influence. Unless property inherited be from the mother alone, it might be said that the order of succession of inheritance was from father to the eldest son, perhaps later to the younger children, but always with the tendency to revert to the offspring of the eldest son. In the work above quoted is a statement to the effect that, under European influence, the Maori of New Zealand have adopted agnatic filiation, “but this new system still jars against ancient usages, which formerly harmonized with the maternal family.” I quite fail to see how agnatic filiation can be said to be new among the Maori, when for centuries past rank and mănă (prestige, power) have been transmitted through both the male and female lines of descent. Uterine filiation is of undoubted importance among the Maori, especially when conveying rank; but the male line appears to have been equally important, and the ara tane, or male line of descent from a noted ancestor, is looked upon with pride by the descendants of such ancestor. Given the fact that both parents were of equal rank, it is possible that greater weight would be given to masculine filiation; but if the mother was of higher rank than the father, then their children would prefer to trace their descent through the mother, with whom their increased rank and prestige originated.

In claiming land in the Native Land Courts of the colony a native may claim through either or both parents, the latter course being adopted when he has a claim through both. If his mother only held an interest in the land, then he would, of course, claim it through her alone, and give his genealogical descent through her. The same process would be adopted if only his father had an interest in such lands.

There is no evidence to prove that the matriarchate system prevailed among the Maori, whose system of filiation may appear somewhat peculiar, inasmuch as, as we have seen, rank, property, and mana (prestige, power, authority) was transmitted by both the male and female lines. It is perhaps needless to state that the group-marriage system was unknown among the Maori. Polygamy existed to a certain extent, but only among men of rank. If ever the matriarchate existed among the Maori, then it must have been in times long passed away, though possibly the estimation in which the maternal line is held when endowed with rank may be a survival of that ancient system.

The Maori recognised a difference between real filiation and adoption. A man could marry the adopted daughter of his parents, provided that she was not nearly related to him.

In regard to consanguineous nomenclature, it may be stated that degrees of relationship are not by any means clear as used among the Maori, as will be seen anon.

Deniker, in his “Races of Man,” says that the “classificatory system”^* obtains among the Maori. To this, as described by him in chapter vii. of the above work, a qualified assent may be given. He seems, however, to imply that exogamy and group marriage obtained among the Maori, which is quite erroneous.

But this much is correct: In the Maori system of consanguinity myself, my brothers, sisters, and cousins are all termed “brothers” and “sisters.” Also my father, with his brothers, sisters, and cousins, are all termed “brother” and “sister” to each other; and so on. My children and their cousins form another such group. But the second group, given above, does not include my mother, as Deniker states. He is right, however, in stating that I, as a Maori, would term the children of my brother or sister “my children,” and their grandchildren as “my grandchildren.”

We now submit an abbreviated list of terms of the consanguineous and affinitative nomenclature of the Maori people, which will illustrate the above remarks.

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(3) Tuahine simply = sister of a male, a generic term for sisters, not for elder sister only.

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