large size, but we are not able as yet to give any information as to the quality of the fish.

“There is no portion of the colony so well watered in comparison with its extent as the plain of the Wairau, on which the chief town, Blenheim is situated. The principal river is the Wairau; besides there are the Opawa, Omaka, and Waihopai, all excellent trout streams, with innumerable mountain rivulets. In other valleys of the province are the Pelorus, in which 200 trout and 200 American salmon have been placed. The head waters of the Awatere received 200; the river itself, from the large quantities of floating clay it holds in solution, not being considered suitable. Flaxburne, further south, received 200; besides these, there is the Clarence, a very rapid and large river, which we have not been able to reach as yet. The plain of the Wairau is a large alluvial deposit of about 120 square miles in extent. The portion adjacent to Cook Strait, about 80 square miles, is very flat and more or less subject to be flooded. Being only a few feet above sea-level, the river and its branch the Opawa, get backed up by the tide for a distance of eight miles from the sea. This extent of water swarms with trout feed-large quantities of whitebait also ascend the rivers at the season in which salmon would ascend for spawning. In fact the amount of feed, is unlimited, and what is a danger now, will be of great benefit in the future, when we get trout and salmon well established. In the meantime the young fish run great risks, and hence our endeavours to place them in the mountain streams, where they will not run so much risk. We therefore intend to make an effort to procure ova every year, until complete success is ascertained.

“We hatched the ova in long narrow boxes, partially filled with clean gravel and fed by an artesian well. To these was attached a long wooden tank, 10 feet long, 4 feet wide, and 3 feet deep. The water always remained uniformly cool and pure. We attribute the deaths (about thirty per cent.

[Footnote] * This is a mistake, the original ova were from tributaries of the Thames and from the Itchen.—W.A.

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last season) to the imperfect aeration of the water in the large tank. It was remarked that when the fish came to the surface they had great difficulty in descending again. Many died in this state, and the distention of the abdomen led us to believe that the water required more air. A few died from fungoid growth on the gills. This is probably a blood disease, from impure or insufficient oxidation of the blood. We intend to experiment next season, in order to find out the cause of such a large percentage of deaths, and remove it if possible.

“So far as feeding went, we found the raw liver answer very well. Two of our members of committee, who are large farmers, and kill a considerable number of sheep, built some small tanks and fed a few hundred trout each on maggots from the sheepskins. It was surprising to see the avidity with which the young fry seized them. These did much better than those fed in the central pond; but they had a much better flow of water, so that it would not be safe to predicate that the difference in success resulted from the manner of feeding.”

Canterbury Acclimatization Society.

The records of trout rearing in Canterbury do not appear to be so complete and accurate as they might have been. However, from some Annual Eeports, and a pamphlet on “Trout Culture” in Canterbury, by Mr. S. C Farr, kindly sent me by that gentleman, I am enabled to give a condensed statement of what has been done.

I find that, in 1867, the Salmon Commissioners of Tasmania placed 800 trout ova at the disposal of the Canterbury society. These were brought from Tasmania to Christchurch by Mr. Johnson, the society's curator, but although apparently packed very carefully in ice, when placed in the hatching boxes at Christchurch, in September of above year, only three hatched out. By some fatality, these three young fish escaped, and although two were captured by Mr. Hill, in a “box-race” their subsequent existence seems involved in much doubt, as nothing in the form of a report now exists. Altogether, this experiment was a failure.* The consignment of trout ova, however, in 1868, from Tasmania, through the Otago society, seems to have been under better guidance, as 433 young trout were reared and distributed in such rivers as the Avon, Heathcote, Little Rakaia, etc., and in Lake Coleridge. Other lots of ova were obtained from the same source, also from trout kept in confinement at the society's ponds; so that now (1880) the waters of Canterbury may be said to be fairly stocked with Salmo fario. But how have they thriven in their new habitat?

[Footnote] * The water used for hatching at the ponds was got from an artesian well, I believe, in Christchurch.

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Female Trout, (Salmo fario.) ⅘ nat. size.

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From year to year since 1876 they have been found to be so numerous and to have attained so great a size that angling has not only been permitted but some very excellent baskets of trout have been taken in the Avon and the Cust. In fact there could be hardly finer fishing anywhere— so far as numbers and weight go—the local Press during the season publishing almost daily an account of the success of some keen angler. In 1877, Mr. Farr states that he saw trout which weighed 11lbs. and 14lbs., and had heard of others weighing 20lbs.;, and a Christchurch paper of November 24th, 1880, has the following:—“A trout weighing 21lbs. was caught in the River Avon yesterday.” I could easily add othercases of heavy trout being caught, but these will suffice to show the rate at which brown trout have gained weight in the Avon and the Cust. Supposing the heaviest of these fish to be one of those hatched out in 1868, then it shows an average yearly growth of 1¾ lbs. This indicates the capacity of the particular breed to become heavy, and the present excellence of the food supply.

As to the trout in Lake Coleridge, I have heard that they have done well, but I have no corroborative facts in my possession in support of this.

Salmon (British).—Two boxes of salmon ova brought from England to Melbourne, as part of a large shipment by the “s.s. Durham,” were obtained by the Canterbury society from Mr. Macandrew, of Otago. These were received at Lyttelton in April, 1876, but only 175 ova appear to have hatched out, which were placed in the river Ashley in 1878. Nothing is to be found in any of the society's reports, showing whether these English salmon have survived or not, so their fate is involved in doubt as yet.

But the Californian salmon (Salmo quinnat) introduced from San Francisco in November 1876, and in the following year, appear to have been a great success, so far at least as hatching out the ova and distributing the young fish go. About 80,000 ova altogether were hatched, and 65,000 parr liberated in different rivers of Canterbury, these rivers being the Waimakariri, Rangitata, Shag, Hurunui, Heathcote, Ashley, Opihi and Little Rakaia. As usual rumours have arisen from time to time regarding specimens of these salmon having been taken in the rivers. It was reserved, however, for Dr. Campbell and other members of the society to put the question to the test. Provided with the proper authority from the Governor they netted the Cam, a branch of the Waimakariri river, in July, 1880, and succeeded in getting three salmon from 5 to 8lbs. in weight. These were compared and found to be identical with the specimens of Salmo quinnat confined in the society's ponds, and which had been retained there from the original hatching of Californian salmon. At the same time, curiously

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enough, a gentleman happened to be in Christchurch who had been engaged for years on “Canneries” on the west, coast of America. He was shown the fish in Dr. Campbell's surgery, and identified them as Californian salmon. This, however, is scarcely proof of identity of species or genus. But from a description and drawing (fig. 1, one-fourth nat. size) of part of the 8lb. fish sent me through Dr. Campbell, I have had no difficulty in recognizing it as of the genus Oncorhynchus, the distinguishing feature in which is the possession of more than 14 rays in the anal fin (Güinther); but there are not enough data in my possession to determine the species. The Salmo quinnat is the species said to have come here, and it is of the genus Oncorhynchus, quite a distinct fish from the Salmo salar. The fin rays in this specimen (which has been preserved) are these:—

D.13—P.16—V.9—A.15—C.19.

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Fig. 1.

Coregonus albus (American whitefish).—In February, 1878, 20,000 ova of this fish were received from San Francisco through the New Zealand Government, whereof 12 hatched out, and 8 survived, which were placed in a tributary of Lake Coleridge by Sir J. Cracroft Wilson. Very much better results attended the next experiment in January, 1880, when 500,000 ova, less bad ones, were placed in the hatching boxes at Christchurch, immediately on their being landed from San Francisco, January 17th. Hatching began on the 20th, and ended on the 29th, the temperature, by means of ice in the water, being kept at 54°. The number hatched out was estimated at 50,000, but great numbers died from fungoid disease. These were removed daily until February 24th, when about 25,000 remained. The race water used averaged 56° Fahr. On February 24th, these fish, by the society's admirable arrangements, and under the care of the Messrs. Farr and Sir Cracroft Wilson, were successfully conveyed from Christchurch by rail and buggy to Lake Coleridge in twelve hours, and

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there liberated, only 200 being lost en route. Two cans, of the capacity of six gallons each, were used, and these put inside larger ones, the space between filled with water, the temperature of which was kept low by ice. Blood was used to feed the fish from the first. Describing the liberation of these whitefish, Mr. Farr says, “looking after them for a few seconds, we noticed that they took a spiral course to the depth of about eight inches, then dived suddenly downwards, and were lost to sight in the deep azure water.”

“The temperature of the water at the surface was 60°, and at 50 feet it was 59°.” Of other fish, I find that perch were obtained from Hobart Town prior to 1877, but owing to their not thriving in the gardens, it was determined to turn them out in the Heathcote river. Tench, also goldfish, were obtained and reared; 20 of the former and 26 of the latter being in the society's possession in 1879.

Otago Acclimatization Society.

This society, which was founded in January, 1864, devotedits efforts for some years to procuring English insectivorous and song birds, wherein great success was attained. But in 1868 it sent its manager, Mr. Clifford, to Tasmania, who got from the Salmon Commissioners there, 800 ova of the trout (Salmo fario) asmentioned in my paper on Brown Trout, read before this Institute in July, 1878.* A subsequent lot of 1000 was obtained in the following year from the same source, and both were very successfully hatched at the society's ponds at Opoho, by or under the immediate care of Mr. Clifford; 720 of the former, and nearly all the latter, being hatched out. In July, 1870, Mr. Clifford brought from Tasmaniar fully 1000 ova of brown trout, and 140 ova of the sea-trout, and successfully hatched out at the society's ponds every ovum. No such feat had ever before been achieved in fish-culture, so far as I have read or seen. These young trout formed the original stock, from which most of the streams in Otago may now be said to be stocked in measure.* I should, however, mention here that a previous lot of 400 ova brought from Tasmania for the Otago society, in September, 1867, by Mr. Johnson, Curator to the Canterbury Acclimatization Society, proved to be all dead on arrival in Dunedin. The original trout ova from England, brought successfully to Tasmania, were obtained from the river Weycombe, Buckinghamshire, and the Wey and Itchen, Hampshire. Our brown trout are descendants of these, but I have not been able to trace the identity further, nor to find out more than that all the ova from the above three English streams did not hatch out equally well in Tasmania.

[Footnote] * For a list of streams in which brown trout have been put, see paper “On Brown Trout in Otago,““Trans. N.Z. Inst.,” vol. xi., p. 208. But nearly every river and stream has received some.

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Since 1868, and up to the end of 1880 the society has distributed about 110,390 trout ova to different provinces in the North and South Islands of New Zealand. For the season of 1880 just past, there were 57,500 thus disposed of. The method of packing these, recently and successfully carried out by Mr. Deans, has been in small deal boxes about 15 inches square by 6 inches deep. A good layer of soft damp moss is laid on the bottom, which carries a layer of eggs or ova of the trout, with gauze above and below. On the top of these eggs another layer of wet moss is carefully spread, then another layer of eggs, and so on, the top being well protected by moss, also the sides of the box. Not more than three layers of eggs are at any time put into one box, as it has been found, or is believed, that too much pressure is injurious and often fatal. A top of deal is then screwed on, having a hole in it, there being one or two also in the bottom. Two or more boxes of ova thus packed are then secured inside of a larger box or case. They rest on sawdust, and the spaces—two to three inches—left clear at the sides are also filled with sawdust, a bag containing the same non-conductor of heat being spread out flat on the top of the ova boxes. Next the lid of the larger box or case is screwed down—which also with the bottom of this box has several holes for the passage of water. Of cold fresh water a couple of pints daily, during the transit of the ova, are poured through the hole in the cover to keep the moss wet and cold. We have found the ova has carried thus for a week or eight days successfully to places as far off as Napier and Auckland. But during this last season ice has been used, a sufficient quantity being packed on top of the ova boxes. The result has been eminently good, not five per cent. of the ova having gone bad. I may add that our system is just a modification of the American plan, and as I think an improvement on it. The Americans use scrim or gauze to separate each layer from the moss, and pack six or seven layers thus with moss between, one on top of the other. This causes too much weight to come on the lower tiers of eggs, and consequently losses are increased.

Of young trout distributed throughout Otago during the same period, I find from the society's records that 150,000 have been put into 150 streams, rivers, and lakes; whereof about 40,000 were turned out from January to end of December, 1880. These trout have in the Shag River, Water of Leith, Fulton's Creek, Lee and Deep Streams, Waiwera, Kuriwao, Teviot, and about Lake Wakatipu and Hayes Lake, increased enormously in numbers, and that in the face of losses caused by such enemies as shags, ducks, eels, large trout, bad floods during spawning time, poaching, and so on. In many other waters they have also increased and established themselves, but not to so great an extent as in those above-named. Into the Deep Stream 100, and into the Lee 98 young trout were turned in 1869, and no additions

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have been sent to these at any time (till lately, when some were sent to the Lee), yet these rivers are full of trout ! As to the growth of these trout I may give the following facts: in December, 1879, I caught trout in the Oamarama weighing 5lbs. each. I also hooked and played for half-an-hour (in company with Mr. J. A. Connell) a trout which I know must have weighed about 8lbs., but which was lost in netting. Trout were first put into this stream in 1875. One of the young Messrs. Grieves of Rocklands station, in February or March, 1880, caught a trout in the Upper Taieri which weighed 20lbs.; and Mr. John Roberts informs me that his shepherds have seen them 30lbs. weight, and have caught and weighed them a good deal over 20lbs. Trout were first put into this river in 1870. Now supposing the 5lb. and 20lb. fish to be survivors of the original stock in these two rivers, their yearly growth shows an increase at the rate of 1¼ lb. and 2lbs. respectively ! This is a wonderful rate, and shows that at the present time there must be abundant and suitable food in the two streams I have selected for examples. (See specimen of a trout, pl. XII). In my previous paper already alluded to, I stated that I found the rate of growth from 1lb. to 2¾ lbs., according to the stream the specimens were taken from.

Salmo umbla (the charr).—Of this fish 1,000 ova were presented to the Otago society, and arrived in the “Timaru” in April, 1875. Of these, 300 hatched out at the ponds. From a growth on the umbilical bag many died, and of the twelve left at last, the whole lot escaped, and have disappeared in the Opoho Creek.

The English salmon (Salmo salar) was successfully introduced to Otago in 1868, by the Provincial Government. The ova came out in the “Celestial Queen,” having been taken from Tweed and Tay salmon, Severn Salmon, and Irish salmon. Messrs. Youl and Ramsbottom appear to have had most to do in England with the collection and despatch of these ova—numbering 200,000. The ship got to Port Chalmers on 2nd May, 1868, after a very long passage of 107 days; the ova, together with those of sea trout, brown trout, and Salmo umbla (the charr), and some live gudgeon, carp, and tench, with some English oysters, having been put under the charge of Mr. Dawbin. The live fish all died on board, and the ova of the fish just mentioned, excepting those of the salmon, appear all to have died also. (Of the oysters two only survived, and these were given to Mr. Seaton, Portobello, to plant in the bay). The numbers shipped were, sea trout, 1,500 ova; brown trout, 1,500; and Salmo umbla, 6,000. The trout ova were along with those of the Salmo umbla given to the Acclimatization Society to hatch out at Opoho; but, though every care was taken, they all died. The salmon and sea trout ova were sent round by sea to the breeding ponds erected at that time on the Waiwera stream, and all arrived safely. Mr. Dawbin put about 40,000

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good salmon ova into the hatching boxes, and the sea trout ova. The result of this experiment is now a matter of history. About 1,500 were reared as far as the smolt stage (specimens of these may now be seen in the Otago Museum), when they became greatly reduced in numbers by escaping into the Waiwera, and by the depredations of shags. At the last the remainder, only 250 in number, were turned out into the river Waiwera by Mr. Dawbin in 1869, and none have ever been seen again, while it is almost certain now that none ever will. Thus ended miserably that large venture in the acclimatizing of the English salmon; and in reviewing the operations, at this distance of time, I am of the same opinion as then, that the Government acted very unwisely in the selection of a tributary of the Molyneux, polluted as the latter was and is by “tailings” from the gold diggings, as the best stream into which to put the young of the salmon. The Aparima, or even the Wyndham, would have been far more likely rivers in which success might have been reckoned on.

Subsequent shipments from England by steamers via Melbourne, were more successful, (although one or two were wholly failures). The ova in these former cases were entrusted to Mr. Howard, of the Wallacetown Salmon Ponds, near Invercargill, an enthusiast, and a well informed man in fish culture, and this important trust was not misplaced. Of the “Oberon” shipment, 96 young English salmon smolts were put into the Aparima, or a pond adjoining it, in 1874. In 1876, of the “Durham” shipment, 1,400 were liberated in the same river; and of that by the “Chimborazo,” 2,500 were growing in the boxes in June, 1878, these being afterwards, I believe, turned out in the same river. The first of the above ova were got from the rivers Severn, Tweed, Tyne, Ribble and Hodder, the second from the Ribble, Hodder, Lune, Severn, and Dart, and the last from the Tyne, Avon, and Lune. I am indebted to Mr. Howard for these particulars. From the printed report of the “Durham” Durham lot, it would appear that the ova packed in Sphagnum moss by Mr. Buckland, arrived in far better condition than those sent in common moss, and which were packed by Mr. Youl. The latter was covered with mould, while the former moss was found to be perfectly clean and free from fungoid growths. For two years past I have occasionally received information from Riverton residents that young salmon had been seen in the estuary of the Aparima. And lately, Mr. Ellis, of Merrivale, made particular enquiries, and assured me there could be no doubt of the fact, for he knew a party who had bought from fishermen young salmon and eaten them ! On the other hand Mr. Howard went specially to Riverton to try and settle the question, and he has kindly written to me that as yet there is in his opinion no proof of the return of salmon to the above river. Under these circumstances, it must

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be admitted that we have no certainty of the fish referred to being salmon. At the same time no better river in New Zealand could have been fixed on for salmon “planting,” than the Aparima. There is nothing more to add here but to explain that Mr. Howard's experiments were conducted under directions, first of the Salmon Commissioners, of Southland, and latterly by those of the Colonial Government—the Otago society not having had anything to do in the matter.

Sea trout (S. trutta). Of these, 140 ova were brought from Tasmania, in July, 1870. From these 80 young fish were put into the Shag river by Mr. Young, in 1871. Also Mr. A. C. Begg informs me that some sea trout were put into the Water of Leith, about the same time, by Mr. George Duncan. I have tried to find from what river in England the original ova sent to Tasmania, came, but the secretary to the Salmon Commissioners there, assures me that he cannot now possibly find any record of this fact. This valuable fish has, however, thriven well in Otago Harbour and along, the coast to the north, as specimens from 1 lb. up to 20lbs. have been taken by fishermen, and many are still taken illegally. It is, however, curious that no undoubted sea trout has as yet been caught, or found spawning, in any of our rivers. The number of ova of sea trout brought from Tasmania by Mr. Clifford in July, 1870, was 140, and he succeeded in rearing every one! Of these 134 were sent to Mr. Young on December 22nd, 1870, and put into his pond at Palmerston.

The Californian salmon (Salmo quinnat, or Oncorhynchus quinnat) was first introduced into Otago by the Colonial Government of New Zealand from San Francisco. A box supposed to contain 50,000 ova was presented to the Otago society by the Government, and this got to Port Chalmers on 7th November, 1877, by the s.s. “Taupo.” One lesser box containing the ova was found inclosed in the larger one, surrounded by sawdust, and having a pad of the same on top. Ice had been used to keep the temperature low and the moss wet all the voyage. The ova, in seven layers in the ova-box, lay each between two webs of scrim, supported on moss and covered by the same. The ova on examination were found healthy-looking; only from two to five per cent., I estimate, were actually dead, and these were often found in clusters adhering to the cotton web. The bad eggs were either white or variegated white and red, while the healthy ones had a fine dark pink colour, and were transparent or comparatively so. On opening the boxes I found the temperature of the moss to be 47° Fahr., of the melted ice 40°, of the air 52°. The water in the filter supplying the hatching-boxes stood at 50°, and the water in the troughs or hatching-boxes themselves, reduced by ice, showed the temperature of 48° when the ova were placed in them. The following morning at 6.30 o' clock, I found the air at the hatching-boxes, Opoho, to read 44°, and the water 47° in the boxes.

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For the first four days many ova died, but others began to hatch, and this operation was completed in a fortnight. Only 15,000 ova, however, were estimated to be the result, so there could not have been the full number as supposed in the box. Of these, 2,000 were deformed and died, and the 13,000 survivors were put into the Kakanui river in January, 1878, being then very vigorous, and about 2½ inches long each. Nothing has been seen or heard of them since.

The whitefish (Coregonus albus) were brought from San Francisco by the New Zealand Government, and on 21st February, 1878, two boxes were presented to our society, one to be handed to the Oamaru society if applied for. On opening one box at the Opoho ponds we found the ova all dead or hatched out, so the other box was opened to endeavour to save some few ova if not too late. There were many good eggs in this box, out of which we succeeded in hatching about 1,000 young whitefish. The two boxes were supposed to contain 50,000 eggs each, and on being opened I found the temperature of the moss 46° Fahr., of the water flowing from the creek into the hatching-house 54°, and of the water in the hatching-boxes themselves 53°. (See table of temperatures in the Appendix.) The young fish were hatching out as the eggs were being put into the hatching-boxes, and came out in one day or two. On 19th March Mr. Deans started with the young fish for Lake Wanaka, but they all unfortunately died ere he got half way. Probably they were neither old enough nor strong enough to stand the journey. During hatching water varied from 49° to 57°, and when a week old the young fish were fed with blood. In the case of the last shipment sent us in January, 1880, we had the boxes conveyed straight from the Bluff to our hatching-boxes, near Queenstown, Lake Wakatipu, on the 19th. The water used was from a cold spring, but no gravel was put in the boxes, which were covered over to exclude light, and an awning formed a roof for the hatching place. The ova were hatching when put into the water, which had a temperature of 48° to 52°, but none lived longer than thirty-six hours. Mr. Deans observed that some of the fish before they died appeared to have fungus, the tails getting quite white in appearance. So great was the mortality that Mr. Deans turned them all out into Lake Wakatipu, part at Beach Bay and part at Half-way Bay, 21st January, 1880, but nothing more has been seen of them. The surface water of the lake had a temperature of about 56°. Dr. Black kindly made an analysis of the water of this spring used at Queenstown, also of Wakatipu and of Opoho water, with this result:—

Organic matter in solution.
Rowell's spring 1.1grs. per gal.
Wakatipu 0.5"
Opoho 2.3"
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Degrees of hardness..
Rowell's 7.1degrees, hardish
Wakatipu 3.1", very soft
Opoho 3.6", " "
For table salt..
Rowell's A very little
Wakatipu Scarcely a trace
Opoho A little more than average

Of other fish, I find that perch, 21 in number out of 24 got from Tasmania in 1868 by Mr. Clifford, survived the voyage, and these were put into the Water Company's reservoir, Dunedin. They have thriven so well that numbers have, during succeeding years, been transferred to various lakes and lagoons, as the Waihola and Wakatipu lakes, and lagoons at Tomahawk, West Taieri, Clutha, Gore, etc. Tench and goldfish were also introduced about this time, and some of these are now in the society's ponds at the Botanic Gardens. The first tench, 18 in number, were put into the Dunedin reservoir in 1868. Mr. Worthington at Queenstown has reared successfully many thousands of young trout during the last few years, and distributed them in various rivers there.

Southland Society.

Brown trout, 400 in number, were got by this society in 1868, through the Otago society, from Tasmania. They formed the parent stock at the Wallacetown salmon ponds, whence the young fish were distributed in numerous rivers and streams of Southland to the number of 9,944 from 1869 to 1876.* Such of the breeding fish as had been confined to the ponds for a number of years grew to a great weight (10lbs. in some cases), but otherwise they were not healthy. Fungus attacked them, which, though temporarily cured by dipping in salt water, carried off. a number subsequently, so that Mr. Howard deemed it best to liberate the most of the remainder in the Makarewa river. The water supplying the ponds is obtained from a spring flowing out of a shingly terrace beside Mr. Howard's house, and close to the ponds. It is difficult to account for the disease just mentioned developing itself in apparently strong fish; and the report of the Commissioners on the salmon disease in England at present throws very little light on its cause. It appears at the same time that the germs of this fungoid growth are present more or less in all waters, and that if the individual salmon is not in sufficiently vigorous condition, it is very liable to contract the disease. This disease also it seems shows itself first on the bare or scaleless parts, as the gill-covers, fins, etc. Thorough

[Footnote] * The chief rivers stocked are Waiau, Waihopai, Waikiwi, Puni, Oreti, Centre Creek, Eyre Creek, Makarewa, Winton, Upper Mataura, Benmore, Otemaiti, Waimatuku, and Morley.

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aeration of water is an essential to the health and even life of the Salmonidæ. It is fair, therefore, I think to assume that the proximate causes of the appearance of fungus on these breeding fish were want of sufficient aeration of the spring water, and a diminution of constitutional vigour due to their confinement. On the other hand I must state that I had this spring water analyzed by Dr. Black, of the Otago University, when nothing at all injurious to fish life could be discovered in it. Also that fish have been confined in wells where they seemed to live without any discomfort or ailments. Yarrell gives, for instance, the case of a trout which was kept in a well on Dumbarton Castle, where it lived for 28 years, each detachment of troops when stationed there being careful in feeding and protecting it. My opinion, therefore, as expressed above, I give with diffidence; at the same time I believe there is some truth in it.

Sea trout.—The Salmon Trustees report that the fry bred in 1870 spawned in 1875. In the year 1876 there were 850 put into the Oreti river (ten large fish being retained at the Wallacetown ponds).

In English salmon rearing Mr. Howard bears off the palm as the most successful of any in New Zealand who have tried it. The results of his care and skill at the Wallacetown ponds I have already chronicled above, so I need not repeat them here, further than this, that if these fish succeed in the Aparima, Mr. Howard will have been the means of securing to posterity in New Zealand the finest fish ever brought here.

Of Californian salmon there were reared and distributed by the same gentleman, many thousands. In 1876–7 he liberated in Shag Creek 3,600, Winton Creek, 1,200, and Irthing, 12,800, these streams being tributaries of the Oreti River. And in the season 1877–8, he put into the Oreti River 35,000; in the Makarewa, 18,000; and in the Waipahi, 10,000. Reports have reached me of strange fish having been seen in the Oreti, in the summer of 1880, but there is no evidence whatever that they were salmon. On 1st May, 1877, Dr. Hector liberated about 500 healthy young Californian salmon in Revolver Bay, Preservation Inlet. In February, 1878, Dr. Hector was also successful in hatching some hundreds of American whitefish ova in a stream at the Te Anau Lake, but nothing has since been seen of these fish. In January, 1880, Mr. Howard had a great many hatched out in Lake Wakatipu, but these died, and the rest were turned adrift in the Frankton arm of the lake.

The efforts of the Southland society appear to have ceased in 1875, the subsequent distributions of young fish having been under the direction of the Salmon Trustees, or Trustees under the “Southland Acclimatization Grant Act,” and latterly under the orders of the Government, Mr. Howard being entrusted with the actual operations.

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The success of the brown trout in such rivers of Southland as the Waimatuku, Makarewa, Oreti, Waikiwi, Waihopai, and Puni has not been very decided as yet. Whether it will be in the future is a matter of some uncertainty.

In reviewing the operations of the various societies in the South Island of New Zealand, it is manifest that they have given better results than those obtained by the societies in the North Island, and that probably for the reasons already given above. In the case of the whitefish ova in 1880 the Canterbury society alone were successful, and it is significant that they only of all the societies fed the young fish with blood from the first. Of private individuals who have done a great deal with their own breeding ponds in fish culture, Mr. Johnson, of Opawa, Canterbury, and Mr. W. A. Young, of Palmerston, Otago, have specially distinguished themselves. Mr. Young in past years has reared and liberated in different streams many thousands of trout.

Fish hatching, as practised in Otago with Trout Ova.

This interesting process, in pursuance of the arrangement proposed in the beginning of this paper, I will now endeavour to describe. As at home so here, the winter season is that during which we find our acclimatized trout effect their spawning. Or rather I should say that while trout in England and Scotland spawn in October and November, we find that in Otago they do so later, that is from the latter end of June to the end of July, and sometimes on to the middle of August, which months correspond to December, January, and February in Britain. Previous to the winters of 1879 and 1880, besides ova taken from spawning fish in the Water of Leith, ova had been got from the natural spawning beds or “ridds” in Lovell's Creek, Fulton's Creek, Lee Stream, and Shag River. This was done by the Acclimatization Society, by whom the trout were introduced, and who have power by law so to do; Mr. Clifford, the original and successful acclimatizer of these fish, being now succeeded by Mr. Deans, the society's manager, a most careful and trustworthy operator. But during the winters of 1879 and 1880 the ova have been entirely got from fish caught in the Leith.

The spawning fish. A mild night, without moon but not too dark, and the water clear, are the most favourable conditions under which the fish may be taken. Provided with a lantern throwing a good strong light, attached to a waist belt or carried in the left hand, a large scoop net in the right hand, and his legs enveloped in gum boots or waders, the manager quietly enters the bottom of a pool. His attendant, carrying a large metal bath or tub for transport of the fish, moves along the bank of the Leith, and keeps near him. On approach, a fish, which can readily be seen by an experienced person, moves up stream, slowly, however, as compared with what its movements in daylight would be. By quickness the net can generally be passed under the fish ere it can get away, and should the fish

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be near spawning or milting, it is at once transferred to the tub with a sufficient supply of water. Thus confined the trout shows considerable restlessness at first, but gets soon more reconciled seemingly to its novel habitation, as it becomes more quiescent. But should the fish when taken not be near maturity or ready to propagate, it is returned to the river for a time. Working thus up stream, pool by pool, and stream by stream, so much only of the river is gone over as gives a number of fish sufficient to transport in the tub. When this is attained, Mr. Deans and his man carry the tub and its contents carefully to an enclosed stream or small pond, within the gardens. This is called the “hospital” or the “lying-in pond,” and there the milters and spawners are kept till ripe or ready for stripping. More than a score of trout, some 10 lbs. to 12 lbs. weight, have thus been caught on a good night, but some nights scarcely a fish can be seen or taken in the Water of Leith. A deep hole with a weir and apron below Anderson's flour mill, is a favourite resort where numbers of large fish congregate.

As regards the greater ease of taking fish by a lantern or torch at night, than without that and during daylight, it has long been held as an opinion that the fish become so dazzled or dazed by the light as to be incapable of swimming away. From my own observations, however, when assisting in the capture of trout in the Leith, I can only admit that the above opinion is partially correct. The light appears (particularly when a dark-lantern is used) to rivet the attention or eyesight of the fish, to the exclusion of the darker body of the man, so that but for the motion of the light the fish would probably not recognize its danger. But as the light moves, so does the fish, and should the rays fall on part of the man's body or on the net, its motion is quickened, and it makes off.

The proportion of males are few compared with the number of female fish captured, so far as I have seen. Thus I was present on the 10th of July last at a stripping of trout at the lying-in pond, when only three or four males were got, while there were twenty-four females handled ! So also in angling I always catch far more females than males, as on March 26th, 1880, out of thirteen trout I caught in the Deep Stream on that day and the following one, there were not more than two undoubted males. In connection with this I may refer to the fact that some years ago I and others caught male trout in the Lee Stream, which were lean and emaciated and evidently wasting away from some unexplained cause. That cause was certainly not want of power or inclination to feed, as they took the fly or bait greedily.

The colours of the trout during the spawning season here, are deepened, just as has beeen remarked with the Salmonidæ at home. For example, on the occasion of stripping just mentioned above, I noticed that the males, and more particularly the larger ones, were very dark and golden tinted, the fins, and notably the adipose and caudal, having much deep pink; while the

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spots ‘ black and crimson ’ were very conspicuous. The females were clear and silvery, like sea trout, and crimson spots were visible, which probably in the summer season would not be discernible on the same individuals. The hook on the lower jaw of the males seems to grow larger and softer during the spawning season in our rivers, just as observed elsewhere.

As the Water of Leith is a small stream, and the trout taken for stripping are often of great size, 10lbs. to 16lbs. in weight, the manager when done with the fish, and on their recovery, has for the last few years returned only the lesser fish to the Leith, the larger ones being removed to the Waikouaiti, Waitati, Silverstream, Waitahuna, Clutha, and Waipahi rivers; or put them into the Waihola and Tuakitoto Lakes, and the Tomahawk lagoon. The object of this is to make room in the Leith for the growth of the younger trout.

Stripping the fish.—A crockery basin or bowl being ready, having a small quantity of pure water in it, the female fish ripe for stripping is removed from the tub wherein she and others have been placed temporarily. The fingers of the left-hand, if a heavy fish, are passed through the gills and the tail is seized by the right. Lifted thus from the tub, so soon as she becomes manageable, the left hand and knees keep her in position over the basin, while the fingers of the right passed gently down her belly from above the ventrals to near the vent, effect the stripping. If the female be very ripe the eggs will flow with little or no pressure from the fingers, but if not, then a certain number only may come away, when she is returned to the lying-in pond at once, and allowed to mature. * When stripped the poor female trout has a very collapsed appearance; the belly, which before was full and distended, being empty, straight, and doubled in! On being, however, returned to the pond she soon recovers, very few ever dying from the effects of this artificial spawning. A short time—not more than a minute and a half or two minutes—suffices for handling thus a fish. Next in order, when the basin is full enough (it should not have too many) of eggs, a male is got, and similar handling with that just described gives the necessary quantity of milt, provided the fish be ripe. The milt from one male we find quite sufficient to impregnate the ova of several females, and that of a young male seems to be as efficient as that of a more mature trout. The milt and eggs are stirred gently with a spoon to ensure thorough contact. The female eggs are of a glossy dark pink colour on passing from the ovaries, but I have noticed a faint yet distinct alteration to a semiopaque and slightly milky tint, on impregnation taking place. I have preserved specimens of unimpregnated and impregnated eggs in glycerine, so as to retain the natural colours, and this difference in certain lights I believe I can still distinguish.

[Footnote] * Mr. Howard, of Wallacetown ponds, uses a board with netting attached to one side to secure the fish during stripping.

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Occasionally, but not often, we have found a female give eggs of a light straw colour, and these have hatched out quite as well as those of the ordinary hue, with no difference in time, or in the appearance of the fry. On August 28th, 1880, we had in the hatching boxes at Opoho, ova of this colour from two females of 5lbs each, it was also much smaller than the pink ova from equally heavy female trout. This peculiarity in colour has been observed to occur sometimes with trout in English rivers, as mentioned by Mr. Frank Buckland, in his book on “Fish Culture.” In this last season's stripping one female gave 30 eggs much larger, twice the diameter of her other eggs, and as big as Californian salmon ova. They were of a light violet colour, and most hatched out, but 17 only survived, and these are thriving well and are kept by themselves. Her other ova were of the usual size and colour.

As to the number of ova produced by our trout, we find it to be 800 to 1000 for every pound weight of the fish.

Hatching boxes.—The hatching boxes and house, dam, and ponds for the young fish, are on the banks of the Opoho Creek, at the north end of Dun-edin. The place is awkward of access, but excellently chosen as regards coldness of water and protection from the sun's rays. The creek, flowing as it does down the shady side of Signal Hill and through bush, is cold, but has a considerable quantity of vegetable matter in solution (see analysis given above); not too much, however, as we have found, by the health and success attending our young fish, reared in it. The arrangement of these breeding ponds and the water supply is shown by a diagram which I have made to accompany this paper (pl. XIV). The water passes from the dam through a small fluming of timber four inches by four inches, past the hatching house to the fish ponds, and after flowing through these is allowed to discharge into the creek. At the hatching house a small pipe connects this fluming and the filter-box. The filter-box consists of two chambers, into the first of which, containing the filtering materials, the water flows from the box fluming. The water then passes through the bottom of the partition into the second chamber, where it rises and is drawn off by the several pipes as wanted, which supplies the hatching boxes. These boxes, twelve inches by six inches, built of planks one inch thick, and from four to seven feet long, are placed in parallel rows on either side of the hatching house. Each has sufficient inclination given to it to secure a gentle flow of water, the water passing through a zinc grating from one box to another. Clean gravel about an inch deep, being the debris of trap rock from the Opoho Creek, covers the bottom of each box, and the water, to the depth of two inches, covers this layer. The hatching house is boarded with Hobart Town palings, and has a calico or scrim roof resting on battens.

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Hatching the ova.—In these boxes, as just described, the impregnated ova are carefully put and distributed all over the gravel in a single layer, wooden covers being then put upon the top of each box. Wide-mouthed bottles drop in the ova well. Notwithstanding all care, there is always more or less of a deposit from the water on the eggs, particularly at the lower ends of the boxes (see note in appendix). This, however, we have never found injurious, though it is objectionable. It can be removed by a camel hair brush, moving the water with a spoon, or increasing the flow of water, the latter being a cure to be avoided if possible. I may here mention in passing, that Mr. Frank Buckland made some experiments to ascertain what weight would be required to crush the eggs of the salmon, when he found it to be 5lbs. 6ozs. I have not tried what trout eggs will bear, they are considerably smaller than those of salmon of equal weight, but that fact does not indicate lesser strength, and it is very probable that they are as strong as those of the nobler fish. This astonishing strength seems to be a wise provision of nature, as in the natural ridds the ova of both these fish are liable to rough treatment and great pressure from superincumbent gravel.

The period of incubation, if I may use the expression, is found at the Opoho ponds to average 78 to 88 days under ordinary conditions of weather and the time from impregnation till the eyes of the fish appear, 45 to 50 days. A difference in the temperature of the water of 1½ degrees is found to make a difference of 10 days in the time of hatching. The average temperature ranges from 42° to 52°, but the strongest and healthiest trout hatch out in water at 48°. The period of hatching is from 8 to 14 days, that is between the first and the last trout breaking out of the egg. The umbilical bag in the young trout hatched in September and October, 1880, took from 50 to 56 days before it was entirely absorbed. From the time of the sac being absorbed the fry are fed with grated raw liver until liberated, the sac being supposed to contain all necessary nourishment up to the time of its disappearance. In Yarrell's “British Fishes,“p. 269, experiments in trout rearing in Germany are referred to, where the time from impregnation to the eye appearing was 21 days, to the hatching out of the fish five weeks or 35 days; and from hatching out to the absorption of the umbilical sac three or four weeks or 28 days. Thus it would appear that the trout reared at the Opoho ponds take as nearly as possible twice as long as fish in Germany to pass through the same stages from impregnation to absorp-tion of the bag. Some tables at the end of this paper may be found useful, giving a few details of temperature and hatching out in Otago. The 1879 fish grew much quicker than those of 1880, which were remarkably backward.

The young trout.—After hatching, the young trout (as stated above) are fed with grated raw liver, and this food is continued to them for some time after. They thrive very well on it, and feed, as we believe, on small water

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insects besides. After hatching the young fry will be ready for turning out into the rivers in from 30 to 50 days, and will carry best whenever they begin to feed, which is from 25 to 28 days after birth. When they are about six weeks old, if well fed, they average 1½ inches in length, and at 100 days three inches. Parr marks or dark bands distinguish the young trout, just as in young salmon and sea trout, and in number I find these to be from 10 to 13; but the same individual does not always have an equal number on either side, just as they seldom or never have been found by me to have equal numbers of spots on the gill-covers on either side of the head. The parr marks disappear when the trout is four to five inches in length.

In transporting these young fish, Mr. Deans prefers to do so when they are from three-quarters to an inch long. He used to put water-cress into the water in the cans, but more recently he has not used anything but water, and has conveyed the young trout just as successfully the one way as the other. The great objects to be kept in mind in this operation are coldness and thorough aeration of the water, and also avoidance of crowding too many fish into one can. The cans used are conical in shape, the base being from 12 to 15 inches in diameter, and the top or mouth about 6 or 7 inches in diameter, and furnished with a lid which fits exactly. The height of each can is about 15 inches, and it has a perforated false bottom fixed in about one inch above true bottom. Aeration is generally found to be secured by the motion of the railway train or other vehicle conveying the fish. At other times a pannikin used occasionally will do as well. A can of the above dimensions will carry about 500 young trout of one inch in length, but that number should not be exceeded.

On arrival at the river or stream destined to be the future habitat of the young fry, they are liberated if possible in shallow water, with a coarse gravelly or stony bottom. On their escape from the can to the river, they rest for a time on the bottom, as if fatigued, thereafter going off according as their instinct directs them. On one occasion in January, 1880, I remember in company with Mr. Shennan, of Conical Hills, putting about 500 young trout thus into a shoal part of the Pomahaka River, and on our return in a day and a half, we could not see a single one, not even a dead one, of which there were some dozens at least. The river had been up a little in the interval and was slightly discoloured, so possibly they had shifted their quarters, or been compelled to do so by the action of the water.

It need only be added here, that as it is believed that the stock in any river will decrease (where fishing occurs) from year to year if left to itself, (indeed the experience of Europe and America has demonstrated the fact), the Otago society is very properly spending a large portion of its funds yearly in those operations which I have given now in detail as above. Thus only will the stock of trout in the rivers be maintained.

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Sketch Plan
Of
Opho Breeding Ponds

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California Salmon egg
of 1877 hatching

Trout Hatching

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Appendix A.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Table showing time of Trout-hatching at Opoho Ponds for 1879.
Ova when impregnated. First fish hatched. Last fish hatched. Total time.
Box 5 and 6 July 28 October 11 October 24 88 days
" 9 " 31 " 6 " 17 79 "
" 10 " 31 " 6 " 18 80 "
" 11 August 7 " 10 " 23 78 "
Or a mean duration or period of incubation of 81 "

Boxes 5 and 6 were in hatching house; 9,10 and 11 in open air at lower pond.

One stripping in 1880 took from June 20th to September 8th, and another from July 27th to October 30th, to hatch out. Mean time of hatching, 87 days.

Appendix B.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Table showing Salmon, Trout, etc., distributed in rivers, etc., by Acclimatization Societies.
Name. 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 Totals
Auckland Society
Californian Salmon 500 36,000 90,000 80,000 206,500
Brown Trout 60 100 1000 1000 1800 200 75 100 2,000 8,000 14,335
Tahoe Trout 1,000 1,000
American Brook Trout 400 400
Prussian Carp (1867) 114
Catifish 140 140
Hawke's Bay Society
Californian Salmon 19,545 24,300 43,845
Brown Trout 700 1,200 4,280 6,180
Wanganui Society
Californian Salmon 3,500 3,500
Brown Trout 300 1,500 1,500 3,600 9,00 15,900
Perch 600 600
Marlborough Society
Californian Salmon 500 500
Brown Trout 200 700 7,100 5,000 13,000
Canterbury Society
British Salmon 175 175
Californian Salmon 25,000 40,000 65,000
American Whitefish 8 25,000 25,008
Brown Trout 433 450 292 1823 1493 434 888 1,960 16,313 7,850 21,150 36,825 37,450 127,361
Tench 20 20
Perch 14 14
Goldfish (Carp) 1 26 27
Otago Society
British Salmon (by Government 250 250
Californian Salmon 13,000 13,000
American Whitefish 1,000 1,000
Salmon Trout 100 100
Brown Trout 720 1085 1000 2000 4842 6227 19,797 14,326 14,321 26,531 17,250 45,450 153,549
Charr 12 12
Perch 21 30 100 108 30 60 730 1,079
Tench 18 60 78
Southland Society and Mr. Howard
British Salmon 96 1,400 2,500 3,996
Californian Salmon 17,600 63,000 80,600
American Whitefish 3,000 3,000
Salmon Trout 1,100 1,100
Brown Trout 814 242 460 1042 2450 3,925 3,678 111 12,717

Note—Some of above numbers are approximate, or given by estimation not by actual enumeration.

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Appendix C.

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Table of Temperature of Water used in Trout-hatching at Opoho Ponds, in 1879.
Date. In upper boxes in house. In lower boxes at lower pond. Date. In upper boxes in house. In lower boxes at lower pond.
August 20 Fahr. 44 deg. Fahr. 45½ deg. September 29 Fahr. 46 deg. Fahr. 48 deg.
" 21 46 " 48 " October 3 48 " 49½ "
" 22 42 " 43½ " " 9 49 " 50½ "
" 26 40 " 41 " " 11 50 " 52 "
" 30 46 " 47½ " " 12 50 " 52 "
September 4 46 " 48 " " 14 48 " 48 "
" 8 42 " 44 " " 15 48 " 48 "
" 17 45 " 47 " " 21 48 " 48 "
" 23 44 " 46 " " 23 51½ " 51½ "

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Table of Temperature of Water used in American Whitefish-hatching, at Opoho, 1878.
Date. Hour. Fahr. Hour. Fahr. Date. Hour. Fahr. Hour. Fahr.
Feb. 22 7 a.m. 50 deg. 2 p.m. 54 deg. Mar. 6 9 a.m. 50 deg. 6.30 p.m. 49 deg.
" 23 9 " 52 " 6 " 57 " " 7 7.30 " 50 " 6.30 " 50 "
" 24 9 " 53 " 6.30 " 59 " " 8 8.30 " 51 " 6.30 " 50 "
" 25 9.30 " 54 " " 9 8.30 " 51 " 4 " 54 "
" 26 11 " 54 " 6.30 " 54 " " 10 10 " 49 " 4.30 " 51 "
" 27 10 " 51½ " 12.30 " 53 " " 11 7.30 " 50 " 6 " 49 "
" 28 9.30 " 53 " 6 " 54 " " 12 7 " 50 " 6.30 " 49½ "
Mar. 1 9 " 52 " 7 " 53 " " 13 7.30 " 52 " 6 " 53 "
" 2 8.30 " 51 " 6 " 53 " " 14 12 noon 54 " 7 " 55 "
" 3 11 " 51 " 9 " 51½ " " 15 8.30 " 52 " 7 " 54 "
" 4 6.30 " 50½ " 6 " 50½ " " 16 8 " 53 " 7 " 54 "
" 5 10.30 " 49 " 4.30 " 50 " " 17 12 noon 54 " 5.30" 55 "

The American whitefish were received February 21st, 1878. First box opened all were dead. Second box yielded some good eggs, which began to hatch at once, on being put into the boxes, as already mentioned. All the hatching was over in about one day; so that above table shows the time during which the fish remained in the boxes, as well as the daily thermal readings.

Note.—Clark's Patent American Hatching-box has layers of trays of brass wire gauze, one above the other, enclosed in a box watertight except at the bottom. The water flows downwards through these, out at bottom and rising to the top of an outer box, flows over into the next set of boxes, and so on. This seems likely to remove all sediment.

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Art. XXVII.—On the Occurrence of the Salmon Trout in Nelson Harbour.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 17th September, 1881.]

Picture icon

Salmo trutta, t. Nelson Harbour.
Female after spawning.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

B. 11. D. 13. A. 11. P. 13. V. 9.
L.L. 120. L. transv. 26/36; above V. /22.
Vert. 58. Cæc. Pyl. 40 +.
Inches.
Total length 25
Greatest depth 5
Length of head 5
Least depth of tail 2
Distance between end of snout and eye 1.2
Length of maxillary bone 2
Distance between eye and angle of operculum 3
Distance between occiput and origin of dorsal fin 7
End of dorsal to root of caudal 7.5
Length of base of dorsal 2.8
Greatest height of dorsal 2
Length of pectoral 3.6
Boot of pectoral to ventral 7.4
Length of ventral 2.5
Ventral to anal 5
Length of anal 3.3
Greatest depth of anal 2.9
Length of longest caudal, say 3.2
" middle " 1.9
Weight, 64 ounces.

The greatest depth of the body is beneath the middle of the dorsal fin, and is equal to the extreme length of the head and one-fifth of the total length. The snout is conical, but compressed vertically. Mouth terminal, the jaws fitting evenly when shut. Maxillary bone dilated and extending slightly beyond the posterior vertical of the eye. Diameter of the eye is

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one-third the length of the snout. Tip of snout to occiput two-fifths the total length of the head measured to the hinder angle of the operculum. The interorbital space is only slightly convex. Opercles are thin, with concentric striæ. The posterior margin of the operculum is almost straight, oblique, the sub-opercular suture being at right-angles, and only slightly sinuated. The sub-opercular is three times as long as broad. The ratio of the length of the fins to the total length is as follows:—The length being 1.00; D. .125; P. .069; V. .100; A. .076; least depth of tail .125. The caudal fin is slightly emarginate. The dentition is complete and powerful, the intermaxillary mandibular and front vomerine teeth being the largest. The maxillary teeth are arranged in pairs. The head of the vomer has a group of three teeth, and three on each side of the body. The tongue is armed with teeth arranged in the same manner and number as on the vomer.

There are 120 perforated scales on the lateral line, which is prominent. From the front origin of the dorsal to the lateral line there are 26 scales, and from between the origin of the ventral and the lateral line there are eighteen rows of scales. The scales are thin and rounded in posterior outline. Immersed nacreous scales occur along the back from the nape to beyond the dorsal.

The snout and muzzle are olivaceous black. The crown and occiput honey yellow. On the cheek and above the eye is a triangular patch of brown. The gill-covers are silvery white with a dusky hue, and have five dark spots, four on the operculum, and one on the pre-operculum. The under parts as far as the vent are pure white.

The nape and back dark blue-black, and the flanks bright silvery with a purple shade. Diffuse and X-shaped black spots on the back and sides, but only a few below the lateral line. Dorsal fin dusky brown with numerous dark spots. Pectoral darkened toward the tip on the inner side. Ventrals and anal white. Adipose and caudal dark coloured.

The fish which is now exhibited was sent to me yesterday by Mr. Greenfield, Secretary to the Acclimatization Society, Nelson, as being, probably, a specimen of the Californian salmon (Salmo quinnat). It was captured in Nelson Harbour, near to the mouth of the Maitai Stream, a similar, but smaller, specimen of the same fish having been caught there a few days previously.

Californian salmon having been turned out, three years ago, in various rivers entering Cook Straits and in the Nelson District, while no other migratory salmonoid had ever been liberated, so far as is known, north of Otago, it was not unnatural to suppose that this might be a harbinger of the shoals of American salmon that are expected sometime to reappear on our coasts.

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A careful examination of the fish shows, however, that it must be classed as a true sea or salmon trout, although, as has been found invariably to be the case in Otago specimens, it presents a certain admixture of the characters of the many species into which the sea trouts from the various rivers in Europe have been subdivided.

The specimen proves to be a female that has just spawned. For the length of twenty-five inches its weight, four pounds, is small, but it is evidently lanky and out of condition, as otherwise it would have been a six pound fish. The stomach contained half-digested remains of a young barracouta (Thyrsites atun) and a sea mullet (Agonostoma forsteri), each about nine inches long, proving that it must have been feeding voraciously in salt water. The importance of this determination is due to the fact that the only salmon trout ever introduced to New Zealand were bred from a small lot of ova that came from Tasmania, in 1870, and of which the original stock, turned out in Shag River, Otago, did not exceed seventy or eighty fish. What are supposed to be the progeny of these now abound on the Otago coast, and this discovery might seem to point to its having spread in its migration round the coast as far as Blind Bay. On the other hand, it might be suggested that what we know as brown trout in the rivers are of the large fast-growing variety known as the Thames trout, but which, in New Zealand, enter the sea and acquire the characters of the true sea trout.

Art. XXVIII.—On two Species of Nudibranchiate Mollusca.

[Read before the Auckland Institute, 5th September, 1881.]

Doris luctuosa, n.sp.

Length 1–2 inches. Body oblong or linear-oblong, back moderately rounded. Mantle small, rather narrow and hardly concealing the sides of the foot, smooth and soft to the touch, of a dirty flesh-brown more or less spotted or streaked with reddish-brown; occasionally dirty white with a few reddish-brown markings. Towards the sides of the mantle the reddish-brown markings are often arranged in more or less interrupted lines. Dorsal tentacles (rhinophores) stout, clavate, completely retractile within raised sheaths, strongly laminate, laminæ over 20 in number. The laminæ are blotched with dark purple and greenish-yellow, the tips of the sheaths are usually greenish-yellow. Branchiæ 5, rarely 6, forming an incomplete circle round the tubular anus, bipinnate or tripinnate, rounded at

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the apex, flatly spreading; colour dark-purplish, sometimes mingled with greenish-yellow. The branchiæ are capable of complete retraction within a common cavity, the e°es of which have usually a greenish-yellow tinge. Foot large, with thick and high sides, sole uniform flesh colour. Mouth large, tubular. Oral tentacles unusually long, slender, linear, cylindrical, often protruding beyond the edge of the mantle when the animal is crawling. Odontophore broad, of about 28 rows of teeth. No central teeth, lateral about 60 on each side, smooth, strongly arched, all similar in shape.

I have obtained several specimens of this species on rocky ground in Auckland Harbour.

Doridopsis mammosa, Abraham, P.Z.S. 1877, p. 266, pl. XXIX., figs. 20, 21.

Mr. Abraham states that this species was collected by the Antarctic Expedition, but its native country appears to be unknown to him. I have no doubt, however, that it is identical with a species found abundantly on Zostera beds from Mongonui to the East Cape, and perhaps further south. The Antarctic Expedition probably obtained it at the Bay of Islands, where it is not uncommon. The following description, drawn up from fresh specimens, will afford some information on certain points, such as colour, etc., which could not be made out from the alcoholic specimens described by Mr. Abraham.

Body 2–4 inches long, broadly elliptical, back moderately elevated. Mantle large, usually extending on all sides beyond the foot, margins thin and semi-transparent, much undulated. On each side of the back is a row of 3 or 4 large conical or clavate erect processes; two similar ones are placed close together between the dorsal tentacles. Numerous much smaller tubercles are scattered irregularly over the back and sides. Along the back, between the processes, is a median row of three (rarely two) large lozenge-shaped smooth areas, free from tubercles or projections of any kind. On each side, a similar row of four or five smooth areas extends from the dorsal tentacles to the branchiæ, on the outside of the row of processes. These areas are coloured a deep velvety brown-black, and each contains a central spot and a few lateral specks or streaks of an intense greenish-blue, of almost metallic lustre. The remainder of the mantle is a light brown or fawn colour, always marked (especially towards the margins), with numerous delicate whitish or greyish parallel longitudinal lines, which are more or less continuous towards the margins, but are irregular and broken on the back. Dorsal tentacles (rhinophores) rather small, clavate, the upper portion bent and diagonally laminated, tip thickened and rounded; the whole retractile into cavities that have raised sheath-like edges. Bran-

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chiæ 5, large, copiously branched, tripinnate, set round the anus in a circle interrupted behind, retractile within a common cavity; this cavity has its opening irregularly 5-lobed, the lobes more or less tubercled. The pinnules of the branchiæ are lineated and tipped with black, the remainder being a waxy white. Foot rounded in front and behind, margin thin and undulated. There is a narrow notch in front, giving passage to the tubular proboscis; and immediately above it, in the groove between the foot and the mantle, are two minute flap-like projections. No odontophore, or buccal armature of any description.

Art. XXIX.—Further Notes on Coccidæ in New Zealand, with Descriptions of new Species.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 1st September, 1881.]

Plates XV. and XVI.

1st Group.—DiaspidÆ.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 189).
1st Genus, Mytilaspis, Linn.
(Trans., vol.xi., p. 192).
1. Mytilaspis pyriformis, mihi.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 194).

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I Have lately succeeded in hatching out a male of this species. The insect (fig. 1) is orange-coloured, about 1/30 inch long, of the normal form, generally, of the Diaspidæ; the abdominal spike is of considerable length. Antennæ (fig. 2) 10-jointed; foot (fig. 3) with four long fine digitules. Haltere (fig. 4) normal.

As remarked in a former paper (Trans. vol. xii., p. 294), the males of the Diaspidæ are not easily distinguishable. There is little certainty to be obtained except by hatching from the puparia, and even then, as the puparia are often similar, it is easy to make mistakes.

2. Mytilaspis leptospermi, sp. nov.

Puparium irregularly pyriform, flat, light-brown, formed (besides the two pellicles) chiefly of the bark-cells of the tree arranged longitudinally. The pellicle of the second stage is comparatively small.

Young insect normal.

Adult female greyish-green, generally resembling M. pyriformis. Abdomen ending in six lobes, of which the two median are conspicuous and somewhat large and floriated, the rest very small. Five distinct groups of spinnerets, the upper group with about 15 openings, the others with from 25 to 35. Single spinnerets none, or very few.

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From bark of manuka (Leptospermum).

I am not sure that this is not perhaps a variety of M. pyriformis. At the same time the differences are considerable. The two median abdominal lobes of M. leptospermi are much more conspicuous than those of M. pyri-formis; the groups of spinnerets are always distinct, and the single spinnerets usually wanting. The structure of the puparium is also different, but I would scarcely lay specific stress on this. In M. pyriformis, which I have hitherto found only on leaves or bark of soft-wooded plants, the whole secretion from the spinnerets is built up into the puparium in transverse fibrous layers, apparently without direct admixture of the vegetable substance of the plant. The bark of the manuka probably lends itself more readily to the purposes of M. leptospermi, which seems only to cement together with its secretion a number of the bark-cells scaling off the tree; and the fibrous secretion may be made out intermixed with these cells, which are always arranged longitudinally.

2nd Genus, Chionaspis, Signoret.

This genus has been separated from Mytilaspis on account of the form of the male puparium. In Mytilaspis the male and female puparia are alike; in Chionaspis the female has a broad and pyriform, the male a narrow and usually carinated, puparium.

1. Chionaspis dubia, sp. nov.

Puparium of female white, flat, very thin, pyriform, the two pellicles comparatively small.

Adult female generally resembling Mytilaspis, but with somewhat deeper corrugations towards the abdominal end. Abdomen ending with a median depression as in Diaspis rosæ (Trans., vol. xi., p. 201): no terminal lobes. Five groups of spinnerets; upper group with 6–10 orifices, the rest 10–15.

Male puparium white, elongated, irregularly oval, flat above, but with two keels on the under side, enclosing a longitudinal semi-cylindrical groove as in Fiorinia asteliæ, mihi.

Adult male reddish colour, generally normal form of Diaspidæ. Antennæ hairy, 10-jointed, the first two joints very short. Feet normal, with four long fine digitules. At the base of the abdominal spike is a somewhat large tubercle. Haltere of the general form of Mytilaspis (see fig. 4), but the terminal seta is very long, four times as long as the thick basal portion, and has no terminal knob. Thoracic band conspicuous. The thorax is some what long, so that there is a considerable distance between the first and second pairs of legs.

Common on many plants, Coprosma, Rubus, Asplenium, etc.

The species of Chionaspis seems to be by no means clearly differentiated. The present insect resembles in some particulars C. aspidistra, Signoret, C.

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populi, Bärensprung, and others, but differs so much that I can refer it absolutely to none, and am forced to consider it as new. Still it may be only a variety.

3rd Genus, Aspidiotus, Bouché.

1. Aspidiotus aurantii, mihi.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 199).

I learn from Mr. Comstock, entomologist to the Department of Agriculture, Washington, that this species abounds, and does very great damage, on orange and lemon trees in California and Florida. I do not gather from him, however, that any description of it was published previous to my paper of 1878, so that, I presume, my name for it will be retained.

While in Melbourne last year, I observed this insect in great numbers on orange trees there. But the fruit which has been sold in the shops here during the last few months seems to have been comparatively free from it. Probably, as in other countries, the pest has cycles of maximum and minimum frequency.

2. Aspidiotus nerii, Bouché.

I have lately found, on Coprosma, in the North Island, this species, which is exceedingly common in Europe, but seems to have hitherto not spread in this country. Its favourite habitat is the Nerium oleander, and in France and Northern Italy it does very great damage to that and several other plants. In Melbourne I noticed many plants terribly infested with it. The puparium is whitis, and, as in all Aspidioti, round and flat. The species may be recognized by the four anal lobes of the young insect (of which two are somewhat prominent) and by the form of the scaly hairs at the anal extremity of the adult female: these hairs have, some a rectangular, some a serrated tip.

4th Genus, Fiorinia, Targioni.

1. Fiorinia asteliœ, mihi.

Trans., vol. xi., p. 201, under the name Diaspis gigas, corrected in vol. xii., p. 292.

It is to be noted that the larval form of the male of this species, that is, the stage succeeding the young insect, resembles not a little an adult female of Mytilaspis drimydis, showing the four anal lobes extending some way into the body, as in pl. v., fig. 5a, Trans., vol. xi.: but it is somewhat more deeply corrugated, and of a greyish yellow colour instead of red. The form of the puparium, which is quite distinct in the two species, will prevent mistake. In F. asteliœ the puparium of the male is long, narrow, thin, and on the under side bi-carinated. The puparium of M. drimydis more nearly resembles that of M. pomorum, and has no keels.

Amongst the type slides of Coccidæ deposited by me with the Institute, is one showing the male larva of Fiorinia in the act of changing into the pupa.

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When, as often happens, a leaf or a twig is covered with individuals belonging to two or three different species, it is not always easy to distinguish between them. If practicable, the males should be hatched out from their puparia: but in the great majority of cases this cannot well be done. It is still more difficult, if not impossible, to follow out and watch the development of the females, a process requiring a regular supply of food during many months.

2nd Group.—Lecanidæ.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 203.)
Subsection Lecanio-diaspidæ.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 207.)

1st Genus, Ctenochiton, mihi.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 208.)

1. Ctenochiton spinosus, mihi.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 212.)

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The young insects, which may be found beneath the mother in autumn in great numbers, show the marginal spines very prominently. The abdominal lobes are comparatively large, and if it were not for other circumstances, I should be almost inclined to consider the species as allied some-what to Kermes, a genus ïn which the young insect has the anal tubercles of the Coccidæ, whilst the adult has the lobes of Lecanium. The antennæ of the young C. spinosus have five joints. The upper digitules are long fine hairs: I cannot make out the lower pair. The body is convex above, flat beneath: colour red: length about 1/50 inch.

The peculiarly fringed test of this species is not easily made out on the adult female; indeed it is easy to mistake the insect then for one of the semi-globular naked Lecanieæ.

2. Ctenochiton piperis, sp. nov.
Figs. 5–8.

Young insect of generally normal form of Lecanidæas, but the edges have a great number of minute wrinkles, giving them a crenate appearance: the crenations are very apparent on the cephalic portion. The antennæ are somewhat thick, with six joints; on the last joint some hairs. Feet normal; upper digitules long, fine; lower pair somewhat broader. The usual setæ on the abdominal lobes.

In the next stage the form generally resembles that of C. perforatus, but the cephalic end is narrower (fig. 5), giving a roughly triangular shape. The edge has the wavy appearance spoken of in Trans., vol. xi., p. 209. Stigmatic spines somewhat stout: there are a few minute spines on the edge. Antennæ rather thick, 6-jointed: on the last joint several hairs. Feet normal of the genus. From the abdominal lobes two setæ. The test begins to be apparent in this stage as in C. perforatus: it is waxy and very

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thin, and vanishes in balsam. The fringe, as shown in fig. 5, has rather wider and shallower segments than in C. perforatus, and I have not seen any of the peculiar markings, or pits, characterizing that species. The body is very thin in this stage. Length about 1/30 inch.

Adult female (fig. 6) circular, convex above, flat beneath; colour generally greenish, but under the central divisions of the test deep purple, covered with a white, glassy or waxy, test of some consistence, which extends a little beyond the edge in an irregular fringe; but the fringe is often broken or absent, leaving the edge a continuous circle as in fig. 6. The test is regularly tessellated, the tessellations corresponding to those of the body: a row of pretty regular hexagons, the largest being in the centre, runs along the middle, having on each side another row of hexagons some-what wider, and beyond that a third row of hexagons: a fourth row, of which the outer angles are cut off by the edge, completes the circle. The middle row and the row on each side of it cover the purple patches of the body. Under each of the hexagons, between these and the outermost row, is a small swelling, or tubercle: if the insect be macerated in potash and rendered transparent, these tubercles are seen placed in a ring round the whole body about half way between the centre and the edge. I have failed to make out what is their function: under certain lights they have some slight resemblance to spiracles, but they are much too large, and moreover the Lecanidæ have but four spiracles, whereas there are twenty-four of these tubercles.

The insect fills the whole test, and in its last stage is slightly hollow underneath: the young, as in Lecanium depressum, are to be found in the cavity thus formed. The antennæ (fig. 7) of the adult have seven joints, the third joint being the longest. The second, third, fourth, and fifth joints have each one hair, the seventh several hairs. Feet (fig. 8) normal of the genus: the lower digitules rather broad.

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The average diameter of the adult insect is about 1/15 inch.

Not uncommon in the North Island on Piper excelsum: sometimes on other trees. I have not found it in the South.

The almost regularly circular form and the colour, green with purple patches, of this species readily distinguish it from others of the genus. It forms a handsome opaque object for the microscope.

2nd Genus, Inglisia, mihi.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 213.)

1. Inglisia patella, mihi.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 213).

I have succeeded lately in procuring both the young insect and the adult male of this species.

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The young insect has no general peculiarities of form calling for remark, but is readily recognized by its edge, along which is a row of the curious club-shaped spines visible in the adult, and figured in vol. xi., pl. vii., fig. 16d. But whereas in the adult insect these club-shaped spines are alternated with sharp ones, in the young the sharp spines are absent. The length of the body is about 1/50 inch.

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The male insect undergoes its transformations in a test similar to that of the female. At least my specimen was hatched from a leaf of Drimys from Lyttelton on which there were a number of tests (perhaps fifty), and I was unable to find any difference to show which were tests of males. The insect is about 1/24 inch long, exclusive of the abdominal spike; greenish in colour: form generally normal. Antennæ 10-jointed: the first two joints very short, the rest to the seventh much longer and equal, the three last somewhat shorter and equal. All the joints have several hairs. Foot normal; four digitules, all fine knobbed hairs. Wings rather long, hyaline. Abdominal spike about half the length of the abdomen. From the last segment of the abdomen spring two very long white setæ.

This species is more common than I imagined when first describing it. I have seen plants of Drimys on the hills over the town of Lyttelton with every leaf covered thickly with the tests of I. patella, so thickly indeed, as to make the whole under surface of the leaves look white.

2. Inglisia leptospermi, sp. nov.
Figs. 9–17.

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Test white, glassy or waxy, elongated, convex above, flat and open beneath, formed of several agglutinated segments, each segment more or less convex or conical, median segments usually five in number; at the edge an irregular fringe, as in C. perforatus, but the fringe is often absent. Average length of test 1/10 inch.

The test, though preserving the same general form, is subject to minor variations, as shown in figs. 9 and 10. * I rather think that fig. 9 is a younger form than fig. 10, and that the little secondary tests shown in the former become more closely agglutinated with age.

Each segment of the test is marked with grooves and striæ radiating from the centre, as in the single test of I. patella. The striæ, which widen from the apex to the base, are composed, as in the former species, of perforations containing air.

The female insect (figs. 11, 12, 13) fills the test in the adult stage, but, as in most of the Lecanio-diaspidæ, becomes when old, and after propaga-

[Footnote] * Fig. 10 is slightly incorrect: the segments of the marginal fringe are shown too small and regular.

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tion, shrivelled up at one end of the test. The insect is flat beneath, convex above, of elongated oval shape, brown in colour. The two abdominal lobes, which are yellowish, are conspicuous over the anal cleft (fig. 11). The underside is smooth, but the upper is divided by several large corrugations, and I think each corrugation corresponds to one of the primary segments of the test.

The mentum is, I think, bi-articulate, but I have not been able to make this out with certainty.

Antennaæ (fig. 14) of seven joints, of which the third is the longest, the fourth, fifth and sixth, the shortest; a few hairs, especially on the last joint. In some specimens I have seen the third joint as if divided into two; but this was probably only due to a folding of the integument.

Feet (fig. 15) normal; the tibia is somewhat thin, and has one spine or hair at its tip. Digitules, of which two are shown in fig. 16, normal; upper pair long knobbed hairs, lower pair very broad.

The female in the second stage is also convex above, flat below, but is less thick than the adult, and has not the corrugations. General form elongated oval, with the anal cleft and lobes of Lecanidæ but the lobes are not, as usual, smooth, but approach by irregularity the anal tubercles of the Coccidæ, and like them bear a few hairs. I think the anal ring has eight hairs. Antennæ of six joints. Feet normal, digitules as in adult. On the skin are several scattered, circular, very minute, spinnerets; the stig-matic spines are long and conspicuous, and along the edge runs a row of conical hairs or spines, which may, as in Acanthococcus, act also as spinnerets. These details are shown in fig. 17.

Like the other Lecanio-diaspidæ here, I. leptospermi is much subject to attacks from parasitic Hymenoptera.

Not uncommon throughout the Islands on the manuka, Leptospermum scoparium. I have found the twigs of this tree covered with the little white tests of this insect near Christchurch, Kaiapoi, Wellington and Auckand. I have not seen it on any other plant. It does not appear to attack the leaves, but prefers the young twigs.

I had some doubt, when describing in 1878 Inglisia patella, as to the propriety of erecting a new genus to fit a single species. I. leptospermi has come to remove the doubt: the nearest European genus seems to be Fair-mairia, Signoret: but the 7-jointed antenna of Inglisia and the form of the test remove it from that genus.

3rd Genus, Lecanochiton, gen. nov.

Adult female covered by a test formed partly of the pellicle of the second stage, partly by a hard, apparently chitinous, secretion. Other characters of Lecanidæ: apodous in adult stage.

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The admixture of the second pellicle with secretion to form the test approaches this genus more nearly to the Diaspidæ than any others of the group. But there can be no mistaking its affinities, for the abdominal cleft and lobes of Lecanium at once define its position.

1. Lecanochiton metrosideri, sp. nov.
Figs. 18–21.

The young insect, extremely minute, has the general form of Lecanium hesperidum: it is flat, oval, brown, or rather reddish, usually found at the tips of young shoots. The antennæ have six joints (fig. 18); on the last joint are several hairs, amongst which is one excessively long, slightly knobbed. Foot (fig. 19) normal; the joints hairy; upper digitules fine knobbed hairs, lower pair a little broader.

In the second stage the insect is scarcely altered: the antennæ and feet remain as before: but there is a test, white, waxy, very thin, covering the dorsal surface, and extending a little beyond the edge in an irregular fringe somewhat resembling that of Ctenochiton elongatus (Trans., vol. xi., p. 212, pl. vii., fig. 14d). On the edge, also, are a number of protruding spinneret tubes, glassy, white, cylindrical, either curved or straight: a few of these tubes protrude on the surface of the back. The under side of this stage is shown in fig. 20.

The adult female is covered by a hard, brown test (fig. 21, dorsal view), having the general appearance of an overturned basket, the foot of the basket being formed by the pellicle of the second stage. This test, convex or semi-globular above, is open beneath; and as the insect, which entirely fills the test, approaches its last stage it becomes slightly hollowed below as in some other Lecanidæ: in the cavity thus formed the young are hatched.

The female, dark-brown in colour, corresponds to the shape of the test. The rostrum is comparatively large; the mentum, I think, monomerous. Antennæ (fig. 22) short, thick, atrophied; and the seven joints of which they are composed are so compressed as to show apparently only three: it is not easy to make out the divisions. The last joint has a few hairs. The feet are entirely absent, and I have not been able to see maculæ in place of them, as is usual in some other apodous Lecanidæ.

On the pellicle at the top of the test may be seen remains of the test of the second stage. From this pellicle radiate to the edge four rows of rather large spinnerets secreting the test, each row starting from a point opposite the stigmata of the pellicle: and on turning over the test there are seen on the underside four corresponding lines of white cotton.

The skin of the insect is smooth and not tessellated.

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Coccidæ

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I obtained my specimens from the rata tree (Metrosideros) at Milford Sound. Being in the Sound only a few hours on my way from Melbourne, I was unable to make as full a collection as I should wish, nor could I find a male.

Lecanochiton is the only genus of Lecanidæ, as far as I know, which makes use of the pellicle of its second stage. In the Diaspidæ the pellicles always form part of the test. This new genus supplies an extra link between the two groups, as the genus Kermes, where the young insect has the anal tubercles whilst the adult has the abdominal lobes, is the link between the groups Lecanidæ and Coccidæ. As mentioned by me (Trans. vol. xii., p. 291) there is a very close gradation between all the genera of the Homoptera, at least as far as concerns the Monomera.

3rd Group.—Coccidæ.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 216.)
1st Subsection.—Lecano-coccidæ, sec. nov.

Insect possessing the anal tubercles of Coccus in all stages; covered by a test; mentum monomerous.

As observed in my first paper (Trans., vol. xi., p. 217), the general characteristics of the group Coccidæ are, a pair of anal tubercles, and a mentum bi- or tri-articulate. I have, however, lately met one of those puzzling forms which possess characters apparently of two groups. The articulations of the mentum are in most cases very difficult of detection; and, as it seems to me, the only sure guide to the grouping of a species is the presence of anal tubercles (in which case it is a Coccid), or of abdominal lobes (in which case it is a Lecanid). As a rule, a Lecanid has not more than eight, and almost always seven, joints in the antennæ. But in cases where, as in the following species, the antennæ are lost in the adult stage, this can clearly not be made a guide.

In the genus Kermes the young insect has the anal tubercles of Coccus, the adult the abdominal lobes of Lecanium: and this genus has been, in late works on the Homoptera, considered as a link between the two groups on that account. The insect which I have to describe has the anal tubercles in all stages, and if the mentum were not uni-articulate I should have placed it amongst the group Coccidæ, in the subsection Coccidæ proper. As it is, I am compelled to create a new subsection for it.

Genus Planchonia, Signoret.

Insect enclosed in a hard, smooth, test, completely surrounding it; test convex above, flat below. Adult female apodous. Anal tubercles present in all stages. Test surrounded by long fringe.

M. Signoret, following Professor Targioni-Tozzetti, includes the genus Planchonia amongst the Lecanio-diaspidæ, but himself remarks that on

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account of the tubercles it ought to be removed thence. I see no reason for perpetuating the error here, and have therefore placed it in its proper place.

Planchonia epacridis, sp. nov. (?)
Figs. 30–37.

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Young insect about 1/40 inch in length, outline oval, body flat, tapering somewhat towards the anal tubercles (fig. 30). Antennæ (fig. 31) of five joints, but as these are crossed by numerous, closely placed, transverse lines, they seem to have more joints. The last joint is slightly clavate and has several long hairs. Feet (fig. 32) with well developed coxa, trochanter and femur; tibia and tarsus thin. I can make out only two digitules, which are fine hairs. From the anal tubercles spring two long setæ. The mentum is uni-articulate. General colour reddish brown. All over the dorsal surface and round the edge of the body are scattered spinneret orifices in the form of the figure 8, from which spring long, curling, white, glassy tubes.

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Second stage of female with general outline resembling the young; body somewhat flatter, marked with several transverse corrugations. Average length about 1/20 of an inch (fig. 33). Antennæ completely atrophied, indeed quite lost, their place being occupied only by circular rings with four hairs (fig. 34). Feet likewise absent. Mentum uni-articulate. Anal tubercles not very prominent, each bearing a long seta. The anal ring has, I think, six hairs. On the dorsal surface there are only a very few spinneret orifices, but round the edge of the body is a row of the figure-of-8 spinnerets, and from these springs a long silvery fringe, which is double. In fig. 33 I have tried to represent this fringe, but have only been able to show one row of it. It is necessary to imagine another row above the one shown, as if there were two fringes, one over the other. As the colour of the insect at this stage is reddish brown, as is also the surface of the leaf on which it feeds, the effect of this double glassy fringe of silver is of great beauty. The tubes of the fringe are not quite straight. Each pair springs from one of the figure-of-8 orifices, and the tips slightly diverge.

The adult female is covered over with a smooth, hard, semi-transparent test, convex above, flat beneath, and on the underside this test is also almost closed, leaving only an orifice for the rostral setæ, so that the insect is really enclosed: but at the extreme end of the abdomen the upper and lower portions of the test are slightly parted, leaving an opening. The test (fig. 35) is oval, but tapers towards the anal extremity, and in all the specimens which I have seen this anal end was turned towards the tip of the leaf. I should imagine that the reason for this is to facilitate the work of the male (though I have not as yet found any male insects). The leaves of Leucopogon

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Coccidæ

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fraseri, on which Planchonia epacridis is found, are often pretty closely imbricated, and there would be considerable difficulty for the male to impregnate the female if the abdomen of the latter were turned towards the stem of the plant. By turning the abdomen towards the tip of the leaf the male may with ease reach the female through the opening, just mentioned, between the portions of the test. Accordingly, in several scores of specimens which I have examined, the abdominal extremity of the test is directed to the tip of the leaf.

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The test, in all cases which I have seen, is of two colours: one half, at the cephalic end, is dark green, the other, or abdominal half, is bright yellow. All round the edge runs, as in the second stage, a long silver fringe in double row, one row over the other. The contrast of these colours with the dark reddish-brown of the leaf is extremely beautiful. Average length of the test 1/15 to 1/20 inch, exclusive of fringe.

The insect fills the whole test until gestation, after which it shrivels up, as in the Lecanio-diaspidœ, towards the cephalic end. It is, therefore, convex above, flat below. Antennæ, as in the second stage, reduced to rings with hairs (fig. 34). Feet entirely absent. The four spiracles are somewhat large: there are no spiracular spines as in Lecanium. Anal tubercles small, each bearing a seta: anal ring with six hairs. Along the edge of the body is a row of the figure-of-8 spinnerets, as shown in fig. 36: and all over the dorsal surface are a large number of simple circular spinneret orifices from which the test is secreted. Also a number of protruding tubes which stand out irregularly over the body like minute fingers, each cylindrical with a slight expansion at the tip. The mentum is uni-articulate, globular: the rostral setæ are short.

On Leucopogon fraseri, as yet only from Amberley, where it seems to be pretty abundant in one locality.

Having been obliged to send back to France my copy of M. Signoret's work on the Homoptera (the only work of reference available for the order at present), I am unable to say positively that Planchonia epacridis is a new species. It is possible too that I may have been mistaken in assigning its generic position, for I am not clear that the European Planchonia has not a felted, instead of a waxy or glassy test. Of course such a difference would be radical, because the secretion of wax and the secretion of felted matter would mean a different description of organs. However, the occurrence of the insect in a locality far removed from imported plants would seem to point to its being, at least, indigenous. I found it always on Leucopogon, growing amongst the tussacks and native plants, with only here and there a rare specimen of English grass or clover, from neither of

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which was it likely to have come. Whether it is a new species, or identical with one in Europe, it seems probable that it has not been introduced here first in the out-of-the-way locality where I found it.

Planchonia would seem to link the Lecanidæ to the Coccidæ even better than Kermes.

2nd Subsection.—Monophlebidæ.
(Trans., vol. xii., p. 294).

Antennæ of eleven joints in the adult female.

1st Genus, Icerya, Signoret.
(Trans., vol. xi., p. 220).

Mr. Comstock informs me that a species, which he takes to be my Icerya purchasi (Trans., vol. xi., p. 221), is committing great ravages in California, on limes, oranges, etc., and he has some suspicion that it arrived there from Australia. This, I think, is not at all unlikely. In describing the species in 1878 I mentioned that it had only lately appeared in Auckland, and I found it on an Australian plant, the kangaroo acacia. When in Australia a few months ago, I observed at Ballaarat an insect certainly an Icerya, but I think not I. purchasi: but I had no opportunity of bringing away a single specimen. As mentioned in my first paper, the Mauritian Icerya differs in some particulars from ours: probably also in Australia the genus may have several representatives, of which one has travelled to California and New Zealand.*

2nd Genus, Cœlostoma, mihi.

Cœlostoma zealandicum, mihi.
(Trans., vol. xii., p. 294.)

The young insect, adult female and adult male of this species, is correctly described in my paper in vol. xii.; but the second stage of the female is incorrect. At p. 297 of that volume I mention that Cœlostoma was found at Lyttelton “interspersed with another curious Coccid:” this other turns out to be the second stage of the female Cœlostoma. If, however, I had not actually extracted a fullgrown Cœlostoma from this stage, seen it, that is, actually emerge, I should not have imagined the possibility that the two were really one and the same insect at different ages, so much do they differ from each other.

In the second stage, the female is torpid, stationary, enclosed in a solid, hard, round test or shell of thick yellow wax. Some of these tests (fig. 23), attain the size of a large pea; they are very strong and thick; the wax is not soluble in alcohol. Often from an orifice at one end a long white seta

[Footnote] * Since writing this paper I have received from Dr. Hector specimens of I. purchasi from Napier. It had evidently travelled thither either from Auckland or Australia. It was greatly damaging Acacia decurrens.

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protrudes (fig. 23); this springs from the anal extremity of the insect. The tests almost wholly enclose the insect, only a little space being left on the underside.

The insect itself completely fills its waxy shell. It is deep red in colour, almost spherical, quite smooth and hard, but the skin is somewhat thin, so that in detaching it from the test it is easy to wound it. The outline is smooth and free from corrugations (fig. 24), except that a few fine line-like grooves traverse it; in general appearance it is like a round, hard, red ball. No hairs are visible, but from the anal extremity, which is darker in colour than the rest, springs a long white seta protruding through the test. This seta is tubular, glassy, and at the point where it leaves the body there is a short tuft of white cotton.

At first sight there seem to be no organs—feet, antennæ, or rostrum; but closer inspection reveals them all, of very small size. The mentum is tri-articulate, and has a few hairs at its tip. The rostral setæ are short.

The antennæ (fig. 25) are very short, and can be of little use, shut up as the insect is in its shell. They are broad at the base, tapering in a somewhat regular cone, with eight joints, of which the first seven are very short, the eighth a little longer and rounded at the tip. On all the joints a few hairs.

The feet (fig. 26) are completely atrophied, and I can only make out three joints besides the claw: there seems to be no trochanter: digitules, I think, only two, both extremely minute. The whole leg has a fat, bloated appearance.

On maceration in potash, to get rid of the interior substance, it is seen that the skin is marked with a great number of spinneret orifices, of two sizes. They are all circular; the larger seem to be simple; the smaller have an inner tube made up of several circles. The tracheæ are enormous, with conspicuous spiral markings; they abut in sixteen large circular spiracles. The spiracles and the tracheæ for a short distance form brown tubes having, a little way within the body, a kind of crown of beads, so that they look like brown goblets receiving the ends of the tracheæ. Towards the anal extremity is a large patch coloured brown, of which the anal orifice is the centre; in this the spinnerets are much more numerous, and their tubes seem to converge towards the anus.

The anal orifice itself forms the extremity of a large tube, exactly resembling that which, in my description of the adult female, I termed the oviduct. From this tube, which is never itself exserted, springs the seta spoken of above. I fail to make out the use of this tube and seta in this stage.

The insect at this stage emits a strong and fetid odour, peculiarly unpleasant, which clings for some time to the fingers after handling it or its tests.

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I append figures (figs. 27, 28, 29) of the male and its organs, to illustrate the description given in vol. xii., p. 297.

The tests of this second stage were found by me very common on Muhlenbeckia, growing amongst the rocks on the Sumner road, Lyttelton, chiefly on the roots and the underground portions of the stems. Often a stem was covered with hundreds of the waxy shells, some of them as large as a small marble. I have since found them on various trees in the forests, where the adult form of Cœlostoma may be commonly found in late summer crawling about the pines and other trees. In February and the beginning of March it is not uncommon to find a female almost covered by a cluster of the large males, which present an elegant appearance with their purple bodies and blue wings with red nervures. This is certainly the largest Coccid known to me, and I think it not unlikely to be the one mentioned by Westwood (Int. to Mod. Class. of Ins., vol. ii., p. 450), as sent to him from New Holland:—“A gigantic female, which has much the appearance and size of a full grown larva of OEstrus bovis.”

I know of no species undergoing transformations like those of Cœlostoma. In many species the young insect is free and the later stages torpid, whether naked or enclosed in tests. But there is usually some indication, at least, in the second stage of the appearance of the adult insect. Thus, in the Diaspidæ, the legs and antennæ gradually disappear, the test or puparium increasing with age. In Ctenochiton the test makes its appearance early but preserves the same general character to the last stage. In Icerya the growth of the cotton is progressive, and the various distinguishing marks can be traced throughout the life of the insect. But in Cœlostoma the changes are almost radical. The young insect, hatched in soft white cotton, secretes a white, scanty and thin, meal: in the next stage it secretes a very thick, hard wax; and again in its adult state it secretes meal which gradually produces a close web of white cotton. The young insect is free and active: the second stage is torpid, enclosed, with atrophied limbs: the adult again is active and free until gestation. To be sure, there are characters found almost alike in all stages. Thus, the spinneret orifices are much the same all through, with the exception of those round the anal orifice in the second stage, which may perhaps be those specially used for secreting the wax. And the organ which I have called the oviduct may be traced through all the stages, from the newly hatched young to the old female: with the exception, however, of the second stage of the male, which nearly resembles the adult female, but has antennæ of nine joints, no “oviduct” and only very few spinnerets.

It appears to me clear that Cœlostoma, with all the characters which I have described, is certainly new.

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Explanation Of Plates XV. And XVI.
Fig. 1. Mytilaspis pyriformis, male × 25
Fig. 2. " " " antenna × 60
Fig. 3. " " " foot × 200
Fig. 4. " " " haltere × 200
Fig. 5. Ctenochiton piperis female, 2nd stage × 50
Fig. 6. " " " in test, dorsal view × 20
Fig. 7. " " " antenna × 90
Fig. 8. " " " foot × 90
Fig. 9. Inglisia leptospermi, test × 15
Fig. 10. " " " × 15
Fig. 11. " " "female, dorsal view × 15
Fig. 12. " " " under view × 15
Fig. 13. " " " side view × 15
Fig. 14. " " " antenna × 90
Fig. 15. " " " foot × 90
Fig. 16. " " " claw × 200
Fig. 17. " " " 2nd stage, skin with spines × 200
Fig. 18. Lecanochiton metrosideri, young insect, antenna × 90
Fig. 19 " " " " foot × 90
Fig. 20 " " " female, 2nd stage × 30
Fig. 21. " " " test, dorsal view × 30
Fig. 22. " " " 3rd stage, antenna × 200
Fig. 23. Cœlostoma zœlandicum, tests of 2nd stage natural size.
Fig. 24. " " female, 2nd stage, under view × 2
Fig. 25. " " " " antenna × 60
Fig. 26. " " " " foot × 60
Fig. 27. " " male × 4
Fig. 28. " " " antenna × 10
Fig. 29. " " " foot × 10
Fig. 30. Planchonia epacridis, young insect × 60
Fig. 31. " " " " antenna × 200
Fig. 32. " " " " foot × 200
Fig. 33. " " female, 2nd stage, under view × 20
Fig. 34. " " " remains of antennæ × 350
Fig. 35. " " " test of adult on leaf × 10
Fig. 36. " " " edge with spinnerets × 350
Fig. 37. " " " fringe of adult × 200
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Art. XXX.—Additions to the Crustacean Fauna of New Zealand.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 22nd November, 1881.]

Plates XVII. and XVIII.

Stomapoda.
Genus Squilla, Fabricius.

1. S. tridentata, n. sp.

Carapace quite smooth, broadening posteriorly; its front transverse and unarmed, as are its smooth lower margins. Rostral plate triangular, about as long as broad, sub-acute. Large prehensile limbs, with the terminal joint as long as the hand and furnished with three spines; palm of the hand finely serrate. Terminal segment of the abdomen with a very short central ridge terminating in a spine, and two lateral ridges similarly spined but very imperfectly developed; posterior border with six short spines, the two central ones being articulated and moveable.

Colour yellowish, with a few minute black dots on the carapace and frontal organs. Length, 0.75 inch.

Hab. Only one specimen was obtained by the dredge in Port Pegasus, and apparently—to judge by its small size—it was a very young one. In general appearance and in the majority of its characters this agrees with S. indefensa, T. W. Kirk; but that species has nine teeth on the fingers of the large prehensile limb, and this feature seems to be very characteristic of species, and very persistent.

Isopoda Aberrantia.
Fam. Anthuridæ.
Genus Paranthura, Bate and Westwood.
(Brit. Sessile-eyed Crust., vol. 2, p. 163).

Body long and slender. Head distinct from the first segment of the pereion. Antennæ short, subequal. First pair of legs large and subchelate, six succeeding pairs subequal. All the segments of the pleon distinct, and carrying six pairs of pleopoda. Middle tail-piece ovate, obtuse.

1. P. costana, Bate and Westwood (l.c., p. 165, figured).

Cylindrical; segments of the pereion subequal in length. Hand of the first pair of legs very large, smooth, and bearing a small tubercle on its inner and under surface. The middle tail-piece is smooth and rounded at the extremity. All six pairs of pleopoda two-branched; last pair with the outer branch one-jointed and foliaceous, inner branch two-jointed and placed horizontally.

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Colour pale-yellowish, covered with small black spots. Length about 0.25 inch.

Hab. One specimen of this interesting Crustacean was obtained among some seaweed washed up on the beach near the mouth of the Taieri river. It differs from the figure (given in Brit. Sess.-eyed Crust.) in having more slender limbs with the exception of the first pair; otherwise it agrees perfectly. This species has hitherto only been recorded from the English and French coasts, and from the Mediterranean.

Amphipoda Normalia.

Sub-fam. Lysianassides.
Genus Anonyx, Kröyer.

Superior antennæ short, the peduncle very large at the base, and furnished with a secondary appendage. Mandibles with a smooth incisive margin, and no secondary plate, and having an appendage. First pair of gnathopoda subchelate; second pair long, slender, feeble, rudimentary, subchelate. Telson single, squamiform, entire or cleft.

(The characters on which this genus is separated from Lysianassa are very insufficient, being mainly subchelate nature of the first pair of gnathopoda, and secondly the cleft telson. The first species following is an Anonyx in all respects, except that its telson is entire, which is the case also with A. plautus, Kröyer, an European species.)

1.

A. corpulentus, n. sp.

Pl. XVII., fig. 1.

Cephalon rounded in front, hiding the antennæ. Pereion greatly distended, so as to give the animal a very corpulent appearance; coxæ very deep. Eyes not appreciable. Superior antennæ short and very thick; basal joint cylindrical, hardly longer than it is thick, two following very short; secondary appendage minute, 2-jointed; flabellum slightly longer than peduncle, tapering, 4-jointed, first joint as long as or longer than the next three, setose below. Inferior antennæ slender, subequal with the superior; second and third joints of peduncle long, and subequal with the 6–7-jointed flagellum. Gnathopoda small; first pair densely fringed below with simple hairs; propodos narrowing to the extremity, lower margin without a distinct palm; dactylos curved; second pair very slender, with tufted setæ on the lower margin, propodos about three times as long as broad, with a small curved dactylos. Four anterior pairs of pereiopoda subequal, slender, naked, with narrow basa; fifth pair short, setose, and with the basa dilated into wide, rounded, squamiform plates. Three posterior pairs of pleopoda terminating subequally, naked. Telson short, entire, rounded. Length 0.23 inch. Colour yellowish.

Hab. Dredged in Paterson Inlet, in 8 fathoms.

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2.

A. exiguus, Stimpson.

Pl. XVIII., fig. 2.

This species is most imperfectly described in the Brit. Mus. Cat., p. 75, so that it is not easy to identify, as even the figure—unless accompanied by drawings of separate parts—is not complete enough in its detail. The following is all the description given:—“Pleon having the third segment tumid posteriorly, and curved down towards the fourth; the posterior margin deeply concave; the infero-posterior angle produced and directed upwards; fourth segment having a deep dorsal sinus. Pereiopoda having the dactylos long and slender; basos of the three posterior margins deeply serrated along the posterior margin.”

To which I add the following as descriptive of specimens obtained by me:—Eyes very inconspicuous. Superior antennæ with a 5-jointed flagellum; secondary appendage 3-jointed, half as long as the flagellum. Inferior antennæ twice as long as superior. Mandibles with rows of strong teeth on the cutting edge. First gnathopoda having the carpus and propodos sub-equal, the latter slightly ciliated, and with a well-defined palm. Second gnathopoda having the propodos shorter than the carpus, oval, densely ciliated, destitute of a palm, and having a very small dactylos. Third pereiopoda the shortest; fifth pair with broad basa. Length, 0.25 inch.

Hab. Dredged in Paterson Inlet, in 8 fathoms.

The type specimens were obtained by Stimpson “on sandy bottoms in 8–15 fathoms” off the east coast of North America.

Sub-fam. Phoxides.
Genus Phoxus, Kröyer.

Superior antennæ with a secondary appendage, inferior pair as long as the superior. Mandibles with an appendage. Maxillipeds subpediform. Both pairs of gnathopoda subchelate. Coxæ deeper thon the respective segments. Posterior pair of pereiopoda shorter than the preceding. Telson double.*

1. P. batei, W. A. Haswell (Proc. Linn. Soc. N.S.W., vol. iv., p. 259).

Cephalon produced into a long obtuse hood, extending almost to the end of the peduncle of the superior antennæ. Eyes ovate-reniform, black, conspicuous. Antennæ short: flagellum of superior pair longer than the base; secondary appendage about two-thirds as long as flagellum: inferior pair, rather exceeding the superior; peduncle much exceeding the flagellum, joints flattened, bearing numerous short obtuse spines on their upper surface, and long setæ on their outer margins. Gnathopoda subequal and

[Footnote] * In the generic character given in the Brit. Mus. Cat., p. 97, it is said:—“Eyes not appreciable,” a footnote pointing out that the diagnosis is doubtful. In some of my specimens the eyes had lost most or all of their pigment, but in others they were very black.

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New Zealand Crustacea

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similar; propodos subquadrate, about twice as long as broad, palm nearly transverse, slightly oblique, with a double row of numerous, close-set, short spines, and its point of impingement defined by a tuft of long spines and setæ. Coxæ of both pairs of gnathopoda and of the first two pairs of pereiopoda fringed with 10–12 simple hairs on their inferior margins. All the pereiopoda more or less fringed with intermingled spines and setæ; fourth pair the longest; third and fourth pairs with the basa slightly dilated; fifth pair short, with the basa dilated into large squamiform plates, which are serrated on their posterior margins. Pleopoda terminating subequally, their bases longer than the rami, and furnished with rows of short spines; posterior pair with the rami unequal, the outer branch being 3-jointed, the inner simple, narrow, and acute. Telson deeply 2-cleft, the divisions rounded at their extremity, and with about three short subapical spines.

Length about .35 inch. Colour yellowish; carapace of a thick, somewhat horny consistence.

Hab. Dredged in Paterson Inlet, 7 fathoms.

This species was first described by Mr. Haswell, who obtained it by the dredge in Port Jackson; the figure given of it in the journal quoted above is, however, not very satisfactory. In the original description the only points of difference between the Australian form and ours are immaterial; the flagellum of the appendage to the superior antennæ being 6-jointed. The species is quite distinct from any other described, its nearest ally being the European P. holbölli, Kröyer, from which it differs in several respects.

Genus Polycheria, W. A. Haswell.
(Linn. Soc. N.S.W. Proc., vol. iv., p. 345).

“Pereion broad; pleon compressed, more or less carinate. Antennæ subequal; superior pair without an appendage. Mandibles without an appendage. Maxillipedes with well-developed squamiform process. Gnathopoda small, subchelate. Pereiopoda all prehensile, with narrow basa. Posterior pleopoda biramous with equal rami. Telson double.”

Before Mr. Haswell's description was published, I had obtained a species of this genus, and by a remarkable coincidence drew out a generic description, giving it the name Polychelia, from its many claws. Mr. Haswell says of this very distinct genus, “genus incertæ sedis.” In the present confused arrangement of the genera of the sub-class Gammarides, it is certainly most difficult to assign it a correct position. It appears to me, however, to be most near Dexamine.

1. P. obtusa, n. sp.

Pl. XVII., fig. 3.

Body tumid, not compressed. Eyes large and prominent. Superior antennæ about two-thirds as long as the body; first joint of peduncle short and stout, second slender and twice as long, third not distinguishable from

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the first joint of the flagellum, which is multi-articulate, twice as long as peduncle, with long setæ on its lower margin. Inferior antennæ rather shorter than superior; first joint of peduncle very short, second and third long and slender, fiagellum slightly longer than peduncle, sparingly setose. Gnathopoda similar, second pair rather the longest, with numerous setæ; propodos oblong, with a narrow base, furnished with four or five rows of setæ on the back; dactylos slender, curved. Pereiopoda slender, subequal, sparingly spinose; ischium very short; meros as long as carpus and pro-podos together; latter with a transverse palm, which has a long tooth in the middle, and two or three shorter ones at the point of impingement of the curved dactylos. Telson acute, each division bearing six short spines on its outer margin, and a small tooth near its extremity.

Colour yellowish. Length 0.3 inch.

Hab. Dredged in Paterson Inlet, in about 10 fathoms.

This species is very near P. tenuipes, Haswell, an Australian form, but differs in having over twenty joints in the flagella of both pairs of antennæ, in the length of the inferior antennæ, and in the spinous palms of the pereiopoda. It is questionable whether such characters are sufficient to establish the specific rank of the differing forms, but the relative values of varying parts is not yet well understood in the Amphipoda, nor are sexual differences and those due to the age of the specimens duly taken into consideration.

Sub-fam. Gammaaides.
Genus Leueothoë, Leach.

Body long, compressed. Antennæ simple, subequal. Maxillipeds subpediform, unguiculate. Mandibles having an appendage. Four anterior pairs of coxæ as deep as their respective segments. First pair of gnathopoda having the carpus inferiorily produced to the extremity of the propodos; propodos slender; dactylos short: second pair having the carpus inferiorly produced to half the length of the propodos; propodos ovate; dactylos long. Pereiopoda subequal, slender. Posterior pair of pleopoda having two long lanceolate rami. Telson single, squamiform.

1. L. traillii, n. sp.

Pl. XVIII., fig. 1.

Body rather slender. Cephalon slightly produced between the bases of the superior antennæ. Eyes rounded, large. Superior antennæ one-fourth the length of the body; first joint of the peduncle stout; second subequal with it, but slender; third very short, fiagellum few-jointed (about 4?) shorter than the basal joint of the peduncle. Inferior antennæ arising at some distance behind and below the superior, subequal with them, but more slender; peduncle slightly exceeding that of the superior; flagellum about

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5-jointed, shorter than the last joint of the peduncle. Mandibular appendage very slender, 3-jointed. First gnathopoda with the basal joints slender; meros very small; proximal end of the carpus flattened into a circular disc, distal end tapering to an acute point, produced to about two-thirds the length of the propodos, which is elongated and without any distinct palm; dactylos curved, about one-third as long as the propodos, finely serrated on its inner margin. Second gnathopoda with the carpus produced to two-thirds the length of the propodos, ending in a curved spine and bearing numerous hairs; propodos large, oval, its lower margin with numerous dentations, a tuft of hairs at its upper extremity; dactylos curved, half as long as the propodos. Pereiopoda slender; three last pairs with wide basa, which are crenated on their posterior margins. Three posterior pairs of pleopoda with narrow-lanceolate, nearly smooth rami. Telson narrow, tapering to a sub-acute, entire apex. Integument rather thin, semitransparent. Length 0.35 inch.

Hab. Two specimens were obtained, one from Port Pegasus (5 fathoms), and a smaller one in Pater son Inlet (in about 10 fathoms).

I have named this species after Mr. Charles Traill, of Cooper Island, Paterson Inlet, a gentleman who has aided much in the investigation of the Fauna and Flora of Stewart Island.

Genus Moera, Leach.

Long and slender. Superior antennæ appendiculate, much longer than the inferior. Inferior antennæ a little posterior to the superior, having the peduncle much longer than the flagellum, and not reaching to the extremity of the peduncle of the superior. Oral appendages receding. Mandibles having an appendage. Four anterior coxæ not so deep as their respective segments; three posterior not much shorter than the preceding. Gnathopoda unequal; second pair much the larger. Pereiopoda slender, subequal. Posterior pair of pleopoda biramous, subfoliaceous. Telson double.

1.

M. quadrimanus, Sp. Bate (Brit. Mus. Cat., p. 194).

“Slender; coxæ narrow. Superior antennæ half as long as the body; base a little longer than the flagellum; first and second joints long, subequal, third very short; flagellum pubescent; setæ longer than articuli, and hardly divaricate; secondary appendage rather longer than half the flagellum. Inferior antennæ shorter; base shorter than base of superior pair; flagellum very short. First pair of gnathopoda quite small; propodos oblong, hirsute below, narrower at base; propodos of second pair equal, very large, subquadrate; apex transverse, defined by a spiniform acute immoveable tooth; palm tri-dentate, teeth prominent; dactylos hardly longer than palm. Two posterior pairs of pereiopoda subequal, the fifth a little the shorter, the joints at their posterior apices densely hirsute; other setæ short.”

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This species was obtained by Dana from coral-reefs at the Fijis, and described as above.

Numerous specimens of a form almost identical with Dana's species were obtained by me in Paterson Inlet with the dredge. They differ in having the palm of the second pair of gnathopoda rather oblique and furnished with irregular dentations (see pl. XVII., fig. 4A), and in the fifth pair of pereiopoda being rather longer than the fourth. The length varied from ½ to ⅔ of an inch, and all were of a uniform yellowish-white colour.

Another form of the same-apparently variable-species was obtained under stones, between tide-marks, from the same locality. Besides being of slightly larger size, it was of a dirty green colour, and had the teeth of the palm of the second gnathopod more sharply defined, in this respect resembling the typical form (see pl. XVII., fig. 4B).

A third form, with a more sharply defined palm still than the last, and with longer spines and numerous hairs on the propoda of the second gnathopoda, was taken by the dredge in Port Pegasus from a depth of 5 fathoms. (Originally described by Dana from Fiji specimens).

2.

M. petriei, n.sp.

Pl. XVIII., fig. 3.

Coæ not so deep as their respective segments. Fourth segment of pleon produced into two acute spines on its postero-dorsal margin, and having its postero-inferior angles also acutely pointed. Eyes oblong, black. Superior antenna as long as the body; peduncle having its first joint as long as the second, but twice as broad, third short; secondary appendage shorter than last joint of peduncle, about 6-jointed; flagellum subequal with peduncle, very many-jointed (about 50–60), joints at first more than twice as long as broad, all setose. Inferior antennæ less than half as long as superior; flagellum about 14-jointed, half as long as the peduncle. First pair of gnathopoda having the carpus and propodos subequal, the latter oblong, with an ill-defined oblique convex palm and a slender curved dactylos; dense rows of hairs occur on the extremity of the meros, and transversely on the lower side of the carpus and margins of the propodos, while the latter also bears numerous oblique or transverse rows of short spine-like hairs. Second pair of gnathopoda very large; basos deeply hollowed out in front, so as to form a groove for the propodos; ischium, meros, and carpos very short, the latter about three times as broad as long; propodos large, ovate, distally produced into a large curved tooth on each side of the articulation of the dactylos, terminal half of the lower surface with a deep groove to receive the dactylos, whole lower surface very densely fringed with two rows of long simple hairs; dactylos strong, arcuate, sinuously toothed on its inner margin, blunt. First and second pairs of pereiopoda slender, three

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New Zealand Crustacea

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posterior pairs broader and more hirsute; third pair shortest. Posterior pleopoda having the rami subequal and densely fringed with hairs at their extremity. Telson having each division slightly hollowed out at the apex, with the inner edge acutely toothed, and two setæ springing from the hollow.

The integument is of a remarkably horny consistence.

Colour yellowish. Length 0.5 inch.

Hab. Only two specimens of this very distinct species were taken in the dredge in Port Pegasus. I have named it in honour of my fellow-worker and companion on the cruise, Mr. D. Petrie.

Fam. Corophiidæ

Genus Iphigenia, n. gen.

Pl. XVIII., fig. 4.

Body much depressed and flattened. Antennæ short and thick, subequal. Coxæ of the first four segments of the pereion very large, those of the succeeding segments small. Basa of the three pairs of posterior pereiopoda dilated. Gnathopoda simple, unguiculate. Three posterior pairs of pleopoda very small, curved inwards, with minute simple rami. Telson single, entire.

The very remarkable Crustacean (Amphipod) for which this genus has been formed, appears on first inspection to be an Isopod. It is only after closer examination that it is seen to be allied to Icillius, Dana, one of the most anomalous forms of the Corophiides. From this genus it is, however, at once distinguished by the very large coxæ of the four anterior segments of the pereion, and by its short, thick, subequal antennæ.

1. I. typica, n. sp.

Segments of the pereion and part of the pleon slightly ridged on the dorsal median line, and produced upwards into tubercles. Cephalon produced forward laterally into acute lobes in the angles of which the eyes are placed. Coxæ of first four segments of the pereion quadrangular, much deeper than their respective segments, apparently projecting horizontally. Antennæ hardly more than one-sixth as long as body: superior pair with the basal joint broad, flagellum very short, about 4-jointed, and furnished with long setæ; inferior pair terminated by a short 5-jointed flagellum, and bearing numerous short setæ. Gnathopoda subequal; propodos without a palm, dactylos simply unguiculate, and bearing a curved spine on its inner margin. First and second pereiopoda similar to the gnathopoda. Basa of the third pair very broad, of the succeeding pairs narrower. Pleon narrowing posteriorly. Three last pairs of pleopoda with thick, styliform ramian, ultimate pair with a row of tooth-like spines on its upper surface. Telson about as broad as long, nearly semicircular, quite entire.

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Length 0.12 inch.

Hab. Two specimens were obtained by the dredge in Otago Harbour.

Explanation Of Plates XVII. And XVIII.
Plate XVII.

Fig. 1.

Anonyx corpulentus × 7; a, sup. antenna × 20; b, inf. antenna × 20; c, 1st gnathopod × 20; d, 2nd gnathopod × 20; e, 5th pereiopod × 20; f, telson and posterior pleopoda × 20.

Fig. 2.

Phoxus batei, a, head and antennæ, seen from above, × 26; b, 2nd gnathopod × 20; c, 3rd pereiopod × 20; d, 5th pereiopod × 20; e, telson and posterior pleopoda × 20.

Fig. 3.

Polycheria obtusa × 13; a, mandible × 50; b, 2nd pereiopod × 20; c, extremity of 4th pereiopod, showing prehensile fingers, × 75; d, telson and posterior pleopoda × 20.

Fig. 4.

Moera quadrimanus, a, hand of second gnathopod × 13, taken from dredged specimens; b, same taken from littoral specimen.

Plate XVIII.

Fig. 1.

Leucothoe traillii, a, cephalon and antennæ × 20; b, 1st gnathopod × 20; c, 2nd gnathopod × 20; d, telson × 20.

Fig. 2.

Anonyx exiguus, a, mandibles × 75; b, 1st gnathopod × 44; c, 2nd gnathopod × 44; d, 5th pereiopod × 44; e, telson and posterior pleopoda × 75.

Fig. 3.

Moera petriei × 5; a, 1st gnathopod × 20; b, 2nd gnathopod × 13, with dactylos separate; c, telson and posterior pair of pleopoda × 20.

Fig. 4.

Iphigenia typica × 13: a, superior antennæ; b, inf. ant.; c, maxillipeds; d, 1st gnathopod; e, dactylos of same; f, penult, pleopoda; g, telson and last pair of pleopoda;—all these parts × 44, except e × 75.

Art. XXXI.—On the Notornis.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 3rd September, 1881.]

The capture of a specimen of the rare Notornis mantelli in the South Island, is an event of sufficient importance to warrant a special memoir in our “Transactions” and I have therefore much pleasure, at the request of our president, in bringing before you this evening all the information I have been able to collect on the subject.

I may here mention—and I do so with regret—that the specimen which I am about to describe is no longer in the colony, having been despatched by the Waitangi about three weeks ago for sale in England.

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Every effort was made by Dr. Hector and others to retain possession of it for one of our local Museums, and immediately before its departure from our shores I wrote myself to the owner offering him fifty pounds for the skin, but to no purpose.

It will be interesting to watch its ultimate fate; but as there are already two fine examples in the National Collection, it will most probably find its way into one of the Continental or American Museums. Although we have failed to detain the prize, there is every reason to believe that the species still survives in the land, and that it will yet be added to the type collection in the Colonial Museum. It is a curious fact, illustrating the wide range of a bird supposed to be nearly extinct, that the three known examples have been obtained at localities nearly a hundred miles apart from each other, and over an interval of thirty-five years. As the species belongs to a gregarious family, and as the general character of its habitat is rough and inaccessible in the extreme, I think it may be fairly inferred that many yet survive to reward the future search of the Southern naturalist.

The two fine specimens now in the British Museum (supposed to be male and female) were obtained through the exertions of our former president, the Hon. Walter Mantell, after whom the bird was named. The first of these was captured alive in 1849 by a party of sealers at Duck Cove, on Resolution Island, Dusky Sound. “Perceiving the trail of a large and unknown bird on the snow, with which the ground was covered, they followed the footprints till they obtained a sight of the Notornis, which their dogs instantly pursued, and after a long chase caught alive. It ran with great speed, and upon being captured uttered loud screams, and fought and struggled violently. It was kept alive three or four days on board the schooner and then killed, and the body roasted and eaten by the crew, each partaking of the dainty, which was declared to be delicious.” The second of Mr. Mantell's specimens was caught by the Maoris on Secretary Island, opposite to Deas Cove, Thompson Sound. This also was eaten, but fortunately the skin was preserved and sent to England to join the other, and (as already mentioned in my “Birds of New Zealand”) these members of an expiring race, “having been carefully mounted by Mr. Bartlett, now stand side by side in the National Collection of Great Britain, and, like the remains of the Dodo in the adjoining case, daily attract the attention of thousands of eager visitors.”

The third specimen to which I have specially to refer this evening, was obtained last year, on what are called the “Bare-patch Plains,” on the eastern side of Te Anau Lake. The circumstances of the capture were thus narrated to me by Captain Hankinson, on whose property it occurred. A man who was engaged “rabbiting” on the run, had camped on the

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Maruroa Flat, not far from the homestead. One day his dogs ran down a large bird, and on coming up he found it alive and unharmed. Taking the bird from the dogs he deliberately killed it, took it to his tent and hung it up to the ridge pole. On the following day the station manager (Mr. J. Connor), in making his customary round, visited the camp. The rabbiter had just struck his tent, and calling the manager's attention to the dead bird, still suspended to the ridge pole, told him he might have it. Mr. Connor, who was intelligent enough to suspect that he had found a Notornis, at once accepted the offer and took the bird home to the station, where he carefully and very successfully skinned it, preserving also all the bones of the body.

The weather had been exceptionally severe, and it is supposed that this was how the Notornis came to be found on the flats, having been driven down from the high country. The man who caught it said that it seemed quite tame, whereas Mantell's bird (as already mentioned) made a vigorous resistance on being taken.

Professor Parker having undertaken to describe the skeleton for our “Transactions,” Dr. Hector invited me to undertake the same duty in regard to the skin, in order that, in default of the specimen itself, we might have on record in the colony as complete a monograph as possible of this interesting bird. I cheerfully undertook the task, and made a visit to Dunedin specially for this purpose.

On being introduced to this rara avis I experienced again the old charm that always came over me when gazing upon the two examples in the British Museum—the lingering representatives of a race co-existent in this land with the colossal Moa! Then, retiring to the Museum Library, I shut myself in with Notornis, handled my specimen with the loving tenderness of a true naturalist, sketched and measured its various parts, and made a minute description of its plumage.

Like many other New Zealand forms of an earlier period, the Notornis is the gigantic prototype of a well known genus of Swamp Hens. It is, in fact, to all appearance a huge Pukeko (Porphyrio), with feeble or aborted wings, and abbreviated toes, the feet resembling those of Tribonyx—a bird incapable of flight, but admirably adapted for running. Similar, no doubt, was the relation borne by the powerful Aptornis to our present Woodhen (Ocydromus); but in that case the prototype has disappeared, leaving only its fossil bones for the study of the scientist, and its place in nature to be filled by its existing diminutive representatives.

The interest attaching to Notornis has been greatly enhanced by the discovery that the white Swamp Hen, of Norfolk Island, belongs to the same genus, as this has an important bearing on the study of geographic distribution.

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The characters of the genus Notornis were first determined by Professor Owen, in 1848, from certain fossil remains collected by Mr. Mantell in the North Island of New Zealand, and consisting of the skull, beaks; humerus, sternum, and other parts of the skeleton of a large brevipennate Rail. The sagacity with which the learned professor had interpreted these bones, and the absolute correctness of his prevision, were exemplified in the discovery which enabled Mr. Gould, in 1850, to communicate to the Zoological Society the complete generic characters of the bird, already known to science as Notornis mantelli, Owen. In illustration of these, Mr. Gould furnished to the society a coloured sketch of the head of Notornis, in his usual artistic style; and at a later period he published, in the supplement to his “Birds of Australia,” a full-sized drawing of the bird. These plates are very beautiful, but on a close comparison with the specimen to which these notes more especially refer, I find that some of the minor features have been overlooked by the artist, or sacrificed to pictorial effect. In the following descriptive notes, I have, therefore, deemed it best to record the characters (generic as well as specific) with some minuteness of detail.

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The bill is somewhat shorter than the head, greatly compressed on the sides, and much arched above, the culmen having a convex or rounded aspect, with a uniform width of ⅜ of an inch from above the nostrils to within half an inch of the tip, when it rapidly diminishes, terminating in a rounded point. Where it merges into the frontal shield, the culmen is 5/8 of an inch in width. Gould has somewhat exaggerated in his drawings the angle of declination towards the corners of the mouth, also the serrated edge of the upper mandible. In this specimen there is only the slightest indication of pectination. The cutting edges of both mandibles are sharp to the touch. The horny covering of thé bill rises on the forehead to a line with the posterior anglè of the eye, forming a depressed frontal shield (not arched as in the drawing). Nostrils oval, placed in a depression near the base of the bill, and forming an oblique opening, nearly twice as large as shown in Gould's sketch of the head (Proc. Zool. Soc.). Wings short, rounded, and slightly concave; ample in appearance, but useless for purposes of flight; first quill shortest, second half an inch shorter than third; third fourth and fifth longest and about equal; sixth scarcely shorter than fifth. On examining the wing-feathers they are found to be feeble and pliant, the outer webs being almost as broad as the inner. The tail-feathers are likewise soft and pliant, with disunited filaments, much worn at the tips. The tarsi are long, strong, and well proportioned to the bird; longer than the toes (exclusive of claws), rounded in form, and armed in front with fourteen more or less broad, regular, transverse scutellæ, forming an effective shield; on the middle toe there are twenty-three transverse scales,

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all very regular, but narrowed at the joints; on the inner toe fifteen, and on the outer toe twenty-one. On the hind toe there are five scales. The claws are strong, thick, not much arched, rather sharp on the edges, but with blunted points, especially on the hind toe. The palate is deeply grooved.

Head and upper part of neck very dark blue, changing according to the light into brownish-black on the crown and nape, brighter on the cheeks and sides, and passing into dark purplish blue on the lower part of the neck; the whole of the back, rump, and upper tail-coverts rich olive-green, varied more or less, and particularly on the shoulders, with dull verditer green, the feathers shading off into that colour at the tips, the general olive hue, however, predominating towards the sides of the body; foreneck, breast, sides of the body, and inner portion of flanks beautiful purplish-blue; the lengthened pectoral plumes which overlap the sides and the outer portion of flanks vivid purplish-blue, mixed and varied, especially on the former, with verditer green; abdomen, thighs, and vent dull indigo or bluish-black, more or less mixed with brown; under tail-coverts pure white. The general upper surface of the wings is a rich mixture of blue and verditer green, very difficult to express exactly in words, the combination having something of the effect, in certain lights, of lapis lazuli.

On a close examination of the larger coverts it is found that they are marked transversely with numerous delicate rays of a darker purplish blue, adding much to the beauty of the plumage. On the lesser coverts this rayed character although present is less conspicuous, and the olive hue is more pronounced, while on the scapulars it becomes predominant, resembling the plumage of the back. The outer edges of the wings and the tertial plumes very rich purplish-blue or obscurely rayed with green. The outer primaries are blue on their outer webs, but this rapidly changes to dull sea-green, which colour prevails on both webs of the secondaries, only washed with a brighter tint on the outer vane. This colour deepens again into olive on the inner secondaries and their coverts, thus harmonizing with the plumage of the back. The under surface of the quills is uniform blackish-brown, and the shafts are white towards the base; the axillary plumes and the larger inner coverts are of the same colour tipped on their outer aspect with blue, and the smaller coverts, which are of very soft texture, are entirely blue. The tail-feathers are dark olive mixed with verditer green on the upper surface and changing to dull olive-brown, with lighter shafts, on their under surface.

The bill has lost its original colour through being dried. On the frontal plate and along the basal edges of both mandibles it appears to have been dark red, fading outwards. The culmen still has traces of its original pinky

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colour; but the sides of both mandibles, in the present condition of the specimen, are reddish horn colour, fading to whitish horn along the cutting edges. The tarsi and toes appear to have been originally light-red, having now faded to a transparent reddish-brown, paler on the toes. Claws dull brown, lighter towards the tips.

The texture and general appearance of the plumage on the head, neck, and under parts generally, is very similar to that of the Pukeko (Porphyrio melanotus), although the latter bird lacks the produced bright-coloured pectoral plumes which overlap the sides of the body, under the wings, in Notornis. The plumage of the back is very long and thick, but at the same time soft and somewhat silky to the touch, being evidently adapted to haunts where the bird is constantly subject to drippings from wet herbage. On moving this plumage with the hand it is found that the basal portion, comprising more than two-thirds of the feathers, is of a uniform blackish- brown, whereas the basal plumage on the other parts of the body is dark grey. The plumage of the head and neck is short and close, as in Porphyrio, the feathers having a soft texture. The whole of the upper surface has a slight sheen upon it (amounting almost to a glint on the tips of the shoulder-plumage), and the bright hues of colour on the back and wings change slightly under different lights. The plumage covering the flanks and overlapping the thighs is dense and long, while its brilliant blue and green colours contrast strongly with the olive plumage of the back and rump. When looked at in front, with the wings closed in against the body, the purplish vivid blue already described is very conspicuous. The carpal spur is shaped like the claw of the hind toe, but is less arched. It is nearly one-eighth of an inch thick at the base, and is dark brown, fading into horn-colour at the tip.

Measurements.—Approximate length (measuring from tip of bill, following its curvature, and from the forehead to the end of the tail) 24.5 inches wing, from flexure, 10; from humerus to flexure 3.75; carpal spur .4; tail (to extreme tips) 4.75; bare part of tibia 1; tarsus 3.5; middle toe 3, its claw 1.1; inner toe 2.2, its claw 1; outertoe 2.4, its claw .8; hind toe .75, its claw .75. Bill, from posterior edge of frontal plate to tip of upper mandible, 3.4; from gape along edge of upper mandible 2.5; along edge of lower mandible 2.25; greatest width of bill, measuring across from the summit of the arch, or culmen, to the junction of the rami, 2.

Observations.—Taken altogether, the specimen is a very fine one—probably an adult female. The plumage is somewhat worn, the primaries and tail-feathers having their webs more or less abraded on their outer edges and tips. The edges and sides of the mandibles are considerably worn, indicating a fully adult state. The claws of the toes, and particularly that of

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the hind toe, appear to be much blunted by use. The colours of the plumage generally are brighter than in the supposed female specimen in the British Museum, but they are, I think, less brilliant on the whole than in the British Museum male: notably there is an entire absence of the well defined terminal margins of verditer green on the wing-coverts which form crescentic bands in the type specimen. There are, however, as mentioned above, different blending shades of green and blue on the plumage of the wings, which impart to it a very beautiful appearance. My recollection of the ♂ specimen in the British Museum collection is that it has these crescentic markings far less conspicuous than in the male.

Note.—There appears to have been originally very little colour in the beak except on and below the frontal shield and along the basal edges of both mandibles. The legs are in much the same condition as that presented by the legs in a dried Pukeko skin, the colours having faded out. But there is enough colour left in the tarsi to show that the legs and feet were originally, as described above, a light (probably pinkish) red. The skin is much stretched by unskilful treatment after being removed from the body; but I have allowed for the stretching in taking the measurements given above.

I remarked to Professor Parker, on first taking up the specimen, that the legs appeared to be more attenuated than in the British Museum examples, and the measurements which I afterwards made, as given above, prove that the toes are somewhat longer proportionately to the size of the bird, which is altogether slightly larger than the type specimen described in my “Birds of New Zealand.” The frontal shield is, however, somewhat smaller, being just one inch across in its widest part, and ascending barely half an inch from the base of the culmen. It has a corrugated, shrivelled appearance in the dried specimen, and from the sides of the bill, at its base, the cuticle is inclined to peel off. The skin (in the dried state) is very tough, having the appearance and consistency of fine leather.

Hab.—South-west portion of South Island. As already mentioned the first recorded specimen (in 1849) was obtained on Resolution Island, the second, nearly three years later, on Secretary Island, in Thompson Sound, and the third, which has formed the subject of this paper (in December, 1879), on the eastern side of Te Anau Lake. Taking these three localities as marking the points of a triangle describing the ascertained limits of its occurrence, we have before us the present range of Notornis over a considerable area of very broken and rugged country. As its fossil remains testify, its ancient range was far more extensive, including the North Island, and in prehistoric times probably reaching much further.

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Art. XXXII.—On the Skeleton of Notornis mantelli.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 21st September, 1881.*]

Plates XIXXXI.

Introductory.

The genus Notornis was founded by Professor Owen in the year 1848, upon portions of the skull sent to him from the North Island by the Hon. Walter Mantell. The skull was fully described in the Transactions of the Zoological Society, and the genus was referred to the family Rallidæ, as a close ally of Porphyrio. Shortly afterwards the same distinguished osteologist received a femur, a tibia, and a tarso-metatarse of the same bird, as well as a sternum, which he at first erroneously referred to Notornis, but afterwards (in 1871) recognized as belonging to Aptornis otidiformis. Professor Owen's description of these bones, published originally in the Proceedings and Transactions of the Zoological Society, are republished at pp. 173 and 199 of his great work, “The Extinct Birds of the New Zealand”: the account of the sternum referred to is on p. 198, and the correction of the position at first assigned to it on p. 340. The memoir on the “Restoration of Notornis” (p. 436) contains nothing new as to the osteology of the genus, and, as far as I am aware, no other descriptions of the skeleton have been published up to the present time.

The fossil bones of Notornis mentioned above were all found in the North Island, and the bird was at first supposed to be extinct, but in 1849 the first recorded living specimen was captured on Resolution Island, on the West Coast of Otago, and shortly afterwards a second example on Secretary Island. Both were secured by Mr. Mantell, and are now in the British Museum. Unfortunately in neither case were any of the bones preserved. For thirty years nothing more was seen of Notornis, and it was very generally supposed to have become wholly extinct. But about two years ago, the third known specimen was taken on Captain Hankinson's run on the eastern shore of Lake Te Anau; being run down by dogs in the course of a rabbiting expedition. The captor, Mr. J. Connor, fortunately preserved not only the skin of the bird, but also the dried trunk, and last year forwarded both of them to Dunedin for transmission to England for sale. Through the kindness of Mr. E. J. Spence I was allowed to have the specimens at

[Footnote] * When this paper was read I had no skeleton of Tribonyx: I have since, however, received two specimens of that bird from Mr. Robbins, of the Hobart Museum, whom I desire to thank for his promptitude in supplying my wants in this respect. The paper has been recast to admit of the necessary comparisons with Tribonyx. January 24, 1882.

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the Museum for several weeks, and the notes and sketches of the skeleton then made I am now enabled, by the courtesy of Mr. Connor, to publish. As to the external characters, it happened, most opportunely, that Dr. Buller visited Dunedin while the specimen was in my keeping, and made notes of the skin.*

It was much to be regretted that the funds of the Museum did not allow of the purchase of these relics, as the desirability of a specimen of this rare example of the New Zealand avifauna being retained in the colony, is obvious. I have, however, through the kindness of two ladies, Miss F. M. Wimperis and Miss Maud McLaren, been fortunate enough to secure for the Museum the next best thing to the actual specimen, namely, two life-sized oil paintings, one outlined from Mr. Gould's figure in Owen's “Extinct Birds,” the other from Dr. Buller's figure, and both coloured from the actual specimen with a fidelity and artistic skill which leave nothing to be desired. As the colouring of the Te Anau specimen differs in some details from that of the British Museum examples, it is a matter of considerable interest to have accurately coloured paintings of it. The latter will not lose their value even if an actual specimen should at some future time be secured.

General Description and Measurements.

The skeleton consisting, as it does, of the parts saved after skinning (pl. XIX., figs. 1 and 2) is minus the head and the anterior cervical vertebræ, the wing-bones, the bones of the legs with the exception of the femora, and the posterior caudal vertebræ. It is in very good preservation with the exception of the ribs and the femur on the left side, which are shattered, probably by shot, and the right side of the middle xiphoid process of the sternum, which is slightly cut, apparently during skinning.

The more important measurements are as follows:—

Length of trunk, measured from anterior (dorsal) ends of coracoids to posterior extremity of pelvis 18.5 cm.
Length of scapula 8.0 "
" coracoid 4.2 "
" sternum 6.8 "
Width of "(measured just posterior to coracoid grooves) 4.3 "
Depth of keel of sternum 0.9 "
Length of ilium 10.4 "
Width of pelvis at posterior border of acetabula 5.6 "
Length of femur 10.3 "

For purposes of comparison, however, the absolute dimensions of the parts are of less importance than their proportional dimensions as compared with the corresponding parts in allied genera. I therefore give in

[Footnote] * See above, Art. XXXI.

Picture icon

Notornis.

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the following table the comparative dimensions of the same bones in Notornis, Ocydromus, Tribonyx, and Porphyrio, taking as a standard the length of the trunk as measured from the centre of a line joining the anterior or dorsal ends of the coracoids to the centre of a line joining the posterior boundaries of the pelvis. This, I think, bears a fairly correct relation to the bulk of the bird, and is independent of the length of either neck or legs. Taking this line as equal to 100, the remaining dimensions maybe taken as percentages of the length of trunk, and thus the proportional size of sternum, pelvis, etc., clearly brought out:—

Length of Trunk=100.
Notornis. Ocydromus. Tribonyx. Porphyrio.
Length of sternum 36 28 35 40
Width " 24 14 17.5 17
Depth of carina sterni 4.8 4.7 7 13
Length of scapula. 43 35 39 49
" coracoid 22 20 22.5 28
"ilium 56 49 52 43
Width of " 29 21 22.5 21
Length of femur 57 51 49 51
Coraco-scapular angle 97deg; 100deg; 92deg; 86deg;
Transverse sternal angle 132deg; 141deg; 122deg; 96deg;

Pl. XX. represents outline drawings to scale of the four skeletons, that of Notornis being two-thirds natural size.

Vertebral Column.

In the vertebral column, the nine posterior cervical vertebræ are left: as in Porphyrio and Ocydromus the total number is fifteen and in Tribonyx fourteen,* it is probable that the five or six anterior vertebræ are missing. The last cervical vertebra bears on each side a moveable rib, 3 cm. in length, this being proportionally shorter than the corresponding bone in Ocydromus, Tribonyx, and Porphyrio. The penultimate cervical rib is also moveable, but is short and stout, approaching in form to the anterior (ankylosed) cervical ribs. In this particular Notornis agrees closely with Ocydromus. In Porphyrio and Tribonyx the homologous rib is slender, pointed at its distal end, and fully one-fourth the length of its successor.

[Footnote] * That is, in the single specimen of each at my disposal.

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Defining, as usual, the first thoracic vertebra as the first in which the ribs articulate with the sternum, there are seen to be seven præsacral thoracic vertebræ, free save for a union of their spines by ossified ligaments. The last, or eighth, thoracic vertebra is ankylosed with the compound sacrum. The same number is found in Ocydromus and Porphyrio, in Tribonyx there are nine thoracic, vertebræ. These vertebræ do not differ in any important respect from those of the allied genera; and even if it were necessary I could not describe them in detail, as it was not possible for me to have the skeleton disarticulated.

It is to be noted, however, that the entire thoracic region is proportionally shorter in Notornis than in either of its three allies. This is shown in fig. 3, in which the line xy corresponds pretty nearly with the anterior boundary of the thorax in all four figures, while the line x″y″, which is taken through the anterior end of the pelvis in Notornis, and consequently a little in front of the hinder extremity of the thoracic region, passes in the other three figures well in front of the pelvis.

The eight thoracic ribs of each side are flattened bones, divided, as usual, into sternal and vertebral portions; five of the sternal ribs articulate with the sternum, their ventral ends being less crowded together—owing to the greater length of the costal edge of the sternum—than in Ocydromus, but more so than in Porphyrio. Four of the vertebral ribs, the second to the fifth inclusive, have uncinate processes, as in Tribonyx and Porphyrio; in Ocydromus there is an uncinate process also on the first thoracic rib. The position of the uncinate processes in Notornis is similar to that in Ocydromus; they are situated nearer the sternal ends of the ribs than in Porphyrio; in Tribonyx their position is about intermediate.

The compound “sacrum” contains one thoracic, five lumbar, apparently four true sacral, and six caudal vertebræ. As far as I can make out these numbers hold good for the other three genera, but in adult specimens it is not easy to decide the exact number of true sacrals. Behind the last ankylosed caudal vertebra come four free caudals; from the analogy of the allied genera these were probably followed by two or three ordinary vertebræ and a pygostyle.

Sternum and Shoulder-girdle.

The sternum of Notornis, as shown by the above table of comparative measurements, and by pl. XX., is as nearly as possible of the same proportional length as that of Tribonyx, while it is considerably longer than that of Ocydromus, and shorter than that of Porphyrio. Its breadth, proportionally to length of trunk, is considerably greater than in either of the three allied genera. The proportions of the sternum are, however, best seen by reducing it in all four genera to the same absolute length; this is done in figs. 4

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To Illustrate Paper On Notornis.

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and 4a (pl. XXI.), the former showing the outline of the sternum of Notornis from the ventral face with that of Ocydromus superposed in dotted outline on the left side, and that of Porphyrio in broken outline on the right; while fig. 4a shows the right half of the sternum of Notornis with that of Tribonyx superposed in dotted outline.

The sternum of Notornis is broad and flat; its anterior edge is somewhat emarginate, as in Ocydromus, and is devoid of all trace of the manubrium or rostrum (fig. 4, 4a, r) found in Porphyrio, and to a less degree in Tribonyx. The coracoid grooves are even more widely separated than in Ocydromus, instead of having merely the width of the rostrum between them, as in the other genera. The diminution in width of the sternum from its anterior to its posterior end is very gradual; in this respect Notornis most nearly approaches Tribonyx. The external xiphoid processes (e. x. p.) are divergent, not expanded at their distal ends, and are proportionally shorter than in either of the allied genera; the middle xiphoid process is blunt and unossified, the bone terminating in a straight transverse edge, about six mm. from the actual extremity of the process. In this again the resemblance between Notornis and Tribonyx is of the closest kind: the middle xiphoid both in Porphyrio and Ocydromus is completely ossified, terminating in the former by a truncated edge, while it is deeply emarginate in the latter.

The keel of the sternum is feebly developed, being hardly deeper, proportionally to length of trunk, than that of Ocydromus. Its anterior edge has nothing of the strong forward convexity found in Porphyrio, but passes almost insensibly into the ventral edge; in this respect the resemblance to Ocydromus would be great, but for the fact that in the latter a strong bifid thickening (fig. 4, k) is formed at the junction of the anterior and ventral borders, whereas the corresponding thickening in Notornis is less marked and shows no tendency to division; the resemblance to Tribonyx is here very marked.

Another point connected with the fightlessness of Notornis is the very slight lateral curvature of the sternum; its two sides enclose a dihedral angle (fig. 5 B.) which is nearly as open as that of Ocydromus (A) and considerably greater than in Tribonyx or Porphyrio (C and D). This transverse sternal angle as it may be called, seems to be pretty constantly more open in flightless birds than in the normal members of the same group; its increase, and the correlated diminution of the keel, cause the sternum to approach to the ratite type, as is especially well seen in Didus, Cnemiornis, Stringops, and Aptornis, and to a less extent in Nesonetta, Ocydromus and Notornis.

On the whole the sternum of Notornis differs from that of Tribonyx in much the same way as the latter from that of Porphyrio. Tribonyx is, in all important respects a mean between the two extremes furnished by Porphyrio and Notornis. Ocydromus, on the other hand is, in some respects,

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intermediate between Tribonyx and Notornis, while in others it is in advance of Notornis, in just the same way as the latter is in advance of Tribonyx, i.e., deviates more from normal carinate characters.

In the shoulder-girdle the four genera form a very interesting series: this is shown in fig. 6 (pl. XXI.), in which all four shoulder-girdles are reduced to a common length of trunk, and the coracoids are superposed upon one another, so as to coincide in direction. As regards relative length of coracoid and scapula, Notoris is seen to intermediate between Ocydromus and Porphyrio, Tribonyx having the coracoid a little longer than that of Notornis, the scapula somewhat shorter. The same series is observable in the curvature of the scapula; this is greatest in Porphyrio, next comes Tribonyx, then Notornis, and finally Ocydromus with a scapula nearly straight save at its distal end.

A similar gradation is seen in a more important point, namely, in the angle enclosed between the adjacent portions of the coracoid and scapula. As was first pointed out by Professors Huxley and Newton*, one of the most marked features of the Carinatce is the fact that the coraco-scapular angle never approaches 180° as in Ratitee, and is usually less than 90°; the only exceptions mentioned by either author being Didus and Ocydromus, in which the angle is slightly over 90°. This, then, is another morphological character which has a definite relation to the power of flight, the coraco-scapular angle, like the transverse sternal angle, being found, speaking generally, to increase pari passu with diminution of that power. It would, however, be a mistake to suppose that there is anything like a constant relation between flightlessness and increase of the coracoscapular angle. I find, for instance, that it is less in Tetrao than in Vultur, and that of the two skeletons of Stringops in the University Museum, one has the angle less than 90° on both sides, while in the other the angle on the left side is just over a right angle, that on the right being the same as in the other skeleton: so that the angle has undergone little or no increase in a bird in which the carina sterni is practically obsolete, and the furcula rudimentary. But the strangest exception to the rule that the coracoscapular angle in the Carinata is less than 90°, is furnished by that paragon of flying birds, the albatross, in which the angle is fully 100° the same, though to a less degree, is the case in the Nelly (Ossifraga). Thus Diomedea and Ossifraga must be added to the above list of exceptions, as well as Stringops (?), Cnemiornis, Aptornis, Tribonyx, and Notornis. As a very general

[Footnote] * Huxley, “On the Classification of Birds,” Proc. Zool. Soc., 1867, pp. 418 and 425: Newton, “On the Osteology of the Solitaire,” Phil. Trans., 1869, p. 341, note.

[Footnote] † That is, measuring by the adjacent portions of the bones only, as in the definition of this angle by Huxley and Newton. Of course if the general direction of the scapula be taken, the angle will be greatly diminished. I may mention, in passing, that the most convenient way to take the coraco-scapular angle, is to trace the outlines of the two bones on a sheet of glass held parallel to the median vertical plane of the body.

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To Illustrate Paper On Notornis.

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rule, however, a large coraco-scapular angle seems to be correlated with a small carina sterni and large transverse sternal angle, and, taking birds of the same order, there is a tolerably close relation between these structural peculiarities and adaptation to a cursorial life.

The table of comparative measurements given above shows* that, arranged according to depth of carina sterni, or to size of transverse sternal angle, the four genera of Rallida under consideration must be placed in the following order:–1. Porphyrio, 2. Tribonyx, 3. Notornis, 4. Ocydromus. Fig. 6 shows that the same order is maintained if they are arranged by the coraco-scapular angle, which is least (86°) in Porphyrio, and greatest (100°) in Ocydromus, and it will be seen that the list begins with a good flier (Porphyrio), and ends with a bird of purely cursorial habits (Ocydromus). Similar series may be obtained by turning to other orders; in Anseres, for instance, we have 1. Anser, 2.Nesonetta, 3. Cnemioris; in Columba, 1. Columba, 2. Didus; and in Psittacina, 1. Ara, and 2. Stringops. In all cases loss of the power of flight is associated with the ratite characteristics of increase of transverse sternal and coraco-scapular angles, and decrease of carina.

There is still one other point to be observed in connection with the shoulder girdle: if the extremes of our ralline series be compared, i.e., Notornis or Ocydromus with Porphyrio, it will be found that the forward inclination of the coraacoid from its sternal articulation is much less in the flightless forms than in Porphyrio, in other words, that the angle enclosed between the coracoid and a fore-and-aft line drawn through the coraco-scapular articulation parallel to the long axis of the body is greater in Notornis and Ocydromus than in Porphyrio. Such an angle will, of course, vary according to the position of the sternum in respiration, so that its exact size is of no importance and it can only be of use in the comparison of extreme forms.

The furcula of Notornis is slender and flattened from before backwards in its median portion; this latter part is, however, very thin, so that the apparent thickness of the bone in a ventral view is deceptive, and as a matter of fact it is nearly as slender as in Ocydromus. As to the form of the furcula, fig. 7 shows that, as in preceding cases, the four genera form an almost perfect gradation, Porphyrio having the thickest and most V-shaped furcula, Ocydromus the slenderest and most U-shaped.

Pelvis.

In the characters of the pelvis the four genera no longer fall into the same order, the heavy cursorial Notornis having a pelvis of considerably greater dimensions than either of its three allies (pl. XX.): in length, in breadth, and in height the pelvis of Notornis is markedly larger than that of Ocydromus, and very considerably larger than those of Tribonyx and

[Footnote] * See p.247.

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Porphyrio. In the general form of the ilium and in the relative proportion of præ and post-acetabular regions, Notornis approaches most nearly to Tribonyx, while it deviates, on the whole, in the greatest degree, from Ocydrormis. The excess in size of the pelvis is most marked in its transverse dimensions. This is well shown in figs. 8 and 8A (pl. XXI.), in which the four pelves are drawn of the same absolute length.

The ischia and pubes of Notornis are widely divergent; so much so that the pubes can be seen throughout nearly their whole length in a dorsal view. In the other three genera they fall well within the outer boundary of the ilia. This is most pronounced in Ocydromus, in which the obturator notch (ob.) is not seen in a ventral view, being completely hidden by the pubis. In the other three genera, it is well seen internal to the pubis.

Thus, arranged according to the characters of the pelvis, the four genera under consideration no longer fall into the same order as when arranged by the shoulder-girdle and sternum. As before, Tribonyx is intermediate between Porphyrio and Notornys, but Ocydromus can no longer be placed in a direct series with the others, since, by the size of its pelvis, it comes between Porphyrio and Tribonyx, while in many of its pelvic characters it goes off on a special line of its own.

Summary and Conclusions.

To sum up: an examination of the four Rails under consideration shows that flightlessness is accompanied by the following structural peculiarities:—

a.

The carina sterni is diminished.

b.

The sternum is widened, and the transverse sternal angle is increased.

c.

The manubrium, or rostrum sterni, disappears.

d.

The coracoid grooves recede from the middle line.

e.

The coracoid becomes more nearly vertical in position.

f.

The coraco-scapular angle is increased.

g.

The coracoid and scapula decrease in all dimensions, and the furcula decreases in thickness.

h.

The pelvis increases in size, and the acetabulum is relatively thrown forward.

Professor Owen, from the examination of the fossil bones referred to above, considered Notornis to be intermediate in characters between Porphyrio and Ocydromus. Nothing could have been nearer the truth than this, if we were unacquainted with Tribonyx, to which bird Mr. Gould, from a consideration of external characters, considered Notornis to be most nearly allied.

An examination of the skeletons shows that Mr. Gould's sagacity was not at fault. In nearly every respect, Tribonyx is intermediate between Porphyrio and Notornis, approaching more nearly to the latter; the only exceptions

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of any importance to this rule are in respect of the length of the