Go to National Library of New Zealand Te Puna Mātauranga o Aotearoa
Volume 38, 1905

of the
New Zealand Institute,

Art. I.—Early Native Records of the Manawatu Block.

[Read before the Manawatu Philosophical Society, 23rd February, 1905.]

The records we have in connection with the Maori occupation and settlement of the place where we now live, and the immediately surrounding country, are exceedingly meagre. The reason is obvious to any person who has had any considerable experience in the ways of the ancient Maori. As we are all aware, the whole of this country, with very limited exceptions, was originally bush-covered, and, if we except one or two tracks, was not crossed by any highway. Moreover, these tracks were by-paths—they did not form a recognised communication between densely populated parts of the country. Land so circumstanced—bush-covered and pathless—has never loomed large in the history of the Maori people. Before the advent of the European the bush-covered lands were only of value to the Maoris, and were only utilised by them, as places of food-supply and game-preserves. And even in this connection the valued area was limited. The native game of the country, especially the wood-pigeon and the kaka, usually restricted themselves to certain more or less well-defined spaces, while berries grow mostly on the outskirts, rarely in the centre, of the forest; so that to the old-time Maori bush country in general formed a possession of little value, except in so far as the streams running through it held eels.

For, as far as the Native Land Court records run, the Natives always proved the title of their tribe to the mana over certain land by matters relating to the feeding of the tribespeople. Eelweirs, places for snaring birds or steeping berries, actual cultivations—these alone were matters of moment to the old Maori.

– 2 –

It is on these that stress is laid in asserting title. To the Native an easy and comfortable supply of food was of the utmost moment, and old-time difficulties in obtaining it moulded deep into his character another trait—jealousy of other tribes, especially in matters pertaining to the occupation of lands. The Maori brooked—so far as he could sustain his possession—no interference with his feeding-places. Defined landmarks were always set, and were considered true boundaries between the lands of adjoining tribes.

Similarly the hapus had their well-marked spheres of influence, and, in the vast majority of cases, special defined areas of the land under the ægis of their particular Native tribe. But both the boundaries and the area had relation to feeding-facilities, and heavy bush country for that reason did not lend itself to marked dispute except incidentally. So it was with the greater extent of the Manawatu Block.

But, passing to a consideration of the large block forming the countryside around, the prospect clears, and we get more definite detail.

Dealing generally with the land between the Rangitikei and the Manawatu Rivers, we find, when history dawns, early in the last century, that the whole of the country was occupied by branches of the Rangitane Tribe, which had fought its way from the East Cape, and by their allied tribes, the Ngatiapa and Muaupoko. As between themselves the Muaupoko held the southern portions, the Ngatiapa the northern, while in the centre were the Rangitane. The main habitations in the Manawatu district were those of this latter tribe along the banks of the Oroua and Manawatu Rivers, where food was plentiful. Here they had populous settlements and large pas. The tribes were numbered in hundreds—in one expedition twelve hundred took part—and they lived then secure and prosperous in the open and fertile country.

The bush and mountain pas came later, and formed, as is usual with Natives, the brand of troublous times. Early in the century, at a date placed variously from 1818 to 1827, the Ngatiapa were first disturbed in their possession by the Ngatitoa war expedition of Rauparaha and Waka Nene, which is so well remembered. This war-party fought its way down the coast, defeating and grievously crushing the Ngatiapa, the Muaupoko, and, in part at least, the Rangitane; for although the Rangitane have in latter days expressed ignorance of the raid except in so far as Rauparaha came into conflict with them at Hotuiti, the contention savours of absurdity. If the Rangitane did firmly hold the land then, the two parties—on the one hand the intruders and on the other the occupants—could not have failed

– 3 –

to come into conflict. However, be that as it may, the northern war-party returned home after dealing some shrewd blows to the Manawatu tribes, and Rauparaha in the following years made preparations for his great heke or exodus from Kawhia to this district, in which he has accompanied by the Raukawa and a section of the Ngatiawa. The history of his return spelt ruin to the Manawatu Natives. Having fought his way south to Kapiti, he established there his headquarters, having at his call the three tribes who composed the migration—viz., the Ngatitoa, the Ngatiraukawa, and a portion of the Ngatiawa. The power of his war-parties, his rifles, his own ability and ruthlessness, and the weakness of the original inhabitants, all tended in one direction— the complete subjugation of the old residents, and the establishing of the new tribes' mana as far north as the Wangaehu River, as far south as Wellington. Moreover, a treacherous murder of Rauparaha's children by the enemy lent the war from his side a ruthlessness exceeding the ordinary tribal conflicts. Slaughtering, harrying, massacring wherever occasion allowed, Rauparaha decimated the district, and drove into hiding the shattered tribes from the Wangaehu to Port Nicholson.

The scene of this murder, so fatal to the tribes concerned, was Papaitonga, situated in the beautiful lake where Sir Walter Buller now lives. The place is one of the masterpieces of nature. A small island rises in the lake, bush-clad to the water's edge; the ferns, nikau, kowhai, and other native trees are reflected in the perfect mirror of the lake. Here was the pa of Toheriri, a leader of the Muaupoko, and here Rauparaha was invited to a friendly visit, the bait held out being the promise of some warcanoes. Rauparaha went with his wives, his children, and a handful of followers, and in the darkness the entire party except Rauparaha and a little girl were murdered. The great chief escaped, and swore a signal revenge. He swore to kill Muaupoko and Ngatiapa from early morn till dewy eve; and well he kept his word. He hunted them on land, he hunted them in the mountains, he followed them to their lake fortresses. To take Waiputa, a fortification in the Horo lake, his men swam off; to take the great Papaitonga Pa of Waikiekie they dragged their canoes overland. In each case the same fate befell the defenders. They were cut down to a man, woman, or child, and the lovely little island at Papaitonga still hides legions of dead men's bones. This was the fate of Muaupoko. Nor did Rangitane and Ngatiapa fare much better. Rauparaha harried them with his Ngatitoa, and the war-parties of Ngatiwaewae, Ngatipikiaha, and Ngatimaniapoto—hapus of the Raukawa—spread over their lands from the Oroua to Rangitikei as far north as Kakariki. At Kakariki, Awahuri, Tuwhakahepua, Puketotara—

– 4 –

wherever these people congregated they were attacked, dispersed, and massacred until not one place of any importance was left them as a fortress, and the wretched remnant of these once important tribes was a number of frightened fugitives furtively living so long only as they could escape their foe's notice. So severely were the tribes dealt with that, even counting Ngatiraukawa, a Government censor in 1860 estimated the total Native population of the Manawatu at six hundred persons. The conquered territory was parcelled out. Ngatiawa had the south, Ngatitoa the centre, while the northern portion, including the Rangitikei and Manawatu, was allotted to the Ngatiraukawa. To use the words of an old Native,—

“30th April, 1866.

“To Captain Russell, Native Minister.

“What we have said is true—neither Ngatiawa, Rangitane, nor Muaupoko have anything to do with it[the land]. The truth is, on our arrival they were all killed or beaten by Te Rauparaha. The mana of the land had also departed, and they remained slaves. Again, Te Rauparaha was continually slaying the people who had murdered his children. On account of our long residence at last Rauparaha ceased slaying them, and then they lived. The word of Rauparaha went forth, Let the land remain for Raukaroa as far as Rangitikei, as far as Otaki. By this time we obtained authority over these lands, and by this our with holding the land is just. Again, we have been living on it for many years. We have lived on the land thirty-one years. The fire of Ngatiapa has not been kindled up to the present day. This is why our speech has been put forth—first Governor Grey, second Governor Browne, third Governor Grey again. Our determination to hold fast the land is fixed and will never cease.”

Now, were the Ngatiraukawa justified from a Native point of view in this claim? In order to be in a position to fairly estimate this, certain salient features should be borne in mind, which it seems to me have been lost sight of by most of those who have given the matter impartial consideration. One cardinal factor dominates any theory on the subject—a factor entirely opposed to our common views of title to land. We must eliminate from the discussion all question or idea as to who owned the land. Maoris knew no ownership in land. No individual owned land, no hapu owned land, no tribe owned land. Over certain very limited areas individuals possessed certain usufructuary rights—in certain game-places, cultivations, and eel-weirs families or hapus might have a joint right, excluding to some extent the rest of the tribe—while the aggregate of these rights of enjoy-

– 5 –

ment, backed—and only so long as it was backed—by the mana of the tribe, formed the so-called Native ownership. Ownership it was not. The power to prevent others from exercising rights, and that this power was recognised by those others—this, in a word, constituted the “mana.” The actual exercise of the rights was not necessary. Interference with the rights might occur and not destroy them. So long as the recognised ability to permanently exercise the rights, and the correlative ability to stop others, obtained, so long did the tribe having that ability have the mana. But, co-existing with the mana of one tribe over the whole land within settled tribal boundaries, portions of another tribe might in one way or another have limited rights over certain defined parts. Such rights would be confined to the actual usufruct enjoyed, and would not give mana over the surrounding country. It might be a settled and long-standing concession, strictly limited. This in process of time became practically irrevocable, and one method alone extinguished the limited rights that the exercise of such privileges gave to any nomad or wild tribe upon any specific territory: that method was death. Death alone completely extinguished the rights and left no flaws on the title. This it is that points the grim wit of Mr. T. C. Williams's description of Te Rauparaha as “the ablest conveyancer of the period.” His title-deeds were without flaw And the old Maori urged this on his tribes, “Clear the weeds from my garden.” Unfortunately for them they did not.

Now, as we have seen, the northern part of the territorial conquest passed to the Raukawa. Extended as they were far away from the influence of Rauparaha and his ruthless savagery, as time passed along they dealt gently with the broken tribes. “The rain from heaven might fall on these tribes,” to use Whatanui's descriptive phrase, “but no man's hand should be on them.” So it was with the Muaupoko, and so it was with the Rangitane, and the beggarly fragment of Ngatiapa that unobtrusively crept from their bush hiding-places. The Raukawa, magnanimous in their victory, allowed these wretched people a settlement, allowed them to occupy, allowed them to cultivate. But the mana to the Wangaehu was with the conquerors. No tribe would have dared occupy the country hostilely to them. It was under the Raukawa mana that the Ngatiapa and Rangitane rested alive and unharried.

So it was when the Europeans commenced to push their way, and abundant testimony proves it.

But the coming of the white man spelt fresh trouble. Among the older settlers Mr. F. Robinson took up a block of some 20,000 acres near Foxton, Mr. Thomas Cook a similar area in the same district, Mr. Steven Hartley a small piece on the Manawatu

– 6 –

River; Mr. Bull and Mr. Donald Fraser each took a large block in the Rangitikei district; Captain Earl—or, as he is called in the records, “Kerl”—and Mr. Daniels also took up large holdings in the Rangitikei. Each of the northern settlers obtained his holding by the consent of the Raukawa Natives who lived in the immediate vicinity of the land leased. These lands were held on various terms, at various rentals, but it appears that the whole of the rents were paid to, and the leases were made by, a chief of the Raukawa called Nepia Taratoa. And it was only as this old chief felt the touch of Death on his shoulder that he parcelled out portions of the rents to Ngatiapa and a portion to Rangitane. Nepia was the moving and managing spirit in the leasing, as in the consent to the sale of the Rangitikei Block by the Ngatiapa, and the Upper Manawatu or Ahuahirangi Block by Rangitane. The fact that the consent was sought for and given further strengthens the Raukawa claims.

It must not, however, be assumed that the Rangitane in particular were entirely crushed, at any rate until long after 1830. The name of the tribe, perhaps the most warlike of the three, appears in connection with blocks situated far away from the Manawatu district. This was exemplified to me in a some-what startling way at the hearing of the Tipapakuku Block. Mr. Southey Baker was cross-examining one of the claimants as to whether he was one of the Ngatipakapaka. The man questioned, Ihaia te Ngar ra, flew into a violent passion and shouted out, “Yes, I am a Ngatipakapaka, and I will tell you why I am called a Ngatipakapaka. When I was a boy, my father and my uncle and I were hunting a sort of a short-tailed dog, which had been recently introduced, and which we kept as pets. Hoani” [pointing to Hoani Meihana, who sat a little bit away, champing his toothless gums] “and his war-party came across the mountains, and they caught us, and they killed us, and cooked us, and overcooked us, and that is why I am called Ngatipakapaka.” In the case in question Meihana was allowed in as an equal fifth owner in this block, which was situated beyond Dannevirke.

To return, however, to the Manawatu-Rangitikei. It is indisputable that by the clemency of their victors portions of the three tribes returned to inhabit without let or hindrance limited areas in the block, and, as the power of the Government gradually strengthened in the years following 1840, the Ngatiapa, and to a certain extent the Rangitane, who had really been living by the sufferance of the Raukawa, commenced to arrogate to themselves the position of owners of the land they were occupying. The Muaupoko claim came later. In all cases where through the clemency of the conqueror the original inhabitants had been allowed even a precarious holding, they, as soon as the reign

– 7 –

of law arose, stretched their claim to that of an undisputed possession of their lands. The three sections of Raukawa which established themselves in the Rangitikei-Manawatu, and Whatanui's branch, which occupied the land about Horowhenua, made a mistake from a territorial point of view when they left the original inhabitants to maintain a precarious existence, for European ideas and European interference pushed the matter eventually to a pitch of injustice. The claims of the subject tribes through the years following gradually strengthened. The fighting with the rebels gave them a further claim. Armed by the Government with rifles, and supplied with ammunition, the Ngatiapa assumed an arrogant attitude, until at last the whole matter came to a head in the year 1863. In the year 1862—not 1865, as Buick, generally so accurate, states—the first Native Land Court Act was passed, and Courts were set up to ascertain and determine the tribal ownership of the lands. As it was pointed out at the time, this Act, despite many flaws and many weaknesses of detail, was a step in the right direction, as it enabled the ownership or crystallized mana of the land to be definitely determined before the memory of the truth had passed away. To the great disgust of the Manawatu Natives, however, the Rangitikei-Manawatu Block, and the Raukawa blocks on the West Coast, were expressly excluded from the operation of the Act, and a feeling of anger and alarm was thus raised in the ever-suspicious minds of the tribes concerned. At the time in question the King movement was very pronounced throughout the whole of the land; and a Commissioner, who made a tour throughout the whole of the land, and in, amongst others, the Manawatu district, reported that at Otaki, at Poroutawhao, and other settlements, including the Rangitane cultivations on the Oroua River, the King party was in a strong majority. Trouble began to brew, the only element wanted being a leader. This leader was soon forthcoming in Ihakara Tukemaru, a Ngatiraukawa chief, who had his residences at Motuiti and Kereru. It was represented to the Raukawa that the reason their land was excluded was because the Ngatiapa Tribe was selling to the Government, and were claiming the whole of the block lying between the Rangitikei River and the Manawatu. The discontent grew apace, and was fostered by Ihakara, so that it finally culminated in preparations for a fight. The Ngatiraukawa, under Ihakara, together with the Rangitane, collected at Tawharitoa, Ihakara's pa, to the number of some four hundred. The Ngatiapa, who were in a large minority, appealed to the Wanganui tribes, who thereupon expressed their intention to support them, and they, too, commenced to construct a fortified pa on the other bank of the Rangitikei River at Owharoa,

– 8 –

close to where Bull's now stands. Here they hoisted the Union Jack and a small red war-flag.

Dr. Fetherston, the then Superintendent of the Wellington Province, received information of the pending fight, and forthwith proceeded with Mr. (now Sir) Walter Buller to the scene of the dispute. According to his own account he found affairs at a pitch of high tension. Just before his arrival the Ngatiraukawa had danced a war-dance, which was tantamount to a declaration of war. He first proceeded to their pa, and had a long interview with the chiefs. He pointed out that the Government would severely suppress any hostilities, and would treat as murder any bloodshed that took place during their fight. He promised to see the Ngatiapa, and suggested that arbitration should be resorted to to determine the ownership of the lands in dispute. To this the Ngatiraukawas declined to accede. “Kahore,” said Ihakara; “the arbitrators must meet in the presence of the three tribes. The tribes will meet with their arms in their hands. Each man will say what he pleases.” They had found that arbitration in the past had not proved a satisfactory method of settling disputes as to the ownership of land, and they firmly declined to have anything to do with any such proceeding, except in the way suggested. Dr. Featherston then suggested as an alternative that the land should go through the Native Land Court, or that a division should be made by a Government valuer of the land; but this course was even less satisfactory as a proposition than the previous one. This is not to be wondered at, masmuch as Dr. Featherston suggested every difficulty that the course would necessarily imply. Matters thus having come to a deadlock, a suggestion was made which I feel sure was the original suggestion that Dr. Featherston had in his mind. I refer to the suggestion that the parties should sell the block to the Government, and that, instead of fighting about the land, they should divide the money in proper proportions. To this the Raukawa declined altogether to consent. Dr. Featherston then, having renterated his warning, went to the opposite camp and interviewed the Ngatiapa. He put forward to them, in a half-hearted way, the first two propositions he had made to the Raukawa, but they firmly declined. When, however, he approached the sale of the land the Ngatiapa consented; and this, I think, confirms the theory which has been held by most people, that the Ngatiapa had no real claim in the land. They sold to make good their title—just as Solomon's spurious mother consented to the child's death. Dr. Featherston, however, pointed out that he would not buy the land from them alone. He did not wish to have any more Waitara Blocks. He was, he said, prepared to purchase their interest in the land.

– 9 –

This they at first declined, and matters looked as unpromising as before. Eventually, however, as the result of considerable exertions, Dr. Featherston arranged with the more active chiefs of both parties that the Government should give them the sum of £25,000, and that the money should be subsequently divided as a tribunal to be appointed should consider fair. The consent of the tribe, which Ihakara pointed out was essential, and the signature of the deed, was left for another time. The three tribes having, however, consented so far, it was felt that hostilities were averted, so by consent all rents were impounded, and Dr. Featherston returned to Wellington.

During his absence, however, and before the deed was actually signed, steps, and very active steps, were taken to embroil the whole matter again. A cartoon was the most effective weapon used. To quote Ihakara, “The tribe sent a petition to have the land investigated in the Court. The Assembly refused— Kaiongi told me, on account of Buller and Featherston. I replied to Kaiongi's letter, and in return received a caricature representing the three tribes as pigs with Maori heads being led and driven by Featherston and Buller.” The Natives were also informed that Dr. Featherston and Mr. Buller had been instrumental in putting a fence round their lands to fence it off from the benefit of the Native Land Act. The ever-ready suspicions of the Native mind sprang up. Each tribe demurred, and so incensed in particular were the Raukawa that they promptly repudiated the whole deal between them and the Government. The position was, to a certain extent, conduced to by Mr. Mantell, the then Colonial Secretary, who, in addition to flouting the Maoris in every way possible, and discounting the work which had been done, removed and apparently degraded both Mr. Buller, who had been very active in effecting the settlement, and the then Resident Magistrate, Mr. Noake.

Dr. Featherston, however, with characteristic energy, was not be thwarted in his attempt to acquire for the Government such a valuable asset as the Manawatu Block, and he accordingly called together a very large meeting of the Natives, and again addressed them on the subject. The meeting took place at Scott's Ferry, and was very largely attended by the Raukawa Tribe. Dr. Featherston first listened to their grievances. They dwelt bitterly upon their being represented as pigs, also upon the way they considered they had been flouted and betrayed by Dr. Featherston, and still more on the exclusion of their lands from the provisions of the Act. His reply was on the same lines. He pointed out that if they were compared to pigs, he, on his part, and Mr. Buller, might be compared to sheep driven away by the tribes off the land; that the fact that any

– 10 –

one should cartoon him in that character would not affect the attitude he had taken up, even if it should also be pointed out what a bad bargain he had made with the tribes. He replied in detail to the whole of the charges which had been levied against him; and, partly through the influence of Mr. Buller and partly through a promise to allow the Act to operate over the other lands of Raukawa, succeeded in reducing the tribes again to a state of satisfaction, with the ultimate result that the purchase was eventually allowed and ratified by the whole of the tribe with certain exceptions.

I cannot help thinking that here, as so often happens in Native matters, the most active sellers were those with the least personal estate. This was so even with the Raukawa, and the dignified lament of Parakaia te Pouopa breathes the spirit of truth: “Give heed. Thus far have I shown kindness to those tribes who were spared by ourselves from slaughter by Te Rauparaha. Rangitikei, a large block of land, I graciously gave to Ngatiapa; Te Huaturanga, a large block of land, I graciously gave back to Rangitane; and now these tribes together with the Government come openly to take away my piece remaining; outhouses and the cultivations whence my tribe get their living are being taken away.”

But the land was sold, and the Native Land Court set up to deal with the division of the money and the allocation of reserves. The judgment was a lengthy and laboured statement, founded upon the evidence of Ngatiapa alone. Summarised, the result was a judicial apology for and vindication of Ngatiapa and Rangitane, and the diversion to them of a large sum justly due to Raukawa if any one. This judgment was followed by the setting-aside of seventy-five reserves, about 24,000 acres in extent, for non-sellers and in part for sellers.

Such is a short and imperfect sketch of the occupation of the Manawatu Block, and the transfer of that block to the Government; and if we apply to it the principles we have laid down, the injustice of the Manawatu-Rangitikei acquisition stands nakedly before us. The Raukawas were the real owners of the block. Instead of receiving, as they did, £10,000, the whole of the purchase-price should have come to them, leaving to the Ngatiapa and Rangitane the limited rights over strictly defined areas which they had acquired by the clemency of their conquerors. This did not suit the Government. In this case, as with Horowhenua—an even more monstrous injustice—their whole object was to prevent trouble. The turbulent party was the undeserving party, but their insistence won the day. A threat of rifles and the Government of the day descended from their lofty attitude and accepted the Native position, pro-

– 11 –

stituting justice and their own Court to secure a convenient verdict. The blot of Rangitikei-Manawatu will always lie on the record of the Native Land Court, only surpassed by that of the Horowhenua, the judgment in which reads like one of Horace's finest satires. Nor was the Native Land Court consistent; and the deadliest comment on the judgment in the two blocks referred to is furnished by the same Court's judgment in the Manawatu-Kukutauaki cases.

Art. II.—Magmatic Segregation in its Relation to the Genesis of certain Ore-bodies.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 13th September, 1904]

Ore-Deposits are of diverse form and composition. They are found as true veins, as detached masses, and as members of a sedimentary formation. It is now known that their mode of occurrence, and, to some extent, their composition and form, are determined by the prevailing geological conditions.

In the past decade a vast mass of facts has been added to the literature of the subject, particularly in America, where the magnitude of the operations connected with mining has afforded great facilities for observation and research.

The genesis of ore-deposits presents many difficult problems, and naturally the literature of the subject is rich in theoretical deductions. The introduction of petrographical methods of investigation, and the demonstration of the principle of metasomatic replacement, marked a new point of departure, and led to a truer conception of the formation of ore-deposits than had formerly existed.

In this investigation we must remember that existing conditions are but a reflection of the past. The agencies that built up the crust of the earth in its present form are still in operation, and still governed by the same natural laws. We are living on the edge of a geologic epoch, and if we would rightly understand the past we must study the present. The occurrence of ore-deposits is merely a geologic happening—an incident in the tectonic arrangement of the materials forming the outer shell of the globe. Recent petrographical investigation has shown that ore-deposits are always more or less intimately connected with igneous rocks. This constant association naturally leads to the broad generalisation that

– 12 –

mineral-deposits are genetically connected with the intrusion or eruption of igneous magmas.

It has been shown by Professor Sandberger and others that igneous rocks contain all the constituents of mineral veins. Professor Vogt, of Christiania, maintains that the belief in a deep-seated inaccessible repository of the heavy metals can no longer be sustained.* Modern geologists, he points out, have abandoned the old conception which supposed that the interior of the earth was an enormously compressed liquid molten mass of high specific gravity charged with heavy metals. The composition of the molten magmas that have issued at the surface in successive geological ages does not favour any hypothesis which assumes the existence of a greater proportion of the heavy metals in the barysphere than in the upper crust, or lithosphere. Referring to the distribution of the elements in the earth's crust, Vogt states that of the entire earth-crust—including the rocks, sea, and atmosphere—oxygen constitutes by weight about one-half, and silicon about one-quarter. The proportion of the other elements are, he says, as follows:—

Alumina, iron, calcium, magnesium, Per Cent.
sodium, and potassium 10 to 1
Hydrogen, titanium, carbon, and chlorine 1 to 0·1
Phosphorus, manganese, sulphur, barium, fluorine, nitrogen, zirocnium, and strontium 0·1 to 0·01
Nickel, lithium, vanadium, bromine, and perhaps beryllium and boron 0·01 to 0·001
Cobalt, argon, iodine, rubidium, tin, cerium, yttrium, possibly arsenic and others 0·001 to 0·0001

In igneous magmas deficient in acid-forming constituents the heavy metals will segregate as oxides during the process of cooling, assuming the form of individual crystals, grains, or irregular aggregates in small and great masses.

The petrographical researches of Vogt and Brogger disclosed in basic dykes a tendency of the heavy minerals to segregate near the borders. The occurrence of massive mineral aggregates near their borders is a marked characteristic of peridotites and serpentines in all parts of the globe.

The most typical examples of magmatic border segregation are found in peridotite and its serpentinised forms. At pre-

[Footnote] * Professor J. H. L. Vogt, “Problems in the Origin of Ore-deposits,” “Genesis of Ore-deposits,” 1901, p. 637. (Published by American Institute of Mining Engineers.)

[Footnote] † Loc. cit., p. 639.

– 13 –

sent the laws governing magmatic differentiation are but imperfectly understood. By some border segregation is ascribed to molecular flow due to differences of temperature in the magma; by others to convection currents, which it is believed would tend to carry the first crop of minerals, such as magnetite, olivine, &c., to the borders of the igneous magma.

The writer* is inclined to ascribe border segregation to the difference of osmotic pressure that must exist in a finite mass of magma cooling more rapidly in the borders than in the central portion.

The valuable ores that may be considered primary constituents of eruptive rocks, resulting from direct differentiation in the cooling magma, are as follows:—


Chromite in peridotite and serpentine.


Copper and nickel-iron in serpentine.


Platinum metals in highly basic eruptives.


Magnetite and titanite in basic and semibasic eruptives.

Chromite in Peridotite.

In the South Island of New Zealand there are two mountain-masses of peridotite in which the magmatic segregation of chromite is exhibited on a scale of unusual magnitude.

A few miles from the City of Nelson, Dun Mountain rises to a height of over 4,000ft. above sea-level. It covers an area of about four square miles, and is entirely composed of massive olivine, in which chromite of iron is fairly uniformly disseminated in the form of fine grains, but is occasionally aggregated in large masses. The adjacent rocks are slaty shales and limestone of Jurassic age, the limestone occurring at the base of the sedimentary formation. Between the limestone and the olivine, to which Hochstetter gave the distinctive name “dunite,” there is a belt of serpentine, half a mile wide. The serpentine contains lenticular-shaped masses of chromite, native copper and copper-ores, principally chalcopyrite, with the usual products of oxidation. It also contains thin irregular veins of diallage, hypersthene, bronzite, enstatite, scapolite, wollastonite, and chrysolite. The larger deposits of chromite occur near the borders of the olivine and serpentine.

The second great mass of peridotite forms Red Mountain, situated twenty miles north of Milford Sound, in Otago.§ It

[Footnote] * J. Park, “On the Cause of Border Segregation in some Igneous Magmas,” Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xxxvii, 1905.

[Footnote] † S. H. Cox, “Chrome-deposits of Nelson,” New Zealand Geol. Reports and Explorations, 1881, p.8.

[Footnote] † Dr. F. von Hochstetter, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Geol. Gessellschaft, vol. xvi, p. 341.

[Footnote] § J. Park, N.Z. Geol. Reports and Explorations, 1886–87, p. 121.

– 14 –

rises to a height of over 6,000ft., and covers an area of about ten square miles. The mountain is composed of massive olivine containing disseminated chromite. The latter occurs in much greater proportion than at Dun Mountain. The peridotite is flanked on two sides by belts of serpentine, which separate it from the adjacent slates and sandstones of supposed Palæozoic age. Near the contact with the sedimentary rocks it is often so highly charged with chromite as to from compact bodies of ore. No deposits of chromite are known in the serpentine, but they may possibly exist, as the country is still practically unexplored.


The sands in the streams which drain the Red Mountain serpentine area yield small quantities of the rare nickel-iron alloy awaruite, discovered by Skey in 1885,* and afterwards found in situ in the serpentine.

Since the discovery of awaruite nickel-ore alloys have been found in several places, most notably in gold-bearing sands associated with chromite in Elvo River, Biella, Piedmont, Italy; in sands derived from serpentine in Josephine County, Oregon; in the Fraser River, British Columbia, associated with chromite; and in Smith River, Del Norte County, California.


The association of copper and chromite in the serpentines at Dun Mountain has already been mentioned. Native copper is found in serpentine in Cornwall, New South Wales, New Caledonia, and other parts of the world.

Large masses of native copper associated with silver are found in amygdaloidal diabase at Lake Superior.

In 1879 Professor S. H. Cox discovered in the Manukau district a number of dykes of andesite which near their borders were found to contain small scattered grains of native copper. The dykes are intruded in volcanic breccias of probably younger Miocene age.


Platinum has only been found in a few cases in the matrix in situ. In the Ural Mountains it occurs as grains in peridotite, serpentine, and olivine-gabbro. The bed-rock of the

[Footnote] * W. Skey, Trans. N.Z. Inst. vol. xxiii, 1885, p. 401.

[Footnote] † G. H. Ulrich, “On the Discovery, Mode of Occurrence, and Distribution of the Nickel-iron Alloy Awaruite on the West Coast of the South Island of New Zealand,” Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc. London, vol. xlvi, p.619

[Footnote] ‡ S. H. Cox, “Geology of Cape Rodney,” N.Z. Geol. Reports and Explorations, 1879–80, p. 27.

– 15 –

Vyzaj and Kaiva Rivers, on the western flanks of the Urals, consists of olivine-gabbro containing disseminated grains of platinum, but not apparently in payable quantities. An olivine rock was discovered in 1893 at Goroblago-datsk, on the western side of the Urals, containing chromite and platinum, the latter at the rate of 14 dwt. 9 gr. to the ton of rock.

Since the discovery of platinum in the nickel-copper sulphide ore at Sudbury, in Canada, careful analysis has disclosed the presence of the metal in minute quantity in many sulphide ores throughout the world. But in this and all cases where platinum occurs in sulphide-beds or in veins, its occurrence is probably not the result of direct magmatic segregation.

Eruptive Processes.

The importance of the role played by igneous rocks in the formation of ore-deposits has been specially urged in late years by Professor Vogt,* of Christiania; Professor Kemp, of New York; Professor Suess, of Vienna; and more recently by Waldemar Lindgren§ and W. H. Weed, of the United States Geological Staff.

Vogt directs renewed attention to the close relationship existing between ore-deposits and eruptive processes. Ore-deposits which are generally connected with eruptive magmas are grouped by him into two principal classes, as under:—


Ore-deposits formed by magmatic segregation.


re-deposits formed by eruptive after-actions.

Ore-deposits belonging to the first group are infrequent, and therefore economically subordinate in importance to those of the second group. They include, according to Vogt,—


The occurrences of titanic-iron ores in basic and semi-basic eruptives;


Chromite in peridotite;


Sulphide deposits, including the nickeliferous pyrrhotite of Sudbury, in Canada;


Platinum metals in highly basic eruptive rocks;


Copper and metallic nickel-iron in serpentinised peridotite.

[Footnote] * Prof. J. H. L. Vogt, “Problems in the Origin of Ore-deposits,” “The Genesis of Ore-deposits,” 1901,p. 636.

[Footnote] † J. F. Kemp, “The Rôle of the Igneous Rocks in the Formation of Veins,” loc. cit., p. 681; also Trans. Amer. Inst. M.E., vol. xxxix, 1902, p. 681.

[Footnote] ‡ Prof. Edward Suess, Lecture, “Royal Geographical Journal,” vol. xx, 1902, p. 520.

[Footnote] § Waldemar Lindgren, “Character and Genesis of certain Contact Deposits,” “Genesis of Ore-deposits,” 1901, p. 716.

[Footnote] ¶ W. H. Weed, “Ore-deposits near Igneous Contacts,” Trans. Amer. Inst. M.E., vol. xxxiii, 1903.

– 16 –

That sulphides can be segregated from eruptive magmas in the first concentration has yet to be proved; and it is still doubtful how far Vogt's conclusions respecting the occurrence of sulphide ore as products of primary segregation from molten magmas are admissible.

Art. III.—Contact Metamorphism in its Relation to the Genesis of certain Ore-deposits.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 13th September, 1904.]

A Molten magma tends to effect changes in the rocks with which it comes in contact. In the case of overflow magmas the thermal changes are generally trifling, and in many cases hardly appreciable. Even magmas that have cooled in rents in sedimentaries at shallow depths have not always caused great changes in the enclosing rock.

The greatest alteration will naturally take place in the case of magmas that do not reach the surface, but cool slowly under great pressure. The greater the mass of the intrusive magma, the slower will be the rate of cooling; and the slower the rate of cooling, the longer will the adjacent rocks be heated. The rate of cooling will be mainly dependent upon the mass of the intrusion, the distance from the surface, and the relative thermal conductivity of the adjacent rocks.

The changes effected in the country rock by the intrusion of an igneous magma will be mechanical and hydrothermal. The intruded sedimentaries will be compressed, bent, and more or less shattered and fissured along the line of intrusion. The magma will part with its heat by slow radiation into the adjacent rocks. The magmatic steam and gases, together with the gases generated in the sedimentaries,* will pass into and permeate the latter, and cause a molecular rearrangement of the constituent minerals, resulting in what is termed contact metamorphism. As the igneous magma and the heated sedimentaries cool they will contract in area, and when the temperature normal to the depth has been reached

[Footnote] * Professor Joseph Barrell has shown that the heat of an igneous mass acting upon sedimentaries librates enormous volumes of steam and gases, attended by a shrinkage of volume of the rocks and the formation of vein fissures: “The Physical Effects of Contact Metamorphism,” Am. Jour. Sci., vol. xiii, April, 1902, p. 279.

– 17 –

the contraction will tend to cause the two rocks to shrink from each other, resulting in the formation of cavities along the line of contact.

Above a temperature of 365° C. and a pressure of 200 atmospheres, water and all more or less volatile compounds will exist as gas. Aqueous vapours above the critical temperature and under great pressure will act as strongly upon the cooling magma as upon the adjacent rocks. They will possess a solvent power which will be greatest at the depth where the highest temperature and pressure are reached. The pressure will cause the heated steam and gaseous emanations carrying the heavy metals to permeate the bedding-planes of the sedimentaries, and fill all accessible cracks and fissures. In this way bed-impregnation may be effected, and even ore-bodies formed at points some distances from the genetic eruptive magma. A decrease in the temperature and pressure will cause the least soluble substances to be deposited; and as the temperature and pressure continue to diminish, the dissolved substances will be thrown out of solution in the inverse order of their solubility. It is manifest that the later phases of the eruptive after-actions will represent in a modified form the waning effects of solfataric action. The deep-seated conditions will also favour the action of metasomatic processes in the zone of metamorphism, and veins will be formed, some of which may rise to the surface. It is probable that the circulation of the heated mineralised solutions in the later phases will tend to effect a redistribution of the ores and minerals deposited in the earlier stages. In some cases the ascending waters and gases may reach the zone of surface circulation and mix with the meteoric waters, which will then reappear as hot springs, forming ore-bodies and veins not directly in contact with the eruptive magma.

Weed and some other writers have made an attempt to subdivide contact-metamorphic deposits into groups depending mainly upon the mode of occurrence. But the form and mode of distribution may be due to accidents of density or porosity, composition and hydrous condition of the rocks affected, rather than differences in genetic formation. Moreover, the mass of the magma, the weight of superincumbent rocks, the amount of heat and subsequent contraction, and phase of the after-action are all doubtless contributing factors in connection with the form and distribution of the heavy metals. Masses of ore occurring as contact deposits, fissure-veins, and bed-impregnations in the zone of metamorphism may all be traced to the same genetic causes.

Professor L. de Launay, of Paris, supports the views of the school of De Beaumont and Daubrée in respect to the primary influence of volatile mineralisers emanating from eruptive

– 18 –

magmas. The emanations, he contends, must have prepared the way by introducing into the enclosing rocks, or simply by depositing in the vein fissures, elements such as sulphides, fluorides, chlorides, &c., which, subsequently dissolved anew by the circulation of superficial waters, have rendered the latter essential aid in the processes of alteration.*

The extent of contact metamorphism effected by the granite intrusions of Albany, in New Hampshire, was fully investigated by Hawes. His analyses showed a progressive series of changes in the schists as they approached the granite. The rocks are dehydrated, boric and silicic acids have been added to them, and there appears to have been an infusion of alkali on the line of contact. He regarded the schists as having been impregnated by hot vapours and solutions emanating from the granite.

Contact deposits frequently lie at the boundary between the eruptive and the country rock; also at variable distances from the eruptive, but never outside the zone of metamorphism. More particularly, contact ores occur in limestones, marly and clay slates, and are accompanied by the usual contact minerals, garnet, vesuvianite, scapolite, wollastonite, augite, mica, hornblende, &c., and in clay-slate by chiastolite, &c. contact ores are principally magnetite and specular iron, but sulphides of copper, lead, and zinc often occur. Pyritic contact deposits are typically represented by those of Vegsnas, in Norway; Rio Tinto, Tharsis, and San domingo, in Spain.

The pyritic ore-mass in Mount Lyell Mine, in Tasmania, is generally described as a contact deposit, although its geologic occurrence does not strictly conform to the common definition of such a body. It is a boat-shaped body lying between talcose schists and conglomerates. The mine-workings have shown that it gradually tapers downwards from the outcrop, being cut off below by a great thrust-plane. There are no eruptives in actual contact with the ore-body, but dykes of diabase and other igneous rocks occur in the district at no great distance. The existence of these dykes and of bands of schist impregnated with sulphides forming fahlkands would lead to the belief that there at one time existed channels of communication leading from the eruptive rocks to the vein cavities. It seems probable that the ore-bodies in the Mount Lyell field were formed in the later or solfataric stages of eruptive after actions.

[Footnote] * L. de Launay, “The Genesis of Ore-deposits,” 1901, Discussion, p. 616.

[Footnote] † G. W. Hawes, Amer. Jour. Sci., vol, xxi, 1881, p. 21.

[Footnote] ‡ Prof. J. W. Gregory, “The Mount Lyell Mining Field,” Trans. Aust. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. i, part iv, July 1904, p. 281.

– 19 –

Among ore-deposits genetically connected with eruptive after-actions Vogt* includes cassiterite and apatite veins and “ore-deposits of contact-metamorphic zone.” Cassiterite deposits are everywhere connected with and eruptives, principally granite, and occasionally quartz-porphyry and rhyolite. Partly for this reason, and partly because of the characteristic paragenesis of fluoride, borate, and phosphate minerals, he supports the common view that tin-deposits are genetically connected with granitic eruptions, and that various volatile fluorides took part in their formation. Cassiterite veins were formed, he thinks, by pneumatolytic processes—that is, by the action of gases and water at high temperature and pressure. He further urges that they were formed immediately after the eruption, and before the complete cooling of the granite, one proof of which is the occurrence of tin-vein minerals in veins of pegmatite in the granite.

Cassiterite veins are admittedly independent of the immediately adjacent country rock, and for this reason seem to be more nearly related to deposits of magmatic segregation than to contact-metamorphic deposits.

It is probable that the magmatic segregation of chromite in peridotite was in some cases effected by pneumatolytic agencies before the complete cooling of the magma. It is not uncommon to find chromite in vein-like masses that have the appearance of having been segregated in cavities of contraction in the pasty magma. As the agency of underground water cannot have been active in this class of ore-deposit, the aggregation must have been effected by metal-bearing steam and gases occluded in the igneous magma.

Pegmatite veins, while genetically connected with granitic eruptions, seem to be of later formation than the cassiterite veins. They often pass into quartz, and frequently possess sharp well-defined walls, which suggest their formation in shrinkage-cracks by pneumato-hydatogenetic agencies in the waning phases of the after-actions developed by the progressive cooling of the eruptive magma. The different phases of after-action must necessarily merge into each other, and hence we may expect to find, as we do, tin-vein minerals and even cassiterite in veins of pegmatite.

Among ore-deposits of contact-metamorphic origin Vogt includes the ore-bodies which occur within the metamorphosed contact zone of deep eruptives, especially granite. He distinguishes several types of contact deposit. The Chris-

[Footnote] * J. H. L. Vogt, “The Genesis of Ore-deposits,” New York, 1901, p. 636.

[Footnote] † “Pneumatolyis” is a term first used by Bunsen to desoribe the combined action of gases and water.

– 20 –

tiania type includes iron-ore deposits that appear to have been formed before the solidification of the granitic magma. These ores are never found in the granite, but always in the adjcent rocks. If they had been introduced after the cooling of thé magma they would also have been deposited in the granite. The eruptive magma is believed to be the source of the metal, which is expelled in the heated steam into the surrounding rocks.

The synthetic experiments of Daubrée seem to justify the views of Vogt, Beck, and other observers that cassiterite and pegmatite veins are formed by gaseous and aqueous emanations, and not by direct segregation.

Art. IV.—Thermal Activity in its Relation to the Genesis of certain Metalliferous Veins.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 13th September, 1904.]

IT is manifest that the whole series of eruptive after-actions will commence at the moment of intrusion of the magma, and continue until the igneous mass has become completely cooled.

Igneous magmas are now admitted by petrologists to contain more or less water together with many constituents of a hydrous or gaseous character. Hence the fusion of magmas is not believed to be pyrogenetic—that is, the result of dry heat alone—but hydato-pyrogenetic—that is, fusion by heat in the presence of water.

According to Arrhenius* water renders the magma more liquid. It has been shown by experiment that magmas which require a temperature of 3,000° Fahr. to produce dry fusion can be fused in the presence of water at 500° Fahr. According to the same distinguished physicist water in a rock magma acts the part of an acid, liberating free silicic acid and free bases.

The activity of water at high temperatures is very great. Barus has shown that water heated above 185° C. attacks the silicates composing soft glass with remarkable rapidity; and Lemberg has proved experimentally that water at a

[Footnote] * Svante Arrhenius, “Zur Physik des Vulkanismus,” Geol. Fören. Forgh., Stockholm, 1900.

[Footnote] † C. Barus, “Hot Water and Soft Glass in their Thermodynamic Relations,” Am. Jour. Sci. iv, vol. ix, 1900, p. 161.

– 21 –

temperature 210° C. slowly dissolves anhydrous powdered silicates. It is probable that at great depths the pressure will be sufficient to hold the water in the form of a liquid in a superheated condition.* At high temperatures both water and steam possess a great capacity for dissolving mineral substances.

Solfataric—i.e., Formed by Thermal Solutions Aided by Steam and Gases.

It is well known that during and after volcanic eruptions there are emitted enormous volumes of steam, also hydrogen-sulphide, sulphur-dioxide, carbon-dioxide, as well as compounds of chlorine, fluorine, and boron. These gaseous and aqueous emanations come from the same source as the igneous magma, accompany the magma in its ascent, and may possibly be one of the contributing causes of the eruption.

Volcanic phenomena can be studied in many parts of the world, but perhaps nowhere with more advantage than in New Zealand. In the volcanic region of the North Island there are thousands of square miles in which volcanic activity can be seen in every stage and phase; there are active, intermittent, and extinct volcanoes, besides innumerable geysers, fumaroles, and hot springs, active, decadent, and dead. The active and intermittent volcanoes discharge their lavas and fragmentary matter from single pipes, or from lateral vents apparently connected with the main pipe, and from fissure rents. The volcanic eruption at Rotomahana in 1886 was from a fissure rent over six miles in length, extending from the summit of Mount Wahanga southward into the basin of Lake Rotomahana, and thence across the rhyolite plateau to Lake Okaro. The whole length of the rent was the scene of great activity for some weeks after the first great outburst. The geysers, hot springs, and fumaroles occur in isolated groups, or along a line of fissure which often runs along the floor of a valley, or lower flanks of a range of hills. The geyesers deposit siliceous and calcareous sinters, mostly the former; and the fumaroles native sulphur. Everywhere the air is pervaded with the smell of sulphur-dioxide. The solfataric action is active, waning, or dead. With the latter the vents are closed up by crustification. Where the

[Footnote] * C. R. van Hise, “Some Principles controlling the Deposition of Ores,” Trans-American Institute of Mining Engineers, vol. xxx, p. 27.

[Footnote] † (1.) Sir James Hector, “On the Recent Volcanic Eruptions at Tarawara,” N.Z Reports of Geol. Explorations, 1886–87, p.243. (2.) S. Percy Smith, “The Eruption of Tarawera,” Wellington, 1886. (3.) Prof. F. W. Hutton, “Report on the Tarawera Volcanic District,” Wellington, 1887. (4) Prof. A. P. Thomas, “Report on the Eruption of Tarawera,” Wellington, 1888.

– 22 –

hot springs overflow on the surface they form thick, mush-room-shaped mounds of silica. The silica is sometimes soft and porous. and often dense, hard, and chalcedonc. In all cases the hot springs and geysers are grouped around the volcanic vents, and along fissures in lavas near the point of emission. The waters range from strongly alkaline to acid; and at Rotorua, alkaline and acid springs exist side by side. The ascending deep-seated waters are strongly alkaline; while the source of the acid waters is the superficial deposit of pumice which overlies the rhyolite. The pumice in some places contains disseminated marcasite pyrites, and where the alkaline waters come in contact with the pyrites they are oxidized and reach the surface either neutral or acid, according to the degree of oxidation.

In the Hauraki gold-mining area, which adjoins the northern end of this volcanic region, the country rocks consist of a vast pile of andesitic lavas, tuffs, and breccias of younger Tertiary age, resting on slaty shales and greywacke of probably Triassic age. The gold-bearing veins traverse both the andesites and tuffs, but are only productive in the former. They are fissure-veins; but, strictly speaking, they do not conform to the usually accepted definition of a true fissurevein, since they are generally confined to the igneous-rock formation. Near the borders of the andesites the veins are small and unimportant, and generally die out when they reach the underlying basement rock. On the other hand, the larger and more productive veins are grouped around the old vents, and there seems to be no reason why they should not descend to great depths. In opposition to this view Professor beck* states that it is inconceivable that mineral deposits could be made from solutions at great depths. The country rock on the walls of the ore-veins is propylitised to a moderately hard grey rock. When two or more veins run parallel with each other, as they do in all the Hauraki mining centres, the country rock between the veins is often entirely altered, or propylitised.

In the Thames district the distance between the numerous parallel veins which traverse the goldfield seldom exceeds 200 yards, and in almost every instance the veins are separated from each other by a narrow belt of hard unaltered andesite. These hard bands, of “bars” as the miners term them, possess the same general strike and dip as the veins, and in cross-section present the appearance of lenticular and hourglass-shaped masses. They vary from a few feet to 30 yards in width. The country rock has been found to be propylitised down to a depth of nearly 1000ft. below sea-

[Footnote] * Prof. Beck, “Lehre von den Erzlagestatten,” 1901, p. 139.

– 23 –

level, which is the greatest depth reached by mining operations up to the present time. The propylitisation of the andesites is not widespread, but confined to small areas grouped around the old volcanic vents. Away from the eruptive centres the andesites have suffered surface-decomposition, but are not propylitised. The propylitisation was apparently effected by the fissures, which are now veins, having served as channels for the circulation of the hot mineral waters. From these fissures the waters acted on the rock on each wall, and where the fissures were near each other the metasomatic processes operating from one fissure met those coming from the other. Where the processes of alteration did not meet, narrow irregular sheet-like masses of unaltered rock—the “bars” of the miners—were left between the vein fissures.

At Waihi and surrounding districts the veins are chiefly composed of chalcedonic or micro-crystalline quartz, possessing all the characteristics of solfataric origin. Some of the larger lodes can be traced on the surface for a distance of 16,000ft., but the length of the majority is under 5,000ft. Besides veins having linear extension, there are many huge mushroom-shaped masses of chalcedonic quartz, closely resembling in form the siliceous deposits now forming in the volcanic regions around Rotorua and Lake Taupo.

At Kuaotunu and Great Barrier Island there are many mushroom-shaped deposits of chalcedonic quartz of great size, in some cases covering hundreds, in others thousands, of acres. At Kuaotunu they are more or less circular in shape, and seldom exceed 20ft. in thickness.

At Great Barrier Island the largest deposit is of an unusual character.* It is nearly two miles long, half a mile wide, and from 50ft. to 700ft. thick. The pipe is completeley filled with mineral matter. It has been intersected in four mines in a distance of a mile, and opened up by levels for many hundreds of yards. It varies from 12ft. to 40ft. in width, and is filled with very dense banded chalcedonic quartz, in which iron and silver sulphides are sparingly distributed. The evidence furnished by the mine-workings implies that the overlying mushroom or umbrella of quartz was deposited on the surface from thermal water issuing from a long fissure or rent in the andesite.

The molybdenite deposits at Jeff's Camp, in the Hodgkinson Goldfield, in Queensland, are described by W. E. Cameron as roughly circular or oval-shaped outcrops of

[Footnote] * J. Park, “The Geology and Veins of Hauraki Goldfields, “Trans. N.Z. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. i, 1897, p. 137.

[Footnote] † Walter E. Cameron, “Wolfram and Molybdenite Mining in Queensland,” Geol. Survey Report No. 188, Brisbane, 1904, p. 7.

– 24 –

quartz, or “blows,” carrying wolfram and native bismuth. The “blows” when followed down develop into irregular pipeshaped masses surrounded on all sides by granite, which is the country rock. When the quartz is extracted there remain only empty pipes or vents. These pipe-like ore-bodies possess a peculiar genetic interest. They appear to closely resemble the siliceous pipes formed in rhyolite by the hot springs in the Rotorua volcanic region, and the mushroom-shaped quartz blows at Kuaotunu.

There are near Waihi in New Zealand several massive deposits of chalcedonic quartz which are stated by Rutley to be replacements of the andesitic country rock.*

A similar replacement of andesite by silica is described by Spurr as occurring at Monte Cristo district in Washington. He mentions that the silicification has proceeded until most of the rock is made up of quartz, which, he says, varies from coarsely to very finely crystalline in structure, and contains sulphides, chiefly blende, pyrites, and chalcopyrite. Spurr continues, “Thus we have a complete and gradual transition from andesite to a sulphide ore with quartz gangue, by the progressive replacement of the original materials by silica and metallic sulphides.”

In 1894 and 1896 I made an exhaustive examination of the Hauraki andesites for gold and silver. The samples subjected to examination were selected by myself in situ. The analyses were conducted by the cyanide test, on samples ranging from 2lb. to 5 lb. in weight. The pulverised material was leached in glass jars with a 0·3-per-cent. aqueous solution of pure potassium-cyanide for seventy-two hours. The cyanide solutions and washings were evaporated, fluxed with a little pure litharge and borax, and the resulting button of lead cupelled. Simultaneous tests were made so as to check the purity of the litharge and fluxes. All the andesites examined were found to contain gold at the rate of 1 gr. to 1·5 gr. per ton, and silver varying from 3 gr. to 30 gr. per ton of rock. The augite-andesite, at 3,000 ft. from the mouth of the Moanataiari tunnel, contained 1 ½ gr. of gold and 3 gr. of silver to the ton; and the hypersthene-augite-andesite, from the waterfall in Waiotahi Creek, near the Fame and Fortune Mine, 1 ½ gr. of gold and 30 gr. of silver.

A petrological examination§ of the rocks showed that the

[Footnote] * J. Park and F. Rutley, “Notes on Rhyolites of the Hauraki Goldfields,” Quart. Jour. Geol. soc., London, 55, 1899.

[Footnote] † J. E. Spurr, U.S. Geol. Survey, Twenty-second Annual Report, p. 833.

[Footnote] ‡J. Park, “The Geology and Veins of Hauraki Goldfields,” Trans. N.Z. Inst. Min. Eng., 1897, p. 52.

[Footnote] § J. Park, “Some Andesites from the Thames Goldfields,” Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xxxiv, p. 435.

– 25 –

feldspars and pyroxenes sometimes showed signs of alteration. The samples were selected from the least-altered rocks obtainable, and in no case did they contain visible pyrites.

The evidence is by no means conclusive that the gold and silver are primary constituents. Whatever the source of the gold may be, I am inclined to agree with Percy Morgan* that the quantity of gold and silver in the veins is too great to be accounted for by the traces existing in the andesite.

Dr. J. R. Don, in the preparation of his excellent thesis on “The Genesis of certain Auriferous Lodes,” made an interesting examination for the presence of gold in the andesites and propylites of the Thames Goldfield. He states that his tests were made upon the concentrates obtained from large samples, by the method of crucible fire assay. His results, in the case of the unaltered andesites, were negative, from which be concluded that these rocks contained no gold. The question that will naturally suggest itself to the mind of the metallurgical chemist, accustomed to the estimation of infinitesimal quantities of gold in cyanide solutions and residues, will be, is the method of crucible or pot assay capable of sufficient refinement to indicate the presence of gold in the proportion of a grain or two to the ton of rock?

My early tests of the Hauraki andesites in 1894 were made by the crucible-assay method. The results, however, were often discordant and unsatisfactory, chiefly on account of the many sources of possible error inherent to the method—errors that it was found impossible to entirely eliminate. Believing that trustworthy results could not be obtained by the pot assay, I adopted a method of leaching the pulverised rock with dilute solutions of potassium-cyanide. By this process larger samples could be tested than by fire assay, and the possible sources of error were reduced to a minimum. The crucible assay is clumsy, laborious, and, in my experience, incapable of the refinement required for the estimation of minute traces of gold even in the hands of the most skilful manipulator.

Luther Wagoner, of San Francisco, who in 1902 made a number of tests for gold and silver in sea-sediments, sandstones, syenite, granite, basalt, diabase, &c., by the cyanide method used by me in 1894 and 1896, arrived independently at the same conclusion. Discussing the assay of rocks, he

[Footnote] * Percy Morgan, “Notes on the Geology, Quartz Reefs, and Minerals of Waihi Goldfield,” Trans. Aust. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. viii, 1902, p. 164.

[Footnote] † J. R. don, “The Genesis of certain Auriferous Lodes,” Trans. Am. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. xxvii, 1898, p. 564.

[Footnote] ‡Luther Wagoner, “The Detection and Estimation of small Quantities of Gold and Silver,” Trans. Am. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. xxxi, 1902, p. 198.

– 26 –

says,* “The statement of Dr. Don that country rocks can be assayed by panning down a quantity and assaying the residue has been tested, as well as the statement that pyrites must be present in order to find gold; and my experiments show that both statements are incorrect—or, at least, not in accord with my experience.”

At Te Aroha, near the northern boundary of the central volcanic region, there are in the andesites hot springs; twenty-five miles distant, soda-water springs; and at the Thames, ten miles further north, gas springs which discharge enormous volumes of carbon-dioxide.

In the mines in the north end of the Thames Goldfield the CO2 issues with great force from cracks and fissures in the rocks. The mine-shafts are situated near the foreshore, and descend to depths varying from 500ft. to 900ft. below sea-level. In close muggy weather in summer, with a low barometer, the gas rises in the mines, and, flooding the workings, drives the miners before it. Sometimes the gas rises up to the top of the shafts and overflows at the surface. Notwithstanding the special precautions employed to effect ventilation and to warn the men of danger, several fatal accidents have taken place in the past thirty years.

In the Big Pump shaft the CO2 escapes with such force as to cause violent boiling all over the surface of the water in the well. The depth of the shaft is 64ft., but the workings are flooded up to the 500ft. level, in consequence of which the gas escapes against a head of 150ft., equal to hydraulic pressure of 65lb. to the square inch. The commotion at the surface of the water at the 500ft. level is caused by the escape of the gas which is not dissolved by the water. The pump has been raising water from this shaft for over a quarter of a century at the rate of 750 gallons per minute. The water is so highly charged with gas as to often cause trouble in working the pumps.

At Waihi, Kuaotunu, and Great Barrier Island there are huge veins of quartz, mostly chalcedonic, many of which are still capped with wide mushroom-shaped “quartz blows.”

The evidence favours the conclusion that the propylitisation of the andesites and formation of the lodes were the result of hydro-thermal action.

Posepny mentions the remarkable occurrence of treestems changed to galena in the Vesuvian Mine, Freihung, in Bavaria. In these the fibre and annular rings can be easily recognised, being extremely plain on polished surfaces. In the tuff-beds associated with the gold-bearing andesites masses

[Footnote] *Loc. cit., p. 808.

[Footnote] † Prof. Franz Posepny, “The Genesis of Ore-deposits,” 1901, p. 129.

– 27 –

of wood partly or wholly silicified and spangled with nests and veins of iron-pyrites are of common occurrence throughout the Hauraki region.

The Martha Lode and its numerous ramifying branches, the Silverton, Union, and Amaranth Lodes, at Waihi, are all contained in an area of about a square mile. The huge lodes, wide zones of silicified andesite, and extensive propylitisation of the andesite, prove that Waihi was an area of intense hydro-thermal activity some time prior to the eruption of the later rhyolite-flows which now form the plains and wrap around the isolated outcrops of andesite containing the Martha and Silverton veins. The propylitisation has already been shown by the Waihi Mine workings to extend to a depth of nearly 800ft. below present water-level—that is, some 500ft. below sea-level. Obviously the alteration of the andesite was due to the action of ascending and laterally moving thermal waters.

At Thames and Coromandel some of the most productive veins do not reach the surface of the enclosing rock, and the mine-workings at Waihi have disclosed a similar feature in connection with a few valuable veins in the Waihi company's property.*

In 1888 Captain F. W. Hutton, as the result of a petrographical examination of the Thames Mining District, concluded that the veins were of hydro-thermal action.

T. A. Rickard, a well-known American geologist who examined the same goldfield in 1891, when discussing Professor Posepny's paper on “The Genesis of Ore-deposits,” describes the characteristic-features of the district with the view of springs and later eruptive rocks. He states that his examination of the ore-occurrences and vein-structure, though incomplete, led him to conclude that the deposition of the gold and its associated minerals had followed certain lines of altered country rock which had been exposed to the effects of dying but lingering solfataric agencies.

Ohaeawai Cinnabar Deposits.

The Ohaeawai Hot Springs quicksilver deposits, on the mainland some distance north of the Hauraki Peninsula, are

[Footnote] * P. C. Morgan, “Notes on the Geology, Quartz Reefs, and Minerals of the Waihi Goldfield,” Trans. Aust. Institute of Mining Engineers, vol. viii, 1902, p. 168.

[Footnote] † F. W. Hutton, “On the Rocks of the Hauraki Goldfields,” Trans. Aust. Assoc. Adv. Sci., vol. i, 1888, p. 245, and “Source of Gold at the Thames,” N.Z. Journal of Science, Vol. i, p. 146.

[Footnote] ‡ T. A. Rickard, “The Genesis of Ore-deposits,” Discussion, New York, 1901, p. 222.

– 28 –

of great importance on account of the evidence which they furnish in connection with the genesis of solfataric oredeposits

The basement rocks consist of marly clays and greensands of Lower Tertiary of Upper Cretaceous age, which are covered with flows of basalt and beds of scoriæ. It is agreed by all geologists that the basalt constitutes the youngest rock-formation in the district. The surrounding country is studded with old craters, and there is everywhere evidence of former intense volcanic activity.

The hot springs around which the quicksilver-deposits are clustered are situated about two miles south-east of Lake Omapere, which itself occupies the site of an old crater. They occur along the edge of a flow of basalt, which is overlain at this point by deposits of calcareous and siliceous sinter and solidified siliceous and carbonaceous muds, through which sulphur and cinnabar are finely disseminated. There are also deposits of pyrites with or without cinnabar, in some cases containing traces of both gold and silver.* The sinters also contain gold and silver.

The ground around the springs is generally very hot, and all attempts to develop the quicksilver-deposits have been frustrated by the large volumes of hot water encountered at shallow depths below the surface.

The district has been examined at different times by Captain Hutton, Sir James Hector, A. McKay, and the author; but the best description is that of André P. Griffiths, who conducted extensive prospecting and mining operations there in 1895 and 1896. The mining operations and borings disclosed many important details which could not be gathered from a surface-examination.

The iron-pyrites occurs in masses near the basalt, and also filling cracks and fissures in that rock. The thickness of the pyritic masses varies from 3in. to 3ft., but their other dimensions are extremely irregular. Close to the pyritic masses there is a hard white siliceous sinter from 8 in. to 10 in. thick, which Griffiths found to contain gold and silver in places. One assay of the sinter gave a value of £3 per ton, but unfortunately the proportion of gold and silver is not given The cinnabar generally occurs lining small cavities and cracks in the solidified muds and sinters surrounding the original fissures in the basalt. It also occurs impregnating the sinter in an extremely finely divided form. Sulphur occurs the sinter in larger proportion than either the cinnabar or pyrites.

[Footnote] * André P. Griffiths, “The Ohaeawai Quicksilver-deposits,” Trans. N.Z. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. ii, p. 48.

[Footnote] † André P. Griffiths, loc. cit., p. 50.

– 29 –

The hot springs give off large quantities of H2S, and occasionally a little steam. The gas escaping through the water of the pools and small streams is partially oxidized, liberating sulphur, which imparts a milky-white colour to the pools, locally known as “white lakes.” The beaches of the so called “white lakes” consist of sulphur mixed with magnetic ironsand and a small proportion of alum. Sulphur is also being sublimed at the vents of openings in the rocks from which H2S and SO2 gases escape.

The prospecting-work conducted by Griffiths disclosed some interesting features. A deposit of cinnabar and pyrites crops out at the foot of the hills to the south-west of the main deposits. A shaft was sunk near it, and cut the lode at a depth of 35 ft. The ore was 2 ft. thick, and consisted of small crystals of pyrites cemented by cinnabar. At this depth there was a strong evolution of H2S, and the heat of the rocks increased so rapidly with the depth that mining was extremely difficult.

It is noteworthy that the outcrop of this lode was found close to the charred trunk of a tree partially imbedded in hard siliceous mud. The trunk and roots of the tree were coated with a thin film of cinnabar, as also were some pieces of fossil kauri-gum found near the roots.

A small trench was sunk over a small fumarole; and at a depth of 10 ft. the temperature of the rock was found to be 185° Fahr.

No. 1 borehole, cased with 3in. piping, was put down to a depth of 10 ft. where it encountered the edge of the basalt. At the same time it struck a fissure from which hot mud was projected a height of 60 ft. for about forty-eight hours. The mud was succeeded by boiling water charged with H2S gas, which was found to issue at a pressure of 30lb. per square inch.

Griffiths further mentions that the richest deposits of cinnabar were found in close proximity to the hottest fumaroles, and that at very shallow depths a temperature was soon reached which precluded mining operation being carried on.

The Ohaeawai hot springs cinnabar-deposits, although never likely to be turned to economic account, are of great scientific importance from the light which they throw upon the formation of sulphide ores by solfataric actions. The deposits are still in process of formation, and metallic sulphides have been, and are still being, deposited in underground fissures and at the surface, together with the sinters which form the matrix.

The hot springs and fumaroles owe their existence to the eruption of the basalt, but the basalt is manifestly not the

– 30 –

source of the metals. The source may not be deep-seated, but that it exists at some distance below the flow of basalt is almost certain.

The waters of the Ohaeawai springs were found by Captain Hutton in 1870 to contain zinc, manganese, silica, free sulphuric and hydrochloric acids, but not traces of mercury.* A sample of the water analysed by W. Skey in 1896 gave the following results:—

Grains per Gallon.
Protoxide of iron 2·23
Lime 5·97
Magnesia 1·15
Silica 3·10
Sulphuric acid 13·60
Hydrochloric acid 66·91
Sulphuretted hydrogen Traces
Alkalies 41·66
Ammonia Traces
Organic matter Traces

Comstock Lode.

Abundant evidence of the hydro-thermal origin of veins traversing eruptive rocks is also obtainable in Europe and America.

In several of the mines in the Comstock Lode ascending thermal waters were encountered in the deep workings, and seriously impeded mining operations. The water which flooded the Gold Hill mines issued from a borehole in the Yellow Jacket Shaft at a depth of 3,080 ft. It had a temperature of 170° Farh., and was heavily charged with hydrogen-sulphide.

Baron von Richthofen,§ who examined the Comstock Lode at a time when no abnormal temperature was noticeable, ascribed the origin of the lode to earlier solfataric action.

Sulphur Bank Cinnabar-Deposits.

The quicksilver-mines at Sulphur Bank, in California, furnish important evidence in relation to the genesis of oredeposits by solfataric action. At this place the basements rocks are slates and sandstones overlain by a fresh-water

[Footnote] * F. W. Hutton, “On the Occurrence of Native Mercury near Pakaraka, Bay of Islands. “Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. iii, 1871, p. 251.

[Footnote] Clarence King, U.S. Geological Exploration of Fortieth Parallel, 1870, p. 87.

[Footnote] ‡ George F. Becker, “Geology of the Comstock Lode,” U.S. Geol. Surv. 1882, p. 230.

[Footnote] § F. von Richthofen, “The Comstock Lode, its Character and Probable Mode of Continuance in Depth,” San Francisco, 1866, p. 54.

– 31 –

formation, which in turn is capped by a flow of basalt. The sandstones and slates are broken and fissured in such a way as to form a breccia. The interspaces are filled partly with a still soft or already indurated siliceous paste, containing finely disseminated metallic sulphides, and partly with cinnabar, for the most part in coherent crusts.* In the same mine the basalt is reduced to a porous mass, and traversed by irregular fissures filled with sulphur and cinnabar. Hot mineral water and gases carrying H2S force their way through the interstices of the deposit in the fissured sandstones and slates.

The silica-deposits are found in all stages of consolidation, from a gelatinous mass to chalcedony, and alternate with layers of metallic sulphides, consisting of cinnabar and pyrites.

Unfortunately, no information is obtainable as to the nature of the fresh-water formation lying between the Cretaceous sandstone and basalt.

According to Becker, the hot water is rich in chlorides, borax, and sodium-carbonate. The gases liberated from the water consisted of 893 parts of CO2, 2 parts of H2S, 79 parts of marsh-gas (CH4), and 25 parts of nitrogen, in 1,000 parts.

According to Dr. Melville the marcasite associated with the cinnabar contains traces of gold and copper; and in the efflorescence from the mine-workings Becker detected traces of cobalt and nickel.

In the upper zone only sulphur was found; lower down sulphur and cinnabar, and in depth cinnabar and pyrites occurring upon or within deposits of silica.

Steamaboat Springs Cinnabar-Deposits.

The Steamboat Springs in Nevada also furnish important evidence of vein-filling by thermal waters. They have been fully described by Le Conte, Becker,§ and other writers.

In a valley surrounded with eruptive rocks, and underlain by altered sedimentaries believed to be of Archæan age, thermal springs issue from several points from north-and-south fissures. The floor of the valley is covered in places with a sheet of calcareous sinter in which there are many fissures,

[Footnote] * J. Le Conte, “On Mineral Veins now in Progress at Steamboat Springs compared with the same at Sulphur Bank,” Am. Jour. of Science, vol. xxv, p. 404.

[Footnote] † Prof. F. Posepny, “The Genesis of Ore-deposits,” Trans. Amer. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. xxiii, p. 197.

[Footnote] ‡ J. Le Conte, “On Mineral Veins now in Progress at Steam-boat Springs compared with the Same at Sulphur Bank,” Am. Jour. Sci., vol. xxv, p. 424.

[Footnote] § G. F. Becker, “Geology of the Quicksilver deposits of the Pacific Slope,” U.S. Geol. Surv., Washington, 1888, p. 331.

– 32 –

here and there still open, but mostly closed by the deposit of silica on their walls. From some of the springs hot vapours and gases, chiefly CO2 and H2S, still issue.

Becker found in the mineral water small amounts of mercury-sulphide and sodium-sulphide. About a mile to the west of the main group there are similar fissures yielding steam and CO2. In the sinters of these occur several metallic sulphides. Becker analysed the filling of several fissures and found. besides hydrated ferric oxide, lead, copper, and mercury sulphide, gold and silver, and traces of zinc, manganese, cobalt, and nickel.

Thermal Action in Relation to Vein-Formation.

The occurrence of metallic sulphides in the sinters at Sulphur Bank, Steamboat Springs, and Ohaeawai hot springs; the mushroom-capped lodes at Waihi and Great Barrier Island; and the tree-stems replaced by sulphides found in veins at great depths below the present surface, afford conclusive evidence of the filling of veins by hot ascending waters and gases in areas occupied by later eruptive rocks. It is a notorious circumstance that ore-deposits are most numerous in the neighbourhood of extended zones of eruptive rocks, as in Hungary, Transylvania, Nevada, Colorado, and New Zealand, where the vein-bearing rocks are principally andesite, phonolite, and trachyte. In other rocks veins are fewer and more scattered.

For veins in these altered later eruptives Lindgren suggests the name “propylite veins,” but it is doubtful whether the genetic difference between propylite veins and true fissureveins is sufficiently marked to justify the distĩnction. Moreover, the roots of propylite veins will be difficult to distinguish from fissure-veins connected with a plutonic intrusion.

Professor Suess,* speaking of the importance of the rôle played by the waning phases of volcanic phenomena in the formation of mineral veins, says, “Hot springs may be taken as the latest phase of a whole series which led up to the present deposits of ore.”

In Nevada the sulphur-bearing rock occurs in beds lying between limestone and magnesian rocks. In Utah the sulphur occurs associated with gypsum near an old crater.

At Tikitere, in New Zealand, there are extensive deposits of sulphur in an old crater. A large proportion of the sulphur is the black amorphous variety. The heat of the fumaroles and hot springs is too great to permit the excavation of the sulphur to a greater depth than 6 ft. or 8 ft.

[Footnote] * Professor Edward Suess, Lectures, Royal Geographical Journal vol. xx, Nov. 1902, p. 520.

– 33 –

At White Island, in the Bay of Plenty, the deposits of sulphur occur in and around the crater-lake, mixed with gypsum. The crater-water is hot, and highly charged with free hydrochloric and sulphuric acids. The gypsum is deposited in crystalline incrustations on the sides and floor of the crater-lake. The source of the lime has not yet been determined; but the supply must be constant, as gypsum is being deposited continuously. The sulphur is deposited in the water from gas-springs which are seen bubbling everywhere in the floor of the lake; and also from fumaroles around the margin of the crater.

Art. V.—On the Rôle of Metasomatism in the Formation of certain Ore-deposits.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 13th September, 1904.]

Until lately it was the common belief that ore-deposits merely filled pre-existing fissures and cavities in the country rock. In recent years, writers on ore-formation have become convinced, as the result of microscopic examination, that many ore-bodies were merely metasomatic replacements of country rock that followed certain well-defined crush-zones of zones of metamorphism. According to this, it is surmised that in many cases no previous cavities existed, but that the waters altered and removed certain tracks or zones of rock which they partially or completely replaced with orematter and gangue.

This process of replacement is known to petrologists to have taken place among the constituents of many rock-masses, no matter how dense, including all metamorphic rocks, and all older igneous and eruptive masses. It is known as “metasomatism” (meaning, change of body), and is due to internal chemical reactions which seem to take place as readily in rocks as do the equally obscure metabolic changes in living organisms.

In many cases minerals are replaced molecule by molecule, giving rise to what is termed “mineral pseudomorphism.” But in the processes which affect changes in rock-masses, reactions may be set up between the different constituent minerals, thereby forming new minerals capable of segregating themselves into large masses; or the rock may be altered, and some or all of the constituents removed and replaced by new

– 34 –

substances. Thus, while pseudomorphism and metasomatism are closely related processes, it is found that they differ widely in the scope of their operation. Gneiss and mica-schist are familiar examples of the work of segregation and molecular rearrangement of the dominant constituents of sedimehtary rocks.

The internal changes that affect eruptives are known to every petrologist. Besides these changes, which are chiefly molecular, rock-masses, and especially eruptive rocks, may be so altered by the action of circulating waters as to bear no resemblance to the original rock. Thus, in many cases andesites have been changed to propylite by the removal of certain essential constituents and the substitution of others.

Metasomatic replacement, as defined by Van Hise* and Emmons, does not necessarily imply a mere substitution of matter, molecule for molecule, as happens in the process of pseudomorphism, which involves the preservation of the original form of the substance replaced, but an interchange of substance, the dissolved rock being replaced by grains or crystalline aggregates of one or more minerals. That substitution did, however, take place in some kinds of deposits is well known. In the tin impregnations found in granite in New South Wales, pseudomorphs of tin in the form of orthoclase are not uncommon; and many other examples could be quoted having reference principally to the replacement of isolated crystals in crystalline and eruptive rocks.

Slow replacement of substance by a progressive movement of the solutions in a definite direction must be assumed to have taken place in the formation of ore-deposits composed of massive aggregates of ore and quartzose matrix. In most cases the direction of movement would be determined by a rockfracture, fault-line, or crush-zone. In the case of deposits formed by deep-circulating solutions it is manifest that circulation could not be rapid, as the face or breast where metasomatic processes were active would form a blind end or cul-de-sac. Whatever circulation existed would be mainly due to convection currents, which in deep-seated cavities would of necessity be feeble.

This raises the question as to the transference and supply of dissolved matter to the continually advancing faces of metasomatic action.

The energy which caused, or, at any rate, accelerated, this transference was probably osmotic pressure, which is a force

[Footnote] * Van Hise, Sixteenth Annual Report U.S. Geol. Surv., part i, p.689.

[Footnote] † S. F. Emmons, U.S. Geol. Surv. Monograph xii, p.565.

– 35 –

of great intensity. It has been proved that when a portion of dissolved substance is deposited from a solution at any point the osmotic balance is disturbed, and immediately more dissolved matter travels to that point, in accordance with the well-established laws of osmotic diffusion, thereby providing new matter to augment the growing mass of ore. Osmotic pressure is the chemical principle which compels solutions to maintain an equal state of concentration throughout their whole mass; and since it is always called into being when precipitation commences, its operation as an agency in veinfilling must not be overlooked.

Metasomatism is a process of lode-formation, and does not concern itself with the source or origin of the dissolved matter contained in the solutions. It is almost certain that metasomatic processes, to a greater or less degree, were active agencies in the formation and filling of the majority of pyritic ore-bodies.

Veins in which the mineral contents are arranged in symmetrical bands or crustifications can only be satisfactorily explained by supposing that the vein-matter was deposited in open channels, beginning with a crust on each wall, followed by subsequent crusts until the channel became closed or the solution exhausted. It is not assumed that the vein fissure remained open its full width during the whole period of deposition of the vein-matter. It is more reasonable to suppose that the fissure gradually opened as the process of deposition proceeded, the newly formed matter affording the necessary support to the walls. The forces which initiated the fracture, if still in existence, would doubtless tend to reopen and widen the fissure from time to time.

Waldemar Lindgren's classic paper on “Metasomatic Processes in Fissure-veins”* represents a great advance in the scientific investigation of vein-formation. The author has followed Stelzner's methods of microscopic chemical research with conspicuous success, in a field hitherto much neglected. His work further shows that a clear understanding of the genesis of a vein can only be obtained by a minute study of the rocks contiguous to the ore-body. The metasomatism he describes is clearly not correlative with the metasomatic replacement defined by Emmons, but merely mineral pseudomorphism on a large scale. He defines his standpoint by repeating and adopting Becker's statement that “the theory of the substitution of ore for rock is to be accepted only when there is definite evidence of pseudomorphic molecular replacement.” He mentions that quartz is found replacing

[Footnote] * Lindgren, Trans. Amer. Inst. Min. Eng., vol. xxx, 1900, p. 578.

[Footnote] † Becker, Discussion, “Genesis of Ore-deposits,” 1901, p. 204.

– 36 –

calcite or even orthoclase, and that rutile and anatase are common as secondary products after ilmenite, titanite, titaniferous magnetite, biotite, &c. Substitution of this kind is pseudomorphic rather than metasomatic. Upon these and other mineralogical replacements which he enumerates he implies that the formation of vein-filling was the result of replacement molecule by molecule.

Lindgren thinks this genetic theory may be fully sufficient for many veins, but admits that for many others, perhaps the majority of fissure-veins, there seems to be something lacking.

Vogt* classifies the metasomatic alterations caused by the circulation of ore-solutions as follows:—


Alterations forming greisen, cassiterite rock, &c.










Carbonatisation (with dolomitisation).






Intense contact metamorphism.

The tin-bearing rocks at Mount Bischoff, in Tasmania, are eurite and felsite wholly or partly replaced by massive topaz. To the list of metasomatic alteration of rock-masses must therefore be added topazisation.

Vogt agrees with Emmons, Becker, Lindgren, and others that metasomatic replacement plays an important part in the formation of mineral veins and ore-bodies.

Art. VI.—The Deposition of Mineral Matter from Aqueous Solutions in its Relation to the Filling of Cavities and Vein-fissures.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 13th September, 1904.]

The deposition of metalliferous and mineral matter from underground solutions may be effected by one or more of the following causes:—


A decrease of temperature.


A decrease of pressure.

[Footnote] * Prof. Vogt, “Problems in the Geology of Ore-deposits,” loc. cit, p. 660.

– 37 –

Electro-chemical action.


Chemical precipitation—


By contact with other mineralised solutions.


By gaseous emanations.


Absorption of metals from dilute solutions by silica, clays, and porous substances.

The dissolution and deposition of mineral matter from aqueous solutions must necessarily be governed by physico-chemical laws. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the prevailing geological conditions in each case will determine the forces or processes that will be brought into operation.

The dissolving-power of water is enormously increased by heat and pressure, and it has been proved experimentally that water and water-vapour at high temperatures and pressures are capable of dissolving almost all known rocks and metals. Hence water will possess its greatest solvent power at the greatest depth reached by it, whether it is disengaged from a cooling igneous magma, or exists as a deep-seated circulating current. In the first case the water and vapour will gather their mineral contents from the parent magma, either in whole or in part, and in the second case from the rocks through which the channels chance to pass.

The hot mineral-laden solutions will naturally tend to ascend, and in ascending will gradually part with heat and become subject to less pressure. The substances which were dissolved only at the greatest temperature and pressure will be the first to pass out of solution; and thereafter, as the solutions ascend, with decreasing temperature and pressure, the dissolved substances will be deposited in the inverse order of their solubility. The most difficulty soluble substances will be the first to go out of solution, and the most easily soluble the last. Thus when the ascending waters reach the surface we should only expect to find in solution the easily dissolved alkaline silicates, carbonates, and sulphates.

It is notorious that hot mineral springs do not deposit sulphides at the surface. The cinnabar which has been and is still being deposited in the sinters at Ohaeawai hot springs in New Zealand is being formed from gaseous emanations, and not from the mineral waters. This is also probably true of the cinnabar-deposits at Steamboat Springs and Sulphur Bank in America. At Ohaeawai, Rotorua, and everywhere through out the volcanic regions of New Zealand solfataric and fumarolic action are intermittent phases of the same pipe or vent. In many cases, however, hot springs and fumaroles exist side by side.

The weathering and oxidation of the outcrops of metalliferous lodes by meteoric waters, followed by the transference

– 38 –

and concentration of the valuable contents to a lower depth, forming zones of secondary enrichment, are the work of chemical dissolution and electro-chemical precipitation in which the primary sulphides probably play an important part.

The power possessed by clays, silica, and porous mineral substances to absorb or extract metals from dilute aqueous solutions may play a more important part in the formation of ore-deposits than generally supposed.

W. Skey,* as far back as 1869, proved experimentally that finely pulverised massive quartz, rock-crystal, and silica possess the power of absorbing or extracting the oxide of iron from its acetate solution. He also found that prepared silica especially manifests this property if ignited at a low temperature, and, besides, takes oxides of copper and chromium from their acetate solutions. The more finely divided the silica the more appaént is the absorption.

In 1871 Skey found that when a weak ammoniacal solution of copper containing a little caustic potash is poured upon a filter of Swedish paper (cellulose), the liquid which passes through the paper is quite or nearly colourless, and the filter is found to have retained all, or nearly all, the copper of such solution.

In 1874 he showed that clay possessed the property of absorbing and fixing natural petroleum in such a way as to form a substance resembling natural oil-shale, the oil being chemically combined with the clay. He does not appear to have tried to ascertain the absorptive power of clay upon solutions of the metals, but his discovery that silica and porous substances such as cellulose possess the property of absorbing metals from their solutions has an important bearing upon the chemistry of ore-formation.

E. Kohler,§ in 1903, experimenting on the line followed by Skey in 1869, showed that clays and porous substances such as gelatinous silica, carbonaceous and colloidal substances, possess the power of extracting metals from their dilute solution.

In this property of clay, silica, and porous substances we may have found the key to the concentration of gold in the

[Footnote] * W. Skey “On the Absorptive Properties of Silica, and its Direct Hydration in Contact with Water,” Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. ii, p. 151, Wellington, N.Z., 1869.

[Footnote] † W. Skey, “Absorption of Copper from its Ammoniacal Solution by Cellulose in Presence of Gaustic Potash,” Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. iv 1871, p. 332.

[Footnote] ‡ W. Skey, “Notes on the Formation and Constitution of Torbanite and similar Minerals,” Trans. N.Z. Inst, vol. vii, 1874, p. 387.

[Footnote] § E. Kohler “Zeitschrift für Praktisohe Geologie,” 1903, p.49.

– 39 –

clayey and talcose matrix of the remarkable lode-formations of Kalgoorlie; of the rich horn-silver and embolite found in the kaolin clay of Broken Hill Lode; of the silver in the silver-sandstones of Utah; and of the copper in the copper-bearing shales of Mansfield and elsewhere. Rock-impregnation by magmatic water in the zone of metamorphism connected with an igneous intrusion may also be traced to the same cause.

Art. VII.—The Temperature of Combustion of Methane in the Presence of Palladiumised Asbestos

[Read before the Canterbury Philosophical Society, 7th June, 1905.]

A Considerable doubt appears to envelop the question as to the temperature at which methane combines with oxygen in the presence of palladiumised asbestos. Winkler states that the action scarcely takes place under a red heat. Phillips (Chem. Soc. Jour., 66, 2, 194) gives 404–414°C.; Hempel, 200°; whilst Richardt has quite recently determined 500°C. as being the temperature at which an appreciable oxidation takes place. It was to throw light on this question that this set of experiments has been carried out.

Scope of Work.

1. Determination of the temperature of combustion of methane and oxygen when in proper volume for complete combustion.

2. The influence of a change of rate at which the gases were passed over the palladiumised asbestos.

3. The influence of a change in the proportion of the gases.

4. The effect on the temperature of combustion of methane when varying proportions of hydrogen were added.

5. A brief inquiry into the question as to how far the catalytic action of the palladium is due to a superficial oxidation.

Apparatus and Method.

Pure methane was prepared by the method of Parker and Tribe from zinc-copper couple and methyl iodide; and the oxygen and hydrogen by the electrolysis of pure dilute sulphuric acid.

A heavy iron vessel containing lead, shielded with asbestos walls, was used as a bath, and gave extremely satisfactory

– 40 –

results, for rarely did one degree of variation occur in the course of an experiment. All temperatures were measured with a platinum resistance thermometer.

The method adopted was to pass the gas through a capillary containing the asbestos, the tube being kept at the requisite temperature by the lead bath. The gas was then allowed to take up a constant temperature, and carbon-dioxide sought for by absorption in potassium-hydrate.

With regard to testing the oxidation of the metal, the method was altered. Oxygen was slowly passed through the capillary; the apparatus was then swept out with nitrogen, and methane passed through. It was anticipated that, if an oxidation had taken place, traces of carbon-dioxide would be found.

The conclusions arrived at may be summarised as follows:—

1. The temperature of oxidation of pure methane and oxygen is about 520–546 C., very close to that observed recently by Richardt.

2. An increase in the rate at which the gas is sent over appears to cause a decided increase in the temperature of combustion. Since every particle of gas was in contact with the heated asbestos for over a second, this increase cannot be attributed to insufficient heating. A decrease in the rate caused very little alteration in the temperature of oxidation, showing that increased facilities for combination in no way help to overcome the natural retardation observed by Mallard and Le Chatelier, and by Richardt.

3. A variation in the proportions of the gases causes a decided change in the temperature of oxidation, for a well-defined minimum is obtained when the gases are present in proper volumes for total combustion. 1 vol. CH4 : 2 of O2 gave as temperature of combustion 520–546°C.; 1 vol. CH4:1 of O2 gave as temperature of combustion 565–585°C.; 1 vol. CH4: 3 of O2 gave as temperature of combustion 620°C. The curve connecting volumes and temperatures is appended.

4. The addition of hydrogen, even in large quantities, does not cause the methane to burn at a lower temperature. Consequently the usual method of fractional combustion of hydrogen in gas-analyses should give reliable results, provided the temperature does not rise above 500° C. It is interesting to note that the action of the catalyser does not appear to be aided by the intense heat generated by the combustion of the hydrogen. Perhaps the most reasonable explanation of this is that the palladium, which is catalytically active not only towards a methane-and-oxygen mixture but also towards a hydrogen-and-oxygen mixture, acts in the presence of these three gases in such a way as to confine its energy as a catalyser to that direction in which it is the

– 41 –

more active-namely, to aiding the union of hydrogen and oxygen.

5. The catalytic action of the palladium does not appear to be due to a previous oxidation of the metal.

6. In no case has anything approaching complete combustion been observed, although at times the gas was 150° above its temperature of combustion. This is directly contrary to the work of Phillips, but in good accord with the recently published work of Richardt.

In conclusion, I feel that I cannot close this paper without expressing my deep gratitude to Dr. W. P. Evans for his kindly assistance and encouragement, and also to Dr. C. C. Farr for the loan of electrical apparatus.

– 42 –

Art. VIII.—Technical Analyses of Coal, and Coal-testing.

[Read before the Canterbury Philosophical Institute, 7th June, 1905.]

As the results, so far as the estimation of moisture, volatile combustible matter, and fixed carbon are concerned, are only comparative, to be of any value it is necessary that they be obtained under exactly the same conditions.

The methods used for the various determinations in the coals analysed are as follows:—

Moisture.—Weigh 2–5 grams of the pulverised sample into a platinum crucible; place the crucible uncovered in an air bath having a temperature ranging from 105° C. to 110° C., and heat at this temperature for exactly one hour; cool, weigh, and call the loss in weight “moisture.” As coal when dried at 100° C. loses in weight for a time, and then grows heavier, the sample cannot be dried in the ordinary way until a constant weight is obtained.

Volatile Combustible Matter.—Weigh 1–2 grams of the sample into a platinum crucible, place the cover on tightly, and heat over a good Bunsen burner for exactly three and a half minutes; then bring a blast lamp under the crucible for exactly three and a half minutes more, taking care not to allow the crucible and contents to cool while changing burners. Cool and weigh, the loss in weight being moisture and volatile combustible matter. This determination should always be made on a fresh sample of coal, and not on the sample used for the moisture-determination.

Fixed Carbon and Ash.—After weighing the crucible for the previous determination, heat over a good Bunsen burner until the carbon is completely burned off and the residue shows no unburned carbon. Cool and weigh; the difference between this weight and the last is the weight of fixed carbon in the coal, and the residue in the crucible is the ash. The sum of percentages of fixed carbon and ash is approximately the percentage of coke that may be obtained from the coal.

Sulphur—Eschka's method was used, heating with an alcohol-lamp. As this method is well known, no description is needed.

Heating-value.—For the actual calorimetric determinations, Rosenhaim's modification of the Thompson calorimeter was used; for comparison, the calculated heating-values are according to a formula suggested by the American Coal Analyses Committee.*

[Footnote] * Chem. News, 1898, p. 75; Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xxxi, p. 564.

– 43 –

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Trade Samples.
Moisture. Ash. Volatile Combustible Matter. Fixed Carbon Sulphur Coal-substance. Coke. With Calorimeter (Actual). Calculated Evaporative Power.
Calories. Calories. lb.
Wesport (Average) 3·63 2·75 36·39 57·23 1·58 92·04 59·98 7473·5 7491·3 13·97
Westport (good) 2·10 2·27 30·42 65·21 1·24 94·39 67·48 7698·8 7667·3 14·30
Point Elizabeth 9·88 0·88 35·95 53·29 1·45 87·79 54·17 7063·3 7142·7 13·32
" 10·48 1·63 31·87 56·02 0·97 86·92 57·65 7003·6 7053·2 13·16
Co-operative Coal-mine 5·81 1·12 34·72 58·35 1·35 91·72 59·47 7381·1 7455·9 13·90
Westport Cardiff 3·33 1·55 38·28 56·84 1·02 94·10 58·39 7651·8 7635·0 14·24
Puponga 6·78 8·90 33·16 51·16 0·61 83·71 60·06 6895·2 6779·6 12·65
Malvern 25·83 3·96 36·89 33·36 0·68 69·53 37·32 5388·6 5638·5 10·52
Wool h d Creek 26·90 5·42 33·33 1·63 66·12 43·78 5102·4 5401·2 10·07
– 44 –

To determine which coal is the most economical to use actual boiler tests must be made on each variety as received. Combined with the boiler test should be careful chemical analyses, which will furnish standards of quality for future reference. Alone, chemical analyses are not sufficient, as every boiler requires a particular variety of coal for the production of best results, and then a coal can be selected from which the maximum capacity of heat can be obtained; but, as stated before, this can only be determined accurately by means of actual boiler tests, and subsequently by chemical analyses.

Particularly in rapidly determining the heat-value of successive consignments of the same coal, or of similar coals, the quantity of ash forms the readiest basis of comparison. The ash-determination can be made accurately and rapidly, where it is impracticable to make calormetric determinations sufficiently often.* Coal high in ash has its fuel-value per ton diminished, and, allowing for the moisture, any variation in the quantity of ash gives a sufficiently good criterion of the variation in calorific value. As the ash accumulates, and is mixed with smaller particles of coal, preventing their complete combustion, the grate is stopped up, thus diminishing the rate of combustion and the steam produced.

From actual calorimetric determinations, compared with the ash-determination of various lots of coal of the same class, the following results show that as the ash increases so the calorific value diminishes, the calculations being made on a 2-per-cent-moisture basis.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Ash. Calorific Value. Ash. Calorific Value.
2·83 7372·2 4·82 7150·2
3·01 7303·3 4·91 7133·8
3·53 7279·1 5·45 7045·7
3·85 7204·6

Of thirty-two samples of coal examined in this way, twenty-seven, or 84 per cent., varied as above.

As it costs money to handle ash, coals with a high percentage of ash are also more expensive from this standpoint.

Another important factor to be considered is the fusibility of the ash. Coals containing much sulphur produce an ash which is readily fusible, and may thus choke up the grate completely. The completeness of combustion depends greatly upon the absence of fusion in the ash, as, in fusing, the ash

[Footnote] * Jour. Soc. Chem. Ind., 1904, p. 11.

– 45 –

encloses unburned carbon, and thus further combustion is stopped.

An item which does not enter into serious consideration as far as the more commonly used New Zealand coals are concerned is the question of moisture; this is objectionable, both because of reducing the fuel-value per ton and on account of the heat consumed in evaporating it. A certain amount of the heat produced by fuel is necessary to raise its temperature to that of the grate, as well as for evaporating the moisture contained in it. A fuel very low in heating-value may often use up heat in burning, and thus prove a constant source of loss in heat-energy.

For permission to submit this paper I have to express my thanks to Mr. Gilbert Anderson, managing director of the Christchurch Meat Company, in whose laboratory all the experimental work has been done.

Art. IX.—Some New Compounds of a Similar Nature to Antifebrine.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 5th July, 1905.]

Antifebrine, acetanilide, C6H5. NH. CO. CH3, is prepared by heating together acetic acid and aniline. The acetic acid may be replaced by any fatty acid, and the resulting compound is known as the anilide of the corresponding acid. Many of these compounds have already been obtained, but the melting-points of the known members of the series show such little regularity that it was determined to prepare the missing members in order to investigate the nature of the irregularities. Again, by treating the derivatives of aniline, such as toluidine, naphthylamine, &c., with the fatty acids, new series of compounds can be obtained, and these have hitherto been investigated only to a slight extent. No less than thirty-five new compounds of this nature have been prepared in a pure condition. Their medicinal properties have not been investigated, but it is quite possible that some of them might prove to be antipyretics as valuable as, if not more valuable than, antifebrine itself.

– 46 –

In Table I are collected the melting-points of the anilides and paratoluidides. It is seen that the numbers do not form a regular series, but vary in a most erratic manner, the irregularities being greatest among the earlier members. In the case of the even members a regular increase in the melting-point is observable after the tenth member, and, further, the differences between the two sets of numbers gradually diminish.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Table I.
Number of Carbon-atoms in Corresponding Acid. Anilides. Difference. Paratoluidides.
° ° ° ° °
2 112 153
3 105 123
4 90 74*
5 61 72*
6 95 75*
7 71 80*
8 59*
9 57* 81*
10 61* 19 80*
11 64* 67*
12 68* 13 81*
14 84 9 93*
16 90 6 96*
18 94 4 98*

One of the causes of these abnormal results is probably the symmetry of the molecule, which has been shown in many cases to have a great influence on the melting-point. Hence, if in two series of compounds of similar nature symmetry in one case tended to reduce the melting-point, and in the other to cause an elevation, the possibility arises that these two factors might balance each other; consequently, on adding the melting-points together a regular series might result. This method of treatment has proved to be successful, and satisfactory results have been obtained, more especially in the case of the even members, for which the data are more complete.

A series of such a nature is that of the fatty amides, the melting-points of which tend to rise or fall as the corresponding numbers in the case of the anilides or paratoluidides diminish or increase. The values obtained by adding these series together is given in Table II.

[Footnote] * Determinations by the author.

– 47 –
Table II,—Sum of Melting-Points.
Number of Carbon-atoms in Corresponding Amide and Anilide. Amide and Paratoluidide Acid.
° ° ° °
2 194 235
3 184 202
4 205 189
5 171 187
6 195 175
7 166 175
8 169
9 149 173
10 159 178
11 145 148
12 170 183
14 186 195
16 196 202
18 203 207

In both cases the numbers for the odd members fall continuously. In the even series there is a regular minimum, and in one instance a corresponding maximum at a distance of six carbon-atoms. The resemblance becomes clearer when the results are plotted graphically.

– 48 –

In addition to these compounds the lower members of the naphthylamides have also been prepared. In each case the melting-points form an even less regular series than do the anilides and paratoluidides.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Table III.
Number of Carbon-atoms in Corresponding Acid. α, Naphthylamide. Sum. β, Naphthylamide.
° °
2 159 291 132
3 116* 286 170*
4 120* 287 167*
5 111* 277. 166*
6 93* 264 171*
7 106* 248 142*
9 91* 200 109*
10 95* 194 99*
11 92* 191 105*
12 87* 185 98*

These series scarcely show any regularity even when the odd and even members are considered separately. But it is noticeable that when the melting-point of the α compound rises, that of the β derivative falls, and vice versa. Consequently, on adding the two series together it might be expected that regularities would appear. Such is indeed the case; the sum of the melting-points of the even as well as the odd members forms a gradually diminishing series of numbers.

The naphthylamides, even when recrystallized several times from alcohol, are of a pink or yellowish hue. But the most noticeable feature is that the odd members of the α compounds are much darker in colour than the even members, whilst in the case of the β derivatives exactly the reverse is found to be the case.


The anilides and toluidides described in the present paper were prepared by the following method: A mixture of from 1 to 3 grams of the fatty acid and the equivalent amount of aniline or paratoluidine was sealed in a tube and heated to 150°–180° for eight hours. In no case was any pressure observed in the tube after cooling. The product obtained in this manner was treated several times with dilute hydro-

[Footnote] * Determinations by the author.

– 49 –

chloric acid to separate any uncombined base. After this the impure substance, which if it had first separated as an oil had in most cases now become solid, was washed with water and crystallized from dilute alcohol. Usually three crystallizations were sufficient to obtain a compound of constant melting-point. The yield was in general 50–80 per cent. The purified compound was then analysed by determining the percentage of nitrogen by the ordinary method of Dumas.

The following are the details of the experiments:—

Nonylanilide: C15H28ON; white crystals; M.P., 57°. On analysis, 0·2140 gram gave 11·7 c.c. N at 23°, and 768 mm. N = 6·3 per cent., (calc.) 6 per cent.

Decanilide: C16H25ON; white crystals; M.P., 61°. On analysis, 0·1098 gram gave 5·7 c.c. N at 22°, and 758 mm. N = 5·9 per cent., (calc.) 5·7 per cent.

Undecylanilide: C17H27ON; white crystals; M.P., 64°. On analysis, 0·1968 gram gave 9·6 c.c N at 23°, and 768 mm. N = 5·6 per cent., (calc.) 5·3 per cent.

Lauranilide: C18H29ON; light-yellowish crystals resembling lauric acid; M.P., 68°. On analysis, 0·3376 gram gave 14·6 c.c. N at 20°, and 770 mm. N =5·1 per cent., (calc.) 5·0 per cent.

Butyroparatoluidide: C11H15ON; white crystals; M.P., 74°. On analysis, 0·1502 gram gave 10·3 c.c. N at 23°, and 764 mm. N = 8·0 per cent., (calc.) 7·8 per cent.

Valeroparatoluidide: C12H17ON; white crystals; M.P., 72°. On analysis, 0·1474 gram gave 9·6 c.c. N at 19°, and 750 mm. N = 7·5 per cent., (calc.) 7·3 per cent.

Hexoparatoluidide: C18H19ON; white crystals; M.P., 75°. On analysis, 0·2194 gram gave 13·4 c.c. N at 22°, and 754 mm. N = 7·0 per cent., (calc.) 6·8 per cent.

Heptoparatoluidide: C14H21ON; white crystals; M.P., 80 per cent. On analysis, 0·2560 gram gave 14·2 c.c. N at 22°, and 756 mm. N = 6·3 per cent., (calc.) 6·4 per cent.

Octoparatoluidide: C15H23ON. Separated as a brown oil, which crystallized only after several weeks. After four recrystallizations a small quantity of the compound, melting constantly at 59°, was obtained. The amount was insufficient for analysis. The small yield in this case is probably due to the fact that it is extremely difficult to prepare octoic acid in a pure state.

Nonylparatoluidide: C16H25ON; white waxy crystals; M.P., 81°. On analysis, 0 1962 gram gave 9·8 c.c. N at 21°, and 754 mm. N = 5·7 per cent., (calc.) 5·7 per cent.

Decoparatoluidide: C17H27; whitish crystals; M.P.,

– 50 –

80°. On analysis, 0·1646 gram gave 8 0 c.c. N at 23°, and 756 mm. N = 5·5 per cent., (calc.) 5·3 per cent.

Undecylparatoluidide: C18H29ON; waxy white crystals; M.P., 67°. On analysis, 0·1924 gram gave 8·5 c.c. N at 23°, and 758 mm. N = 5·0 per cent, (calc.) 5·0 per cent.

Lauroparatoluidide: C19H31ON; yellowish crystals; M.P., 81°. On analysis, 0·2780 gram gave 12·1 c.c. N at 22°, and 756 mm. N = 5·0 per cent., (calc.) 4·8 per cent.

Myristoparatoluidide: C21H35ON; waxy white crystals; M.P., 93°. On analysis, 0·2042 gram gave 7·6 c.c. N at 21°, and 760 mm. N = 4·35 per cent., (calc.) 4·4 per cent.

Palmitoparatoluidide: C23H89ON; yellowish crystals; M.P., 96°. On analysis, 0·2618 gram gave 9·2 c.c. N at 21°, and 764 mm. N = 4·1 per cent., (calc.) 4·05 per cent.

Stearoparatoluidide : C25H48ON; after six crystallizations from absolute alcohol the compound melted at 90°. On analysis, 0·2710 gram gave 9·0 c.c. N at 22°, and 764 mm. N =3·9 per cent., (calc.) 3·75 per cent.

– 51 –

Art. X.—The Detection and Estimation of the Alkaloids by means of their Double Sulphocyanides.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 3rd May, 1905.]

The late Mr. Skey, who has enriched the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute by a large number of papers on chemical and physical subjects, has drawn attention to the fact that solutions containing certain alkaloids yield precipitates when treated with ammonium-sulphocyanide and a zinc or mercury salt. Neither the discoverer of the reaction nor any subsequent observer appears to have further investigated these insoluble precipitates. Consequently, at the suggestion of Professor Easterfield, the following investigation was made, with the twofold object of determining the nature of the reaction and of basing upon it a convenient method of volumetric analysis.

The more important alkaloids were examined, and it was found that in the presence of ammonium-sulphocyanide not only zinc and mercury but many other metals gave insoluble precipitates. In particular the cobalt compounds are characterized by the display of colour which occurs during the precipitation. This forms an excellent test for detecting small quantities of antipyrine. If a solution containing cobaltnitrate and ammonium-sulphocyanide is added to a liquid in which the drug is dissolved, there first appears a dark-blue precipitate, and the colour of the solution gradually changes through various shades of purple till it finally becomes red. Not only is this reaction as sensitive and characteristic as the ordinary tests for antipyrine, but in addition it possesses the advantage that it takes only a short time to perform.

Nickel also gives characteristic green precipitates with quinine and cocaine, but the reaction is not so sensitive as was found to be the case with cobalt. The other metals examined, with the exception of tin, give for the most part only faint precipitates.

The results are collected in Table I, and in the case of the more sensitive reactions the limit of dilution at which the precipitation occurs with excess of the reagents is also given.

– 52 –

Table I.-Showing the Reactions of the More Important Alkaloids in the Presence of Ammonium-sulphocyanide and Different Metals.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Quinine. Cinchonine. Cinchonidine. Cocaine. Atropine. Brucine Strychnine. Morphine. Codeine Nicotine. Pilocarpin. Antipyrine.
Zinc. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp. White pp.
1:50,00 1:25,000 1:15,000 1:10,000 1:4,000 (faint) (faint) (faint) (faint) 1:1,500
Cadmium Yellowish No reaction White pp. Yellowish No reaction White pp. No reaction No reaction No reaction No reaction No reaction Yellow
pp. (faint) pp. (faint) pp.
1:500 1:400
Cobalt. Blue pp. Blue pp. Blue pp. Dark-blue pp. Light- Blue pp. Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Blue pp.
1:1,000 pp, 1:500
Nickel. Dark- Faint pp. No reaction Green pp Faint pp. Brown " " " " " Green pp.
green pp. 1:300 pp.
Manganese White pp. No reaction Ditto White pp. No reaction White pp. " " " " " Brown pp.
Tin. " Yellow Yellow " Ditto White pp. White pp. " White pp. White pp. " White pp.
pp. pp. (faint)
Magnesium " No reaction No reaction " " No reaction No reaction " No reaction No reaction " No reaction
Thorium. No reaction Ditto Ditto No reaction " Ditto Ditto " Ditto Ditto " White pp.
– 53 –

An examination of the above table will show that the cinchona alkaloids, and more especially quinine, give the most sensitive reactions. A solution of ammonium-sulphocyanide and zinc-sulphate compares favourably with the well-known alkaloidal reagents, as is seen from the following data:–

Reagent. Limit of Proportion of Quinine.
Zinc-ammonium-sulphocyanide 1 : 50,000
Phosphotungstic acid 1 : 100,000
Mercury-potassium-iodide 1 : 90,000
Potassium-periodide 1 : 80,000
Picric acid 1 : 40,000
Phosophomolybdic acid 1 : 30,000
Chlorine and ammonia (thalleioquin) 1 : 20,000

Further, it has the advantages–(1) the reagent is easy to prepare; (2) it is not extremely sensitive to other alkaloids, as is the case with reagents such as phosphotungstic acid, &c.

Owing to the extreme insolubility of zinc-ammonium-quinine-sulphocyanide, it is evident that the proportion of sulphocyanide in the compound can be found indirectly by determining the excess of sulphocyanide in the filtrate after precipitation. Excess of zinc-sulphate and ammonium-sulphocyanide, however, should be present, as the precipitate is perceptibly soluble in pure water.

As the result of a large number of trials under different experimental conditions, the following method of experiment was finally adopted as being the most convenient for examining the nature of the reaction: Owing the fact that excess of the reagents are necessary to cause complete precipitation, a strong solution of ammonium-sulphocyanide must be added to the quinine. Then, as the excess of sulphocyanide left in solution after the precipitation is too great to be measured conveniently by the usual method of titration, this strong solution is diluted to a known volume, and then an aliquot portion is taken for analysis.

Ten c.c. of a decinormal solution of quinine dissolved in dilute nitric acid was treated with excess of zinc-sulphate and 10 c.c. of normal ammounium-sulphocyanide. The white flocculent precipitate, which forms immediately, became coherent on agitation, and was separated by filtration through a Gooch crucible. Such a crucible has a perforated bottom, which is covered to a depth of ⅛ in. with tightly packed threaded asbestos. The crucible is fitted into a thistle funnel with a piece of rubber tubing, and the funnel is fixed in a flask, as shown in Fig. 1. By the aid of a suction pump liquids can

– 54 –

be filtered in such an arrangement in a remarkably short space of time.

Picture icon


The precipitate, which remains in a, is washed with a small quantity of a solution containing zinc-sulphate and ammounium-nitrate, in which it is practically insoluble.

The liquid which collects in b is then transferred to a graduated flask of 100 c.c. capacity. It saves time, however, if the liquid is filtered directly into a measuring-flask to which a side tube is attached (Fig.2).

Picture icon


After dilution 10 c.c. of the solution is treated with an equal volume of decinormal silver-nitrate, and N/10 sulphocyanide added until a red colour is developed with ferric sul-

– 55 –

phate. Concordant results were obtained at different dilutions, and in the presence of varying amounts of nitric acid, zinc-sulphate, and ammonium-sulphocyanide, provided that excess was present.

The results obtained with a decinormal solution of quinine are given in Table II.

Table II.–Showing the Number of Equivalents of Zinc and Sulphocyanide added to One Equivalent of Quinine, the Number of Equivalents of Sulphocyanide removed by the Quinine, and the Total Volume of the Solution.

Quinine. Zinc. Sulphocvanide added. Total Volume. Sulphocyanide removed.
1 6 10 30 3·5*
1 12 10 30 3·5*
1 6 20 40 3·4
1 12 20 40 3·55
1 6 10 60 3·45
1 12 10 60 3·5

Similar results were obtained by working with normal potassium-sulphocyanide and washing the precipitate with a solution containing zinc and potassium ions.

From these experiments it appears that one equivalent of quinine combines with three and a half equivalents of sulphocyanide to form the double salt–i.e., 3·5 c.c. N sulphocyanide precipitates 0·324 gram quinine ∴ 1 c.c. N sulphocyanide precipitates 0·093 gram quinine. This method can thus be used for the quantitative estimation of quinine, and it has the great advantage that the whole determination can be performed in a few minutes.

Although cinchonine and cinchonidine do not form such insoluble precipitates as quinine, nevertheless these alkaloids can be satisfactorily determined in a similar manner.

Below is given the sensitiveness of the cinchona alkaloids in the presence of zinc-sulphate and (a) ammonium-sulphocyanide, (b) potassium-sulphocyanide, at ordinary temperatures.

Quinine. Cinchonine. Cinchonidine.
Ammonium 1:50,000 1:25,000 1:15,000
Potassium 1:40,000 1:20,000 1:12,000

The ammonium-salts are characterized by being slightly less soluble than the corresponding salts of potassium.

It was found in the case of cinchonine and cinchonidine that one equivalent of alkaloid requires three equivalents of sulphocyanide for precipitation–i.e., 3 c.c. N sulphocyanide

[Footnote] * These results are the mean of a number of closely concordant experiments in solutions with varying amounts of nitric acid.

– 56 –

precipitates O 294 gram cinchonine or cinchonidine ∴ 1 c.c. N sulphocyanide precipitates 0·098 gram cinchonine or cinchonidine.

This volumetric method of analysis was then compared with the official B.P. methods for estimating quinine in the drug “ferri et quininæ citras,” and the total alkaloids in the crude cinchona-bark. Whilst losing nothing in accuracy, the new method effects a considerable reduction in the time and trouble which is expended in the performance of the analysis according to the British Pharmacopœia.

Ferri et Quininœ Citras.”–About 1·5 grams of the substance was dissolved in water, and the quinine was precipitated by ammonia, and extracted with chloroform. The quinine was removed from the chloroform by shaking with 5 per cent. nitric acid, and this solution was titrated as described above. The method of the British Pharmacopœia is to evaporate the chlorform-solution to dryness, and to heat to 100° till the weight is constant. The results obtained by the different methods are as follows:–

B.P. method (time, an hour and a quarter): 1·654 grams gave 0·246 gram quinine=14·8 per cent.

Titration method (time, half an hour): (a) 1·659 grams required 2·6 c.c. NH4CNS=14·6 per cent.; (b) 1·551 grams required 2·4 c.c. NH4CNS=14·4 per cent.

The Cinchona Bark (an epitome of the process is given in the adjoining table).–Fifteen grams of the finely powdered material were treated with lime and a small quantity of water. The alkaloids were then extracted with a boiling solution of bonzine, containing 20 per cent. of amy1 alcohol. This was shaken several times with dilute sulphuric acid, and the solution made up to 100 c.c. So far the method is identical with that of the B.P. Fifty c.c. were diluted to about 200 c.c., heated to boiling and neutralised with ammonia. On cooling the insoluble quinine-sulphate crystallizes out. The usual method of analysis is to collect this on a tared filter, and to heat to 100° till its weight is constant. This operation, however, takes a considerable time, and several weighings are necessary. Further, it often happens that the precipitate of quinine-sulphate separates in such a form that it cannot be conveniently placed on a filter.

In order to estimate the quinine by titration the solution is filtered without troubling to remove the precipitate which adheres to the beaker. After washing with a small quantity of ammonium-sulphate the precipitate on the filter and that left in the beaker is dissolved in a little dilute nitric acid. The amount of quinine in solution is then determined by adding sulph ocyanide and titrating as described above.

– 57 –

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Solution containing the sulphates of quinine, cinchonine, and cinconidine from the bark. Dilute to 100 c.c. Take 50 c.c., dilute, heat to boiling neutralise with ammonia, and cool.
Filtrate Add Rochelle Salt.
Precipitate, Quinine-sulphate, Precipitate, Cinchonidine-tartrate. Filtrate, containing Cinchonine.
Titration Method. Official Method. Titration Method. Official Method. Titration Method. Official Method.
Dissolve quinine-sulphate in a little dilute nitric acid and titrate. Collect the precipate on a tared filter and heat to 100°C till its weight is constant. Dissolve precipitate in a few drops of nitric acid and titrate. Collect the prticipitate on a tared filter, and heat to 100°C. till its weight is constant. Add nitric acid and titrate. Precipitate cinchonine with ammonia, extract with chloroform, heat to dryness, and weigh residu.
Quinine. Cinchonidine. Cinchonine.
Remanining 50 c.c., titrate directly with sulphocyanide.
Total alkaloid.
– 58 –

To separate the cinchonidiue from the cinchonine the neutral solution from the quinne-sulphate is treated with excess of Rochelle salt and stirred vigorously. After an hour the precipitation is complete. It is usual to weigh the precipitate of cinchonidine-tartrate in the same manner as the quinine-sulphate. It is more rapid and convenient, however, to dissolve the precipitate in a little dilute nitric acid. and to titrate directly with sulphocyanide.

The cinchonine, which is left after the removal of the quinine and cinchonidine, is estimated by acidifying the solution and titrating in the usual manner. Care, however, must be taken to have excess of nitric acid when the silver-nitrate is added.

The remaining 50 c.c. of the original solution is now titrated, and in this manner the amount of total alkaloid can be determined. In the red bark, owing to the small amount of quinine present, 1 c.c. sulphocyanide = 0·097 total alkaloid; in the yellow bark, 1 c.c. sulphocyanide = 0·095 total alkaloid.

If the method is accurate the total alkaloid (b) should be equal to the sum (a) of the quinine, cinchonidine, and cinchonine. That this is the case is seen from the following determinations made with a specimen of red bark.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

Per Cent.
Per Cent.
Quinine 1·2 1·2
Cinchonidine 2·6 2·8
Cinchonine 1·0 0·9
Total alkaloids (a)4·8 (a)4·9
(b)5·1 (b)5·0

The same bark was also analysed according to the B.P. method, in which the quinine and cinchonidine are precipitated together as tartrates and the mixture weighed on a tared filter. The cinchonine was estimated by treating the filtrate with ammonia, extracting with chloroform. and heating to dryness.

The results are given below, and compared with those obtained by the titration method.

[The section below cannot be correctly rendered as it contains complex formatting. See the image of the page for a more accurate rendering.]

P.B.Method. Titation Method.
Quinine (1.) (2.)
Cinchonidine 4·0 3·8 4·0
Cinchonine 1·2 10 0·9
Total alkaloids 5·2 4·8 4·9
5·1 5·0
– 59 –

The Composition of the Double Sulphocyanides.

(a.) Zinc.

Ten c.c. of the solution of the alkaloid were precipitated in the usual manner with sulphocyanide in the presence of a known excess of zinc-sulphate. The liquid was filtered, and the zinc in the filtrate was estimated by precipitation with sodium-carbonate. From this the amount of zinc which combines with a known amount of alkaloid could be found by difference. The following are the results:—

(1.) Quinine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide : 10 c.c. N/10 quinine required 0·0424 gram zinc. Calculated for 3B, 2Zn (CNS)2—0·0424 gram zinc.

(2.) Cinchonine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: 10 c.c.N/10 cinchonine required 0·0486 gram zinc. Calculated for 4B, 3Zn (CAS)2—0·0487 gram zinc.

(3.) Cinchonine-potassium-zinc-sulphocyanide: 10 c.c.N/10 cinchonine required (a) 0·0472 gram zinc, (b) 0·0494 gram zinc. Calculated for 4B, 3Zn (CNS)2—0·0487 gram zinc.

(4.) Cocaine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: 20 c.c.N/10 cocaine required (a) 0·0210 gram zinc, (b) 0·0232 gram zinc. Calculated for 3B, Zn (CNS)2—0·0217 gram zinc.

(b.) Ammonia.

Precipitation was caused by a definite volume of normal ammonium-sulphocyanide in the presence of excess of zinc-sulphate. After washing the precipitate with a small quantity of a dilute solution of zinc-sulphate, the ammonia in the filtrate was estimated by distillation with caustic soda. It was thus possible to determine the amount of ammonia in the double salt.

The method of operation will be illustrated by means of the detailed analytical results obtained in the case of quinine.

Preliminary Test Experiment.—10 c.c. N ammonium-sulphocyanide on distillation with caustic soda gave ammonia =10 0 c.c.N acid. The filtrate from 10 c.c.N/10 quinine and 10 c.c. N ammonium-sulphocyanide gave ammonia = (i) 9·5 c.c. N acid, (ii) 9·5 c.c. N acid. ∴ 1 c.c. N quinine combines with 0·5 c.c. N ammonia.

(c.) Sulphocyanide.

The method has already been described and explained.

The following is a summary of the results obtained in the determination of ammonia and sulphocyanide:—

(1.) Quinine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: 10 c.c. N/10 quinine required (a) 0·5 c.c. N ammonia and 3·5 c.c.* sulpho-

[Footnote] * The mean of a large number of closely concordant determinations.

– 60 –

cyanide, (b) 0·5 c.c. N ammonia. Calculated for 6B, 4Zn (CNS)2, 3 NH4CNS, 10 HCNS, 0·5—3·5 c.c. sulphocyanide.

(2.) Cinchonine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: 10 c.c.N/10 cinchonine required (a) 0·5 c.c. N ammonia and 3·0 c.c.* sulphocyanide, (b) 0·55 c.c. N ammonia. Calculated for 4B, 3Zn (CNS)2, 2 NH4CNS, 4 HCNS, 0·5—3·0 c.c. N sulphocyanide.

(3.) Cocaine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: 20 c.c. N/20 cocaine required (a) 0·5 c.c. N ammonia and 2·5 c.c. * N sulphocyanide, (b) 0·55 c.c. N ammonia. Calculated for 6B, 2Zn (CNS)2. 3 NH4CNS, 8 HCNS, 0·5—2·5 c.c. N sulphocyanide.

(d.) Alkaloid.

The precipitate from a known amount of alkaloid was collected on a Gooch crucible, and dried in a vacuum over sulphuric acid. Under these conditions the double salts still persistently retain a trace of water, which was removed by heating to 100°. The weights thus obtained should confirm those calculated from the formulæ, which were derived from the analytical results already given above.

(1.) Quinine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: Quinine = (a) 54·6 per cent., (b) 55·0 per cent. Calculated for 6B, 4Zn (CNS)2, 3NH4CNS, 10 HCNS—55·6 per cent.

(2.) Cinchonine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: Cinchonine = 54·9 per cent. Calculated for 4B, 3Zn (CNS)2, 2NH4CNS, 4 HCNS—55·7 per cent.

(3.) Cinchonine-potassium-zinc-sulphocyanide: Cinchonine = 55·4 per cent. Calculated for 4B, 3Zn (CNS2), 2 KCNS, 4 HCNS—55·6 per cent.

(4.) Cocaine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide: This compound could not be dried without decomposition.

Summary and Conclusion.

1. Whereas many alkaloids give insoluble with ammonium- or potassium-sulphocyanide and zinc - sulphate, the double salts of quinine, cinchonine, cinchonidine, and cocaine are the most insoluble in the presence of excess of the reagents.

2. These double salts are exceedingly complex in their composition, a characteristic of many alkaloidal compounds. Thus, cinchonine-ammonium-zinc-sulphocyanide has the formula, 4 (C19H22N2O), 3 Zn (CNS)2, 2 NH4CNS, 4 HCNS. This corresponds closely with the formula of herepathite or sulphate of iodo-quinine, which may be written, 4 (C20H24N2O2), 3 H2SO4, 2 HI, 4 I2, + 3 aq.

[Footnote] * The mean of a large number of closely concordant determinations.

– 61 –

3. Notwithstanding the complexity of these insoluble compounds, the determination of the amount of sulphocyanide required by the alkaloids for their formation serves as the basis of an accurate and speedy method of estimating quinine in the commercial drugs, and of assaying the crude cinchona-bark.

Experiments are now in progress to ascertain if this method may prove of value in estimating cocaine in the commercial preparations and in the assay of coca-leaves. With suitable modifications it may also serve as a means of separating different alkaloids, such as strychnine and brucine, or quinine and strychnine.

The above work was carried out in the Victoria College Laboratory, Wellington, under the conditions of the Jacob Joseph Scholarship.

Art. XI.—Notes on the Hemiptera of the “Index Fauna Nova-Zealandia.”

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 7th June, 1905.] Zoologists will be indebted to Captain Hutton for his reduction of the “Index,” certainly no light task; but it is a pity that the nomenclature of the Hemiptera was not brought up to date, as many of the species are now placed in genera other than those in which they were originally described. It would require a new list to present this corrected nomenclature, but the following notes may be useful:—

P. 221. (a.) For Nezara amoyti read N. amyoti.

(b.) Oncacontias vittatus (Fabr.) = Cimex vittatus, Fabr. = Anubis vittatus, Index = Acanthosoma vittata, Distant, 1900, Ann. Mag. N.H. (7), vi, 227 = Oncacontias brunneipennis, Breddin, 1903, S.B. Ges. Nat. Fr. Berlin, 219. Breddin's genus may be held, though the distinction from Acanthosoma is very slight. I can add Palmerston North (Quail) as a locality.

Additional Species and Varieties.

Fam. Cercopide.

Ptyelus (Phlanus ! sic, Index) trimaculatus,Walker, vars. tristis and latus, Alfken, 1904, Zool. Jahrb. Sys., xix, 598.

Fam. Chermidæ (Psyllidœ, Index).

Psyllia acaciœ, Maskell, 1894, Ent. Mo. Mag. xxx, 171; also found in Australia and Tasmania, probably introduced.

– 62 –

Powellia vitreoradiata, Maskell, 1879, T.N.Z.I., xi, 223, pl. viii, f. 22.

Powellia doryphora, Maskell, 1880, i.c., xii, 291.

Trioza alexina, Marriner, 1903, T.N.Z.I., xxxv, 305, pls. 33, 34.

Probable Incorrect Inclusions.

The following species should be expunged from New Zealand lists till further confirmations. It is well known that many of the localities given in the voyages of the “Novara,” “Eugenie,” &c., are incorrect.

Fam. Cimicidæ (Pentatomidœ, Index).

Calliphara imperialis (included in T.N.Z.I., xxx, p. 169, but omitted in Index).

Scutiphora pedicellata (included in T.N.Z.I., xxx, p. 169, but omitted in Index).

Sciocoris helferi.

Platycoris immarginatus.

Fam. Macrocephalidæ (Phymatidœ, Index).

Phymata feredayi and conspicua: These are both the same (American) species, and were either accidentally introduced into New Zealand or were incorrectly labelled.

Fam. Reduviidæ.

Nabis lineatus: Probably included in error.

New Name.

The genus Morna, White, is preoccupied in the same order. In his Nomenclator Zool., p. 217, Scudder records, “Morna, White, Ent. Month. Mag., xv., p. 130 (=Romna, White); 1878, Hem., White.” I do not think this can be taken as a proposal of Romna as a new name by Scudder, especially as it is not included in its place in the list on page 281; and it seems best to establish Romna definitely now as a new name. and entomologists can quote either Romna, Scudder (or White?), 1882, or Romna, Kirkaldy, 1905, as they think fit.

I may add that I am working out the life-history of several Hawaiian Hemiptera, especially at present œchalia griseus and Hyalopeplus pellucidus.

I should be much obliged for specimens (in all stages, preferably preserved in alcohol) of any Novo-Zealandian Hemlptera, especially œchalia consocialis (Schellembergii), and any of the Capsidœ.

– 63 –

Art. XII.—Note on a Water-beetle found in Sea-water.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 7th June. 1905.]

In January, 1905, while searching in the rock-pools at Island Bay, Wellington, for marine animals, I found a water-beetle swimming freely among the seaweed in one of the pools. Only the one specimen was seen, but it seemed quite at home, and was behaving just as it might have done in fresh water. As its occurrence in salt water appeared rather unusual, the specimen was forwarded to Dr. David Sharp, of Cambridge, England.

He informs me that it is Rhantus pulverosus, Stephens, a species already known from New Zealand and elsewhere, and that, as it is sometimes found in brackish ditches and streams near the sea, there is a probability that it had been passively carried out to sea by a flood; at the same time he points out that the distribution of this and of some other species can only be explained by supposing that they are capable of living in the ocean for a time, and, if a suitable object presents itself to give them a starting-point, of taking fresh flights from time to time.

There is a small stream at Island Bay which opens into the sea not very far from the place where the beetle was captured, and it is quite likely that it may have been carried into the sea from the stream during a flood; but even if it is so the beetle must be capable of living for some time in actual sea-water, for the pool in which it was taken was freely exposed to the inflow of the waves at all times except at dead low tide, and the stream was at such a distance and the volume of water in it so very inconsiderable that it could make no appreciable effect on the salinity of the water in the rock-pools.

Darwin in his “Voyage of the ‘Beagle’” records the finding of several live water-beetles swimming in the ocean seventeen miles from land, off Cape Corrientes, and considers that they had been floated into the sea from a small stream which drains a lake near the cape. He also records the finding of a species of Hydrophilus in a lagoon near Rio Janeiro in which the water was only a little less salt than in the sea.

I have thought it worth while to record the above facts, for exceptional occurrences of this kind are often of special value in the explanation of difficult questions that may arise in connection with geographical distribution.

– 64 –

Art. XIII.—Note on the Occurrence of Metoponorthus pruinosus, Brandt, in New Zealand.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 7th June, 1905.]

In the list of Crustacea in the British Museum published in 1847, a species, Porcellio zealandicus, is named but not described (p. 99). It remained undescribed till 1876, when Miers, in preparing a catalogue of the New Zealand Crustacea, examined all the New Zealand Crustacea in the collections of the British Museum and described those he considered new. His description of Porcellio zealandicus appeared first in the “Annals and Magazine of Natural History” (ser. 4), xvii, p. 225, and was also given in the “Catalogue of New Zealand Crustacea,” and was there illustrated by two figures.

In the “Crustacea Isopoda Terrestria,” published in 1885, Budde-Lund put down the species as a doubtful synonym of Metoponorthus pruinosus, Brandt. Up to that time, and for long afterwards, no local collector had recognised the species; and in my “Terrestrial Isopoda of New Zealand”* I could only add to the account given above that I had examined the type specimen in the British Museum, and that it was undoubtedly a Metoponorthus, and apparently closely resembled M. pruinosus, though the condition of the specimen was not sufficiently good to allow one to be quite sure on this point. I also pointed out that, while it would not be extraordinary if this cosmopolitan species were found in New Zealand, still it was not known to local collectors up to that time; though, as the British Museum specimen must have been obtained before 1847, we might have imagined that the species, if really existing in New Zealand at that time, would have since become abundant.

In 1901 I recognised numerous specimens of Metoponorthus pruinosus among Isopoda sent from Norfolk Island, but none from New Zealand till March, 1905, when among some Crustacea sent me by Mr. Hutchinson from the shores of a tidal lagoon in Hawke's Bay I found numerous specimens of this species. I have compared them with the Norfolk Island specimens, and also with specimens gathered in England, and find that they are all specifically identical.

[Footnote] * Trans. Lunn. Soc., 2nd er., Zool., viii, p. 141.

[Footnote] † Since this was written Dr. T. W. Calman, of the British Museum, informs me that it is not quite correct. The specimens recorded by White in 1847 were from “Van Diemen's Land”; that from New Zealand, described by Miers, was received by the Museum in 1854.

– 65 –

There is therefore no longer any reason for doubting that this widespread species had established itself in New Zealand even before 1854. It is interesting to note, however, that it does not appear to have spread widely in New Zealand. I have certainly never seen it in the South Island, where I have collected pretty widely for many years past; and, though I have not personally collected it in the North Island except near Wellington, I have had many terrestrial isopods sent me from different places in that Island, but no Metoponorthus pruinosus till I got those sent by Mr. Hutchinson.

The same thing is true of another introduced species, Armadillidium vulgare, Latr., which is common in the City of Nelson, but has so far not been recorded from any other part of New Zealand except Mount Egmont, whence a single specimen was sent me years ago by the late Mr. Drew. On the other hand, Porcellio scaber, Latr., another introduced species, is extremely common all over New Zealand, and, in addition to being found near inhabitated places, has penetrated to some extent into the bush far from houses.

Art. XIV.—On Crassatellites trailli.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 7th June, 1905.]

A Specimen of this species collected by Professor James Park, F.G.S., and presented by him to the Canterbury Museum, shows a well-marked pallial sinus. It therefore cannot be kept in the genus in which I originally placed it, but appears to belong to Mactropsis of Conrad. It resembles the Mactrida in having a prosogyrous beak, but otherwise it is more like the Mesodesmidœ, in which it is usually placed. The following is a description of the species.

Mactropsis Trailli.

Crassatella trailli, Hutton, Cat. Tertiary Mollusca of New Zealand, 1873, p. 24.

Shell solid, heavy, closed at both ends, elongato-triangular, very inequilateral, produced, flattened and roundly angulate posteriorly. Anterior end rounded; posterior end obliquely truncated. Both anterior and posterior dorsal margins nearly straight; ventral margin slightly curved. Umbones slightly prosogyrous. Exterior finely and regularly concentrically ribbed; the ribs rounded, rather narrower than the grooves, becoming obsolete on the posterior flattened slope of the shell, as well as near the ventral margin. Lunule well marked, lanceolate, smooth. Margins smooth. Adductor scars

– 66 –

deep, about equal in size. Pallial sinus well marked, rounded. Resillifer flat and triangular, similar in both valves. Right valve with two cardinal teeth, the central one very strong and much higher than the anterior. Anterior lateral tooth obsolete; posterior lateral strong. Left valve with two cardinal teeth; the posterior lateral obsolete, the anterior well developed.

Length, 55mm.; height, 35mm.; thickness, 21mm.: depth of pallial sinus, 7 mm.

Localities.—Wharekuri, Waitaki Valley; Mount Harris; Mount Horrible; Pareora; Awamoa.

Art. XV.—On a Skeleton of Emeus crassus from the North Island.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 7th June, 1905.]

ON the 31st January last the Museum received from Mr. C. K. Meredith-Kaye an imperfect skeleton of a moa, which turned out to be Emeus crassus. It was found in sand by Mr. Meredith-Kaye's son, on his run, about eighteen miles south of Castle Point, on the east coast of Wellington Province.

With the exception of the legs and feet, the bones were brittle and much broken; nevertheless it is quite possible to make out the characteristics of the bird. The remains are—skull and premaxilla, with the right maxillo-palatine and both quadrates; the entoglossal bones; nineteen vertebræ, from 10 to 28; a very imperfect pelvis, with nine caudal vertebræ; a fragmentary sternum, and the remains of fourteen thoracic ribs, with five uncinates; two cervical and seven sternal ribs; a set of leg and toe bones complete, except one hallux missing. There were also about thirty-five slender oval and fifty thick round tracheal rings. Many others were destroyed, as they hardly bore handling. It was a full-grown bird, but the twenty-eighth vertebra was not anchylosed to the pelvis.

With the skeleton were found a few rounded pebbles of sandstone, and three fragments of egg-shell; the latter showing that the bird was a female, for the place in which the skeleton was found precludes us from supposing that it might have been a male sitting on an egg.

Of the skull: The calvarium is well preserved, the premaxilla is damaged but resembles that of Emeus, but the mandible is altogether absent. The right maxillo-palatine is like that of Emeus, there being no atrium to the palatine The skull resembles that of Emeus crassus, but the temporal ridges advance more over the cranial roof, the occipital

– 67 –

condyle does not project so much, and its neck is thicker. The paroccipital processes descend as low as the basitemporal platform. The zygomatic process is long and simple. The anterior lambdoidal ridge makes an angle in the centre of the skull, as in Anomalopteryx. The mammillar tuberosities are small. The dimensions are: Length of the basis-cranii 35 mm., roof of cranium 76 mm.; width of cranium at paroccipital processes 64 mm., width at squamosal processes 72 mm., at temporal fossæ 40 mm., at postorbital processes 81 mm.; distance between temporal ridges, 36 mm.; height of cranium, 46 mm.; width of tympanic cavity, 18 mm.; width of temporal fossa, 20 mm.; width of orbit, 31 mm.; distance between optic foramina, 10 mm.; length of quadrate, 34 mm.; greatest length of premaxilla, 78 mm.; width of the body, 36 mm.(?)

The vertebral column commences with No. 10. All the seven thoracic vertebræ are present. They resemble those of Emeus in every particular.

The sternum is much broken, but sufficiently well preserved to show that it belongs to Emeus. The width across the costal processes is about 173 mm.; the width of the body is 110 mm.; and the length of the body 112 mm.(?)

The pelvis is very incomplete. The ventral surfaces of the sacral vertebræ are broad and flattened, but without any longitudinal ridge. The width at the antitrochanters is 305 mm.

The leg-bones include both the tarsals: they resemble those of E. crassus. The following are the dimensions: Metatarsus: Length, 203 mm.; prox. width, 88 mm.; mid. width, 48 mm.; dist width, 106 mm. Tibia: Length, 482 mm.; prox. width, 148 mm.; mid. width, 46 mm.; dist. width, 76 mm. Femur: Length, 268 mm.; prox. width, 99 mm.; mid. width, 46 mm.; dist. width, 117 mm. It will thus be seen that the femur is shorter than in E. crassus from the South Island. The right metatarsus has the anterior openings of the interosseal canals about ½ in. apart, but in the left the anterior opening of the entinterosseal canal is absent, while that of the ectinterosseal is enlarged and divided by a bony ridge. Both posterior openings are present. This is a common variation in the Dinornithida.

The feet have only four phalanges in the outer toe, as is usual in Emeus. The third and ungual phalanges of the right outer toe are diseased, and there is an osseous growth at the distal end of the right femur.

I conclude, therefore, that the bird belongs to E. crassus, although it is remarkable that no bones of this species have hitherto been found in the North Island. The knowledge of the sex of the bird also adds to the importance of this skeleton, which has been mounted and is preserved in the Canterbury Museum.

– 68 –

Art. XVI.—Results of Dredging on the Continental Shelf of New Zealand.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 7th June, 1905.]

Plates I and II.


During the meeting in January, 1904, of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, at Dunedin, a party of the assembled zoologists proposed to attempt some deep-sea dredging. The project received the cordial sympathy of the President, Professor T.W.E. David, F.R.S., who referred to it in his presidential address.

To Professor Benham, Messrs. A. Hamilton, G. M. Thomson, and the writer, the use of a steamer was generously granted by the Dunedin Harbour Board. We gratefully acknowledge also the assistance of the Union Steamship Company of New Zealand, who provided us with deep-sea sounding apparatus, and the services of two of their officers to operate it.

I had brought with me from Sydney several hundred fathoms of wire rope and a dredging-bucket of my own design which had done good service on similar occasions. The latter may be briefly described as a conical bucket, the aperture of which was choked by a movable inverted truncated metal cone, like that fitted to the mouth of a rain-gauge.

The day appointed for the excursion was unfortunately spoilt by rough weather. We spent twelve hours of the 14th January in great discomfort, sounding and dredging about twelve to twenty miles outside Port Chalmers, in from 100 to 300 fathoms. As a result we lost considerable gear, and obtained only a cupful of bottom from 100 fathoms. The bucket dredge appeared to fill properly, and was raised to within a few fathoms of the surface when the line parted. It seemed to be twisted off. This accident I attribute to the want of a swivel link.

A second expedition was later organized in Auckland, where Professor Park, Rev. W. H. Webster, Messrs. H. Suter, R. Murdoch, and C. Cooper joined the writer. The bucket lost off Port Chalmers was replaced by one built by a local tradesman. A serviceable vessel, the “Awarua,” fitted with steam winding-gear, was engaged for the trip.

– 69 –

On passing out to the open sea from the Hauraki Gulf we encountered a heavy swell, and found that the gale which had proved so disastrous to the Dunedin excursion had followed us up the coast. The success ultimately achieved was largely due to a happy suggestion of Mr. Cooper. By his advice we packed a sack with cotton-waste and poured therein a couple of bottles of machine-oil. Trailing this over the ship's side as we drifted, a zone of calm water afforded us protection while we dredged.

The spot selected for operations was in the vicinity of Cuvier Island, east of Great Barrier Island, in S. lat. 36° 8′, E. long. 175° 55′; depth, 110 fathoms. The time, sunrise on the 22nd January, 1904.

At or about the 100-fathom zone the submarine slope here, as elsewhere in New Zealand or East Austraili, suddenly changes to a steeper descent. I have met with no explanation of this phenomenon, and now venture to suggest that this alteration marks the lowest point at which currents have transported material.*

After twenty minutes' winding, the bucket came up full to overflowing with soft, sticky, green mud. A second haul produced similar results. A few echini were entangled in frayed rope-yarn attached to the small end of the bucket.

We returned to Auckland with about a third of a ton of sea-bottom. Mr. Cooper hospitably gave the party the use of his premises. After reserving samples for geological examination, the mud was placed in fine sieves, on which was played the garden-hose. On preliminary examination the mud, which was perhaps coloured by glauconite, showed but few shells; washing yielded about a spoonful of shells to a gallon of mud. An interesting feature is the occurrence of several species, such as Poroleda lanceolata and Loripes concinna, previously only known as Tertiary fossils.

It was resolved by the company that Mr. Suter take charge of the collections and distribute different groups to specialists who might undertake their study, and that types of new species should be ultimately placed in the Colonial Museum.

Under this arrangement the examination of the following Mollusca has been assigned to me. My labours have been much lightened by the kindness of Messrs. Suter and Murdoch, who sorted out the species and assisted me with preliminary determinations.

[Footnote] * Since writing the above I find that Admiral Wharton has already advanced this explanation—“Nature,” 25th February, 1897, p. 392.

– 70 –


Nucula lacunosa, Hutton.

Nucula sulcata, A. Adams, P.Z.S., 1856, p.53. Id., Thes. Conch., iii, 1860, p. 153, pl. 229, f. 127 (not of Brown). N. lacunosa, Hutton, P.L.S.N.S.W, ix, 1884, p.528.

Several specimens in which the radii are more prominent than in shallow-water specimens.

Nucula nitidula, A. Adams.

Nucula nitidula, A. Adams, P.Z.S., 1856, p. 51. Id., Thes. Conch., iii, 1860, p. 150, pl. 229, f. 142.

A few specimens were procured.

Leda bellula, A. Adams.

Leda bellula, A. Admas, P.Z.S., 1856, p. 49. Id., Hanley, Thes. Conch., iii, 1860 p. 122, pl. 228, f. 74.

A species which occurred abundantly answers fairly to the above quotations. But the lithograph, fig. 25 of pl. v, “Leda,” in Conch. Icon., vol. xviii, is so bad a copy of the figure in the Thesaurus that it looks like a different species.

A. Adams, whose name is the danger signal for untrustworthy work, reports the species as taken by F. Strange in Australia. But, on the one hand, no Australian shell like this is known to me, and, on the other, Strange collected extensively in New Zealand. Indeed, he was the first, and for half a century the last. to dredge off the New Zealand coast, and discovered many of the species enumerated in this report. I am therefore disposed to think that “Australia” has been substituted here for “New Zealand.” The species before me is that known to all conchologists in New Zealand as Leda concinna. The figures of Leda concinna more nearly express the proportions of Poroleda lanceolata than any other member of the New Zealand fauna, and are incompatible with the traditional determination.

Leda fastidiosa, A. Adams. Plate I, figs. 1, 2.

Leda fastidiosa, A. Adams, P.Z.S., 1856, p. 49. Id., Hanley, Thes. Conch., in, 1860, p. 125, pl. 228, f. 82, 83.

A considerable number were dredged. The concentric sulci vary from the least trace to considerable development, but are never so coarse and regular as in the last species. Besides being smoother than L. bellula it is more inflated, and is further distinguished by a microscopic punctate pattern. The length of the figured specimen is 7 mm. and the height 4 mm.

– 71 –

This species was first described from New Zealand, probably from Strange's collection, but has never been recognised again, either there or elsewhere, and was eliminated from the New Zealand list by Hutton (P.L.S.N.S.W., ix, 1884, p. 527).

Poroleda lanceolata, Hutton. Plate II, fig. 7.

Scaphula (?) lanceolata, Hutton, Trans. N.Z. Inst., xviii, 1885, p. 332. Poroleda lanceolata, Hutton, Macleay Memorial Vol., 1893, p. 86 (not Poroleda lanceolata, Tate, Proc. Roy. Soc. N.S.W., xxvii, 1894, p. 186 = Poroleda tatei, Hedley, “Victorian Naturalist,” xxi, Dec. 1904, p. 112)

The name of this species is involved in some confusion. Professor Tate, in March, 1894, introduced a new species, type of a new genus, under the title of Poroleda lanceolata But in the previous September-Captain Hutton had redescribed his fossil under the same name. Since Poroleda lanceolata was in current use for both the New Zealand and the Australian shell, I have proposed to distinguish that which Tate figured and described from the Gellibrand River beds of Victoria as Poroleda tatei.

In colour, texture, and all particulars save those of the hinge-teeth this species closely resembles Leda ensicula, Angas, L. lefroyi, Beddome, and L. huttoni, Tate. These five species might suitably be included in Poroleda.

Hitherto P. lanceolata has been known only as a Tertiary fossil. Mr. A. Hamilton has shown me a broken valve from off Anchor Island, Dusky Sound. In our 110 fathoms dredging it occurred plentifully. The size of the specimen drawn is-height, 3·85 mm.; length, 13·8 mm.; breadth of single valve, 0·9 mm.

Malletia australis, Quoy and Gaimard.

Solenella australis, Quoy and Gaimard, Voy. “Astrolabe,” Zool., iii, 1835, p. 471, pl. 78, f. 5–10.

A single valve.

Bathyarca cybaea, n. sp. Plate I, figs. 3, 4.

Shell small, oblong, short and inflated, inequivalve, a little inequilateral without impressed ray, posteriorly and anteriorly rounded, sinuate beneath the beak. Colour white, probably bleached. Sculpture finely reticulate. A series of delicate subequal evenly spaced riblets radiate from the umbo to the margin; as growth proceeds new riblets are intercalated till about fifty reach the margin. The radii are broken into short lengths by concentric growth-lines which produce minute prickles at the point of intersection. Beak much inrolled, at a third of the length of the shell. Ligamental area narrow

– 72 –

Hinge-plate edentulous under the beaks, posteriorly with four nearly horizontal, anteriorly with four highly inclined small teeth. Interior rayed by imprint of external sculpture. Margin finely crenulate within except at byssal gape. Length, 3 mm.; height, 2·15 mm.; depth of single valve, 1 mm.

This species, represented by numerous specimens, is nearest allied to the Australian B. perversidens, from which it differs by the less development of the posterior side.

Pleurodon maorianus, Hedley.

Pleurodon maorianus, Hedley. “Records of the Australian Museum,” v., 1904, p. 87, fig. 14.

This species appeared in profusion.

Dacrydium pelseneeri, n. sp. Plate II, fig. 8.

Shell small, thin, translucid with a nacreous lustre, oblong inflated, straight on the anterior side, rounded dorsally and ventrally, almost angled at the anterior dorsal corner. Umbo slightly projecting. A thin membranous epidermis clothes the valve. Sculpture regular-spaced elevated growth-lines. Hinge with a few anterior teeth, and a long row of posterior teeth which increase in size as they recede from the chondrophore. Height, 2·2 mm.; length, 1·48 mm.

A pair of valves.

The above is the third species recorded from the Southern Hemisphere. D. albidum was described by Pelseneer (Result Voy. “Belgica,” Moll. 1903, p. 27, pl. viii, f. 10) from 200 fathoms in the South Pacific, near the Antarctic ice-barrier. D. fabale was described by myself (P.L.S.N.S.W., xxix, 1904, p. 199, pl. x, f. 39) from 100 fathoms off Wollongong, N.S.W. From Marion Island E. A. Smith has published Dacrydium meridionalis, but Bernard has shown (Journ. de Conch., xlv, 1897, p. 8) that this is probably a Philobrya.

The novelty appears to differ from D. albidum by its rough surface and by its greater length in proportion to height. From its nearer ally D. fabale it differs by the straight edge of the anterior margin, and by being smaller and proportionally shorter.

Cochlodesma angasi, Crosse and Fischer.

Periploma angasi, Crosse and Fischer, Journ. de Conch., 1864, p. 349: 1865, p. 427, pl. xi, f. 1.

A single valve.

Verticordia rhomboidea, n. sp. Plate II, figs. 12, 13, 14.

Shell inflated, subrhomboidal, inequilateral, right valve slightly clasping over the left along the dorsal margin, sub-

– 73 –

stance very brittle, easily flaking off. Umbos incurved, rather distant, usually eroded. Lunule slightly excavated, dorsal area defined by the radial ribs. Sculpture, no incremental growth-lines, about twenty-two prominent sharp radial ribs which strongly denticulate the margin and imprint the nacreous interior, the surface has everywhere close-set grains which develop minute sharp prickles. Right valve with a large conical tooth under the lunule, and a posterior lateral beneath the dorsal area. Left valve with a minute tooth under the umbo and no lateral; ossicle not found. Height, 5mm.; length, 5·75mm.

Several specimens were taken.

The species apparently belongs to the subgenus Haliris, Dall. The genus, which is an acquisition to New Zealand, rarely occurs so high in the bathymetrical scale. Fischer proposed (Man. Conch., p.188) the term “verticordia zone” for the upper half of the abyssal region.

Cuspidaria trailli,Hutton. Plate II, figs. 9, 10, 11.

Neara trailli, Hutton, Cat. Marine Mollusca of New Zealand, 1873, p.62

One small and several broken shells were dredged. I have derived a figure from a specimen, 15 mm. in length, taken by Mr. A. Hamilton in Dusky Sound.

Cuna delta, Tate and May

Carditella delta, Tate and May, Trans. Roy. Soc. S.A., xxiv, 1900, p. 102. Cuna delta, Hedley, Mem. Austr. Mus., iv, 1902, p. 316.

Four separate valves.

Venericardia lutea, Hutton. Plate I, fig. 6.

Cardita lutea, Hutton, Man. N.Z. Mollusca, 1880, p. 159

The history of this species is complicated. Hutton applied his name to the shell introduced by Deshayes (P.Z.S., 1852 (1854), p. 101) as Cardita zealandica, because that clashed with Venericardia zeulandica, Potiez and Michaud (Gal. des Moll., ii, 1844, p. 166). Glancing aside, I might here remark that the latter species appears to have been misunderstood by all writers on the New Zealand Mollusca, and that the description of Potiez and Michaud is evidently meant for Chioue stutchburyi, Gray Finally, Hutton united (P.L.S.N.S.W., ix, 1884, p. 527) his C. lutea to the Chilian Cardita compressa, Reeve. This identification I am unable to support.

The species was a common one where we dredged. An example selected for figuring is 7 mm. long and 8 mm. high.

– 74 –

Lucina cumingii, Ad. and Angas, Proc. Zool. Soc., 1863, p.426, pl. xxxvii, f. 20.

Loripes concinna, Hutton.

Loripes concinna, Hutton, Trans. N.Z. Inst., xvii, 1884 (1885), p.323. xviii, p. 363. Id, “Macleay Memorial Volume,” 1893, p.83, pl.ix, f. 90.

Three separate valves of this species were found. It has hitherto only been known as a Pliocene fossil. I am indebted to Mr. Murdoch for the identification.

Thyasira flexuosa, Montagu.

Tellina flexuosa, Montagu, Test. Brit., 1803, p. 72. Lucina flexuosa, Woodward's Manual, pl. xix, f.7.

A few separate valves were obtained. The species has not before been reported from New Zealand, but Mr. Suter informs me that it was noted as Cryptodon sp. by Captain Hutton in the Cat. Mar. Moll. N.Z., 1873, p.75 and that it is in the Colonial Museum from Waikanae Beach.

In the selection of the generic name I have followed Dr. Dall (Trans. Wagner Free Inst., iii, 1903, p. 1335).

Neolepton antipodum,
Plate I, fig. 5.

Kellya antipodum, Filhol, Compt. Rend. Acad. Sci. xci, 1880, p.1095. Neolepton antipodum, Bernard, Bull. Mus. d'Hist. Nat., vii, 1897, p. 314.

This species was represented by numerous separate valves It has also occurred to us in 100 fathoms outside Port Chalmers, and was taken by Mr. A. Hamilton in Foveaux Strait. It has not yet been recognised by local workers. The individual illustrated is 1 9mm high and 2·1 mm long.

This opportunity is taken of adding that Kellya suborbicularis, Montagu, should replace Kellya cycladiformis, Desh., of the Index Faun. Nov.-Zealand., p.91.

Erycina parva, Deshayes.

Kellia parva, Desh., Pro. Zool. Soc., 1855, p. 182. Id., Tryon, Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Philadelphia, (2), iii, 1872. p.231. Erycina acupuncta, Hedley, Mem. Austr. Mus., iv, 1902, p. 321, fig.60.

The species appears to be more common in New Zealand than in Australia. Mr. R. Murdoch suggested their identity to me. Comparing the few separate valves by which the species is known in Australia, I find that the New Zealand specimens are larger, being 3·6 mm. in length and 2·27 mm. in

– 75 –

height, more solid, and with stronger concentric sulci. I believe the two to be variants of one species.

The New Zealand shell was named for me by Mr. H. Suter, for whom in turn it was determined by Dr. W. H. Dall, probably from co-types distributed by Hugh Cuming. The occurrence of the species in space and literature induces me to suspect an error parallel to that of Ledu fastidiosa, and to conjecture that it did not come from the Philippines, but that it was originally dredged in New Zealand waters by F. Strange during the cruise of H.M.S “Acheron” in 1849.

It has been detected by Mr. R. Murdoch in the Tertiary beds of Wanganui.

Cardium pulchellum, Gray.

Cardium pulchellum, Gray Dieffenbach's New Zealand, ii, 1843, p 252. Id., Reeve, Conch. Icon., ii, 1844, pl. viii, fig 42.

Single and broken valves were dredged in plenty.

Mactra scalpellum, Reeve.

Mactra scalpellum, Reeve, Conch. Icon., vii, Mactra, pl. xix, fig 106,

May, 1854. Id., Deshayes, Proc. Zool. Soc., 1854, p. 65, Feb. 10, 1855.

Several odd valves.

The species should be credited to Reeve, not, as is usual, to Deshayes, for the publication by Reeve was earlier by nearly a year.

Corbula zelandica, Quoy and Gaimard.

Corbula zelandica, Quoy and Gaimard, Voy. “Astrolabe,” Zool., iii, 1835, p. 511, pl. 85, figs. 12–14.

A single valve. The type of the species was obtained in the Hauraki Guif near by.

C. erythrodon, Lamk, is a much larger shell, differing in form and colour. It has been recognised by Lischke (Jap Meers Conch., i, 1869, p. 136) as a Japanese species, and ought, I think, to be struck off the New Zealand list.


This group is included here for convenience. As Pelseneer has demonstrated, they properly belong to Gastropoda.

Cavolinia tridentata, Forskål.

Anomia tridentata, Forskå, Descrip. Anim., 1773, p. 124. Cavolinia tridentata, Pelseneer, Chall. Rep., Zool., xxiii. 1888, p. 83.

A few specimens.

This species is an addition to the New Zealand fauna.

– 76 –
Cavolinia trispinosa, Lesueur.

Hyalaa trispinosa, Lesueur, Dict. Sci. Nat, xxii, 1821, p.82. Cavolinia trispinosa, Pelseneer, Chall. Rep., Zool., xxiii, 1888, p. 76.

A few specimens.

Cavolinia inflexa, Lesueur.

Hyalaa inflexa, Lesueur, Nouv. Bull. Soc. Philom., iii, 1813, p. 285, pl. v, fig. 3. Cavolinia inflexa, Pelseneer, Chall. Rep., Zool., xxiii, 1888, p. 85.

A couple of specimens.

Cavolinia, sp.

A variation or ally of C. longirostris is present, but the specimens are not suitable for description. I have taken this species off the Australian coast, and expect to present an account of it shortly.

Cuvierina columnella, Rang.

Cuvieria columnella, Rang., Ann. Sci. Nat., xiii, 1827, p. 323, p. xlv, f. 1–3. Cuvierina columnella, Pelseneer, Chall. Rep. Zool., xxiii, 1888, p. 84.

A single specimen, which adds a genus as well as a species to the fauna of New Zealand.

It may be here noticed that Cymbulia parvidentata, Pelseneer (Chall. Rep., Zool., xxiii, 1888, p. 99, pl. ii, f. 12, 13) has been overlooked by the compilers of the “Index Faunæ Novæ-Zealandiæ.”

Atlanta, sp.

Fragments of Atlanta, a genus not recorded from New Zealand, are present, but are too imperfect for specific determination.

Explanation of Plates I and II.
Plate I.
  • Figs. 1, 2. Different aspects and magnified sculpture of Leda fastidiosn, A. Adams.

  • Figs. 3, 4. Interior and exterior of Bathyarca cybæa, Hedley.

  • Fig. 5. Exterior and binge of Neolepton antipodum, Filhol.

  • Fig. 6. Exterior of Venericardia lutea, Hutton.

Plate II
  • Fig. 7. Hinge and interior of Poroleda lanceolata, Hutton.

  • Fig. 8. Interior of Dacrydium pelseneeri, Hedley.

  • Figs. 9, 10, 11. Various aspects of Cuspidaria trailli, Hutton.

  • Figs. 12, 13, 14. Various aspects and magnified sculpture of Verticordia rhomboidea, Hedley.

– 77 –

Art. XVII.—On some Foraminifera and Ostracoda obtained off Great Barrier Island, New Zealand.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 2nd August, 1905.]

Plate III.

Introductory Remarks.

The following series of Foraminifera and Ostracoda was obtained from material collected during the dredging operations carried out by Messrs Hedley and Suter, under the auspices of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, at the Dunedin meeting in 1904.

The sounding from which the microzoa were selected was taken in lat. 36° 8′ S., long. 175° 55′ E., off Great Barrier Island, North Island New Zealand, at a depth of 110 fathoms. This locality is not far from the “Challenger” station 169, where at a depth of 100 fathoms the water had a temperature of 55·2°.* At this station, at a depth of 700 fathoms, sixty-six species of Foraminifera, but no Ostracoda, were recorded. Of the Foraminifera, twenty-eight species are common to both localities, after making allowance for changes in some of the specific names of the earlier record. The Ostracoda are dealt with in detail in the sequel to this paper.

The sounding off Great Barrier Island is remarkable for the extraordinary abundance of specimens of Biloculina, Nodosaria, Cristellaria, and Truncatulina, and their full development is indicative of especially favourable conditions of life in that particular area.

Another interesting feature of the present assemblage of Foraminifera is the presence of a large number of forms which have hitherto been found in the Northern Hemisphere; and particularly from the colder waters of the Temperate Zone.

The following is a list of the Foraminifera embodied in this report; the species new to the New Zealand area, according to the list given in Captain Hutton's “Index Faunæ Novæ-Zealandiæ,” being marked with an asterisk. Of the 103 species of Foraminifera enumerated, fifty-seven are new to this area, whilst one is new to science, and constitutes the type of a new genus

  • Biloculina pisum Schlumberger.

  • B. anomala, Schlum.

[Footnote] * Chall. Reports, Summary of Results, ptai, 1895, p. 605.

– 78 –
  • M. circularis, Born. sp.

  • M. seminulum, Linné sp.

  • M. bicornis, W. and J. sp.

  • M. vulgaris, d'Orb. sp.

  • M. agglutinans, d'Orb. sp.

  • Planispirina sphæra, d'Orb. sp. (Biloculina in “Index”)

  • Pelosina cylindrica, Brady.

  • P. variabilis, Brady.

  • P. rotundata, Brady.

  • Brachysiphon corbuliformis, gen. et sp. nov.

  • Reophax scorpurus, Montfort sp.

  • Haplophragmium canariense, d'Orb. sp.

  • H. globigeriniforme, P. and J. sp.

  • H. calcareum, Brady.

  • Ammodiscus tenuis, Reuss.

  • Textularia conica, d'Orb.

  • T. inconspicua, Brady.

  • T. trochus, d'Orb.

  • T. turris, d'Orb.

  • T. gramen, d'Orb.

  • T. gibbosa, var tuberosa, d'Orb. (T. aspera in “Index”).

  • Spiroplecta sagittula. Defr. sp. (Textularia in “Index”).

  • S. sagittula, var. fistulosa, Brady.

  • Clavulina communis, d'Orb.

  • C. rudis, Costa sp.

  • C. soldanii, J and P. sp.

  • Bulimina pyrula, d'Orb.

  • B. pyrula, var. spinescens, Brady.

  • B. marginata, d'Orb.

  • B. inflata, Segueuza.

  • Virgulina subsquamosa, Egger.

  • Bolivina robusta, Brady.

  • B. karreriana, Brady.

  • Cassidulina lævigata, d'Orb.

  • C. subglobosa, Brady.

  • C. bradyi, J. Wright.

  • Lagena elongata, Ehrenb. sp.

  • L. gracillima, Seg. sp.

  • L. striata, d'Orb. sp.

  • L. sulcata, W. and J. sp.

  • L. hispida, Reuss.

  • L. hexagona, Williamson sp.

  • L. lacunata, Burrows and Holland.

  • Nodosania hispida, d'Orb.

  • N. pyrula, d'Orb.

  • N. (D.) consobrina, d'Orb. sp.

  • N. (D.) consobrina, var. emaciata, Reuss.

– 79 –
  • N. (D.) filiformis, d'Orb.

  • N. (D.) farcimen, Reuss sp.

  • N. (D.) soluta, Reuss sp.

  • N. (D.) pauperata, d'Orb. sp.

  • N. (D.) roemeri, Neug. sp.

  • N. (D.) obliqua, Linné sp.

  • obliqua, var. vertebralis, Batsch var.

  • Frondicularia reussi, Karrer.

  • Marginulina glabra, d'Orb.

  • Cristellaria tenuis, Born. sp.

  • C. reniformis, d'Orb.

  • C. schloenbachi, Reuss.

  • C. tricarinella, Reuss.

  • C. italica, Defr sp.

  • C. latifrons, Brady.

  • C. articulata, Reuss sp.

  • C. rotulata, Lam. sp.

  • C. orbicularis, d'Orb. sp.

  • C. cultrata, Montf. sp.

  • C. mamilligera, Karrer.

  • C. costata, F. and M. sp.

  • Uvigerina asperula, Cz.

  • U. pygmæa, d'Orb.

  • Ramulina globulifera, Brady (not noted in “Index,” but recorded by Brady west of New Zealand).

  • R. lævis, Jones.

  • Globigerina bulloides, d'Orb.

  • G. triloba, Reuss.

  • G. inflata, d'Orb.

  • G. æquilateralis, Brady.

  • Orbulina universa, d'Orb.

  • Sphæroidina bulloides, d'Orb.

  • Pullenia sphæroides, d'Orb. sp.

  • P. quinqueloba, Reuss sp.

  • Truncatulina tenuimargo, Brady.

  • T. reticulata, Cz. sp.

  • T. wuellerstorfi, Schwager sp.

  • T. lobatula, W. and J. sp.

  • T. variabilis, d'Orb.

  • T. ungeriana, d'Orb. sp.

  • T. akneriana, d'Orb. sp.

  • T. pygmæa, Hantken.

  • T. haidingeri, d'Orb. sp.

  • T. (?) præcincta, Karrer sp.

  • Anomalina polymorpha, Costa.

  • Pulvinulina truncatulinoides, d'Orb. sp. (in “Index” as micheliniana).

  • P. crassa, d'Orb. sp.

– 80 –
  • P. canariensis, d'Orb. sp.

  • P. auricula, F. and M. sp.

  • P. schreibersii, d'Orb. sp.

  • Rotalia sòldanii, d'Orb.

  • R. papillosa, var. compressiuscula, Brady.

  • R. clathrata, Brady.

  • Nonionina umbilicatula, Montagu sp.

  • Miliolina insignis, H. B. Brady.

References given below are restricted to the original records and one or two of the more important of later date.

Order Foraminifera.
Family Miliolidæ.
Subfamily Miliolininæ.
Genus Biloculina, d'Orbigny.
Biloculina pisum, Schlumberger.

Biloculina pisum, Schlumberger, 1891, Mém. Soc. Zool. France, vol. iv, p. 569, pl. xi, figs. 81–83; text-figure 31.

This species is hardly distinguishable in external appearance from the nearly allied B. vespertilio, Schlumberger,* and B. bradii, Schl.; the shape of the aperture being one of the characters which separate it. Upon slicing the tests, however, the identity of our specimens with the above, B. pisum, is at once apparent, since the internal arrangement of the chambers in their relation to one another, especially at the point of incurvation and fusion to the previous chamberwall, is characteristic of this species and B. comata, Brady. The latter species is distinguished by its externally striated shell-surface; the arrangement of the initial series of chambers is also different, and the wall of the first chamber in B. comata (form A) is thick, whilst in B. pisum (form A) it is very thin.

The original locality given by Schlumberger for B. pisum is the Mediterranean.

Although this form is quite common in the present series, the tests all appear to belong to the megalospheric type of shell (form A), as Schlumberger also found.

Biloculina anomala, Schlumberger.

Biloculina anomala, Schlumberger, 1891, Mém. Soc. Zool. France, vol. iv, p. 569, pl. xi, figs. 84–86; pl. xii, fig. 101; text-figures 32–34.

[Footnote] * Op. supra cit., p. 561

[Footnote] Op. supra cit., p. 557

[Footnote] ‡ Rep. Chall., vol. ix, 1884, p. 144, pl. iii, figs. 9 a, b.

– 81 –

This species was found by Schlumberger in dredgings from the Mediterranean, at a depth of 555 meters. A solitary specimen, agreeing in all external characters with the above, is found in our series.

Genus Miliolina, Williamson.
Miliolina insignis, Brady.

Miliolina insignis, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 165, pl. iv, figs. 8, 10.

This species is fairly common in the present series. It attains the unusual length of 3 mm.

M. insignis has a wide distribution and a great range in depth. One of the localities in which it has previously been found is Bass Strait, 150 fathoms.

Miliolina circularis, Bornemann sp.

Triloculina circularis, Bornemann, 1855, Zeitschr. d. deutsch. geol. Gesellsch., vol. vii, p. 349, pl. xix, fig. 4.

Miliolina circularis, Born. sp., Millet, 1898, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 499, pl. xi, figs. 1–3.

Only one example of this form occurs in our series, and this is fairly typical. Millett's specimens were obtained from the Malay Archipelago. Egger records it (“Gazelle” Exped.) from two stations off the Australian coast, and the “Challenger” obtained it in Bass Strait.

Miliolina seminulum, Linné sp.

Serpula seminulum, Linné, 1767, Syst. Nat., 12th ed., p. 1264, No. 791.

Miliolina seminulum, Linné sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 157, pl. v, figs. 6 a-c.

One small but otherwise typical example of this widely distributed form occurs in our series.

Miliolina vulgaris, d'Orbigny sp.

Quinqueloculina vulgaris, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat, vol. vii, p. 302, No. 33.

Q. vulgaris, d'Orb., Schlumberger, 1893, Mém. Soc. Géol. France, vol. vi, p. 207. pl. ii, figs. 65, 66; woodcuts, figs. 13, 14.

As a recent species this is usually recorded under the name of Miliolina auberiana, d'Orb sp. Its nearest geographical occurrence to the present one is in the Malay Archipelago, where it was found by Millett. It is also an abundant form in the Tertiary deposits of Australia. In the present series it is not uncommon.

– 82 –

Miliolina bicornis, Walker and Jacob sp.

Serpula bicornis, Walker and Jacob, 1798, Adams Essays, Kanmacher's ed, p. 633, pl. xiv, fig. 2.

Miliolina bicornis, W. and J. sp., Goes, 1894, K. Svenska Vet.-Akad. Handlingar, vol. xxv, p. 113, pl. xxi, figs. 860, 861.

Occasional examples of the above species were met with in the present material. It is a widely distributed form, and is most abundant in quite shallow water, the depth at which the present soundings were taken, 110 fathoms, being near the deepest limit of its occurrence.

Miliolina agglutinans, d'Orbigny sp.

Quinqueloculina agglutinans, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Cuba, p. 168, pl. xii, figs. 11–13.

Miliolina agglutinans, d'Orb. sp., Goes, 1894, K. Svenska Vet.-Akad. Handl., vol. xxv, p. 110, pl. xix, fig. 848, and plate xx, fig 849.

Only one typical example of this widely distributed species occurred in this series.

Subfamily Hauerininæ.
Genus Planispirina, Seguenza.
Planispirina sphæra, d'Orbigny sp.
Plate III, figs. 1 a, b.

Biloculina sphæra, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Amér. Mérid., p.66, pl. viii, figs. 13–16. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 141, pl. ii, figs. 4 a, b.

Planispirina sphæra, d'Orb. sp., Schlumberger, 1891, Mém. Soc. Zool. France, vol. iv, p. 577, text-figures 45, 46.

The examples in the present collection all show the normal V-shaped aperture, with one exception; this is of larger dimensions, and has a labyrinthic orifice (see figure). The smaller specimens have diameters ranging from 0·425 mm. to 0·8 mm., whilst the specimen with a labyrinthic aperture has a diameter of 1·4 mm.

This species, although never very abundant, is well distributed both as to geographical range and depth. It has already been recorded from this locality at station 169 (“Challenger”).

– 83 –

Family Astrorhizidæ.
Subfamily Astrorhizinæ.
Genus Pelosina, Brady.
Pelosina cylindrica, Brady.

Pelosina cylindrica, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 236, pl. xxvi, figs. 1–6.

The occurrence of this species at a depth of only 110 fathoms is interesting, since in the “Challenger” dredgings it was an essentially deep-water form; the least depth at which it was found was 620 fathoms. It was also recorded from the “Challenger” station 169, in 700 fathoms. The “Gazelle” expedition obtained this species, however, at 82–86 meters (44 to 47 fathoms), from Western Australia.

Our specimens are typical, and of the normal size. The walls of the test are formed of a fine grey calcareous mud. Somewhat common.

Pelosina variabilis, Brady.

Pelosina variabilis, Brady, 1879, Quart. Journ, Micr. Sci., vol. xix, n.s., p. 30, pl. iii, figs. 1–3.

This interesting form is rare in our series. It was found in the “Challenger” dredgings at station 169, near to the present locality, at a depth of 700 fathoms.

Pelosina rotundata, Brady.

Pelosina rotundata, Brady, 1879, Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci., vol. xix, n.s., p. 31, pl. iii, figs. 4, 5.

The specimens found in our samples are not so evenly shaped as usual, but there seems to be no doubt of their identity with the above species.

The “Challenger” soundings from near this locality have yielded the same species at a depth of 700 fathoms.

Subfamily Rhabdammininæ.
Genus Brachysiphon, gen. nov.
(Deriv.—βρaχvs, short; σíφων, a tube).

Generic Characters.—Test tubular, short, open at both ends or closed at one; consisting of an inner chitinous tube incrusted with sand-grains or small foraminiferal tests, as Globigerina, in the only species at present known. Aperture more or less circular, bordered by the thickened chitinous lining of the interior.

– 84 –

Brachysiphon corbuliformis, sp. nov.
Plate III, figs. 2 a, b, 3.

Description.—Test roughly cylindrical, short; orally depressed, also basally when double-apertured; irregular in outline; composed of sand-grains and tests of other Foraminifera, as Globiqerina, cemented to a brown chitinous base or internal lining. Aperture more or less circular.

Dimensions.—About 0·8 mm. In diameter. Aperture about 0·28 mm. across.

This species reminds one of Profeonina difflugiformis, Brady sp., var. testacea, Flint,* in its general appearance It differs morphologically, however, in having a cylindrical cavity instead of an inflated chamber.

Rather common. Off Great Barrier Island, New Zealand, 110 fathoms.

Family Lituolidæ.
Subfamily Lituolinæ.
Genus Reophax, Montfort.
Reophax scorpiurus, Montfort sp.

Reophax scorpiurus, Montfort, 1808. Conchyl. Systém., vol. i, p. 330, 83e genre Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 291, pl. xxx, figs. 12–17.

Only two specimens of this widely distributed form occur in our series. The test, in each example, is formed of loosely cemented sand-grains. One specimen has a blunt termination, whilst the other gradually tapers to a point.

Genus Haplophragmium, Reuss.
Haplophragmium canariense, d'Orbingny sp.

Nonionina canariensis, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Canaries, p. 228, pl. ii, figs. 33, 34.

Haplophragmium canariense, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall, vol. ix, p. 310, pl. xxxv, figs. 1–5.

Several very fine and typical specimens occur in this dredging. Their tests are of a yellow to a ruddy-brown colour, and their texture somewhat coarsely arenaceous. It is a widely distributed form in recent deposits.

Haplophragmium globigeriniforme, Parker and Jones sp.

Lituola nautiloidea, var. globigeriniforme, Parker and Jones, 1865, Phil. Trans., vol clv, p. 407, pl. xv, figs. 46, 47.

Haplophragmium globigeriniforme, P. and J. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 312, pl. xxxv, figs. 10, 11.

[Footnote] * Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. for 1897 (1899), p. 273, pl. xvi, fig. 1.

– 85 –

Brady regards this species as essentially of deep-water habitat, and it is consequently not surprising to find it but rarely in the sounding off Great Barrier Island. One of the specimens was accidentally broken. and showed the test to be very thin, and formed of almost uniform sand-grains very neatly cemented, and having a smooth surface both on the interior and exterior. In our specimen the chambers increase very rapidly in size with growth.

H. globigeriniforme has been recorded from the “Challenger” sta. 169, at 700 fathoms.

Haplophragmium clacareum, Brady.

Haplophragmium calcareum, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 302, pl. xxxiii, figs. 5–12.

A typical specimen occurs in our series. It is almost entirely a tropical species, an exception occurring, in the “Challenger” records, off Sydney, 410 fathoms.

Subfamily Trochammininæ.
Genus Ammodiscus, Reuss.
Ammodiscus tenuis, Brady.

Ammodiscus tenuis, Brady, 1881, Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci., vol. xxi, n.s., p.51. Id., 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 332, pl. xxxviii, figs. 4–6.

The form distinguished as A. tenuis occurs with some frequency in our sounding. It has been previously recorded,* in company with A. incertus, d'Orb., from a neighbouring locality—station 169; and Dr. Brady, indeed, threw out the suggestion that the form was perhaps only a local variety of the better-known and ubiquitous species A. incertus.

Dr. Rhumbler has also remarked about this species, “Die Scheibe ist dunner, die welcher sie vielleicht die megalosphirische Form darstellt.”

A general examination of our specimens showed the initial portion of the coil in every case to commence with a more or less swollen “protoconch” or (?) megalosphere. This is subject to much variation in size, which at first seemed to lend support to the idea that a microsphere might be present in A. tenuis. To conclusively settle this doubtful point, however, it will necessitate the examination of a further series of specimens.

[Footnote] * Rep. Chall., Summary of Results, vol. i, 1895, p. 605.

[Footnote] † Archiv für Protistenkunde, vol. iii, 1903, p. 281.

– 86 –

The initial portion of the shell is subspheroidal, and seems to be merely an inflation of the tubular part of the shell. The dimensions of some of the initial chambers in their longest diameter are as follows: Specimens figured by Brady—360μ and 300μ. From the present series—100μ, 75μ, 50μ.

Family Textularidæ.
Subfamily Textulariinæ.
Genus Textularia, Defrance.
Textularia conica, d'Orbigny.

Textularia conica, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Cuba, p. 135, pl. i, figs. 19, 20. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 365, pl. xliii, figs. 13, 14; pl. cxiii, figs. 1 a, b.

One characteristic specimen.

Textularia inconspicua, Brady.

Textularia inconspicua, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 357, pl. xlii, fig. 6. Millett, 1899, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 557, pl. vii, fig. 1.

One specimen of this elegant little form occurs in the present series. The localities previously recorded for this species are—off East Moncæur Island, Bass Strait; Nares Harbour, Admiralty Islands; the Hyalonema ground, south of Japan; and the Malay Archipelago.

Tèxtularia trochus, d'Orbigny.

Textularia trochus. d'Orbigny, 1840, Mém. Soc. Géol. France, vol. iv, p. 45, pl. iv, figs. 25, 26. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall, vol. ix, p. 366, pl. xliii, figs 15–19; pl. xliv, figs. 1–3. Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k bayer. Akad. Wiss., cl. ii, vol xviii. p. 273, pl. vi, figs. 37, 38.

Two fairly well grown specimens occur in the present series, having non-limbate sutures.

Textularia turris, d'Orbigny.

Textularia turris, d'Orbigny, 1840, Mém. Soc. Géol. France, vol. iv, p. 46, pl. iv, figs. 27, 28. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall, vol. ix, p. 336, pl. xliv, figs. 4, 5.

It is interesting to meet with this species off Great Barrier Island, since it is rare in the recent condition. It has only been observed previously off Culebra Island, 390 fathoms, and off the coast of South America, south-east of Pernambuco, 350 fathoms.

– 87 –

Textularia gramen, d'Orbigny.

Textularia gramen, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne. p. 248, plate xv, figs 4–6. Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Akad. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, p. 272, pl. vi, figs. 24–26.

Two characteristic specimens of this well-distributed form occur in our series.

Textularia gibbosa, var. tuberosa, d'Orbigny.

Textularia tuberosa, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol vii, p. 263, No. 26

T. aspera, Brady, 1882, Proc. R. Soc. Edin., vol. xi, p. 715. Id., 1884, Rep. Chall, vol. ix, p. 367, pl. xliv, figs. 9–13.

T. gibbosa, forma tuberosa, d'Orbigny, fornasini, 1903, Mem. Acc. Sci. Ist. Bologna, ser. v, vol. x. p. 300, pl. O, fig. 2.

The recent examples are better known under the name of T. aspera, Brady, which is, however, identical in its essential characters with the earlier-described T. tuberosa. Our specimens have the ruddy-brown tests similar in colour to the examples found in North Atlantic.

Genus Spiroplecta, Ehrenberg. Spiroplecta sagittula, Defrance sp.

Textularia sagittula, Defrance, 1824, Dict. Sci. Nat., vol. xxxii, p. 177; 1828, vol. liii, p. 344; Atlas Conch., pl. xiii, fig. 5.

Spiroplecta sagittula, Defr. sp., J. Wright, 1891, Proc. R. Irish Acad., p. 471.

This species and the following variety attain to a great length in this deposit, some of the specimens measuring 4 mm. T. sagittula was found off the coast of New Zealand (sta. 169) by the “Challenger.”

Spiroplecta sagittula, Defr. sp., var. fistulosa, Brady.
Plate III, fig. 4.

Textularia sagittula, Defr., var. fistulosa, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 362, pl. xiii, figs. 19–22.

This variety is much more abundant in the present series than the specific form, and attains approximately the same length.

Genus Clavulina, d'Orbigny.
Clavulina communis, d'Orbigny.

Clavulina communis, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 268, No. 4. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 394, pl. xlviii, figs. 1–13.

– 88 –

This species is not at all common, but typical specimens occur, measuring about 3 mm. in length. It has been already recorded form the Southern Ocean, and is more commonly found in the Southern Hemisphere.

Clavulina rudis, Costa sp.

Glandulina rudis, Costa, 1857, Mem. R. Acc. Sc. Napoli. vol. ii, p. 142, pl. i, fig. 12.

Clavulina cylindrica, Hantken, 1875, Mittheil Jahrb. d. k. ung. geol. Anstalt, vol. iv, p. 18, pl. i, fig. 8.

C. rudis, Costa sp., Fornasini. 1883, Boll. Soc. Geol. Ital., vol. ii, p 184, pl. ii, fig. 4. A. Silvestri, 1904, Mem d. Pontif. Accad Rom. d. Nuovi Lincei, vol. xxii, p. 259, p. 262, text-figs. 8–10.

Several specimens were found. agreeing in all essentials with the forms figured by previous authors.

The “Challenger” discovered this species (recorded as C. cylindrica by Brady) on the west coast of New Zealand, at 275 fathoms.

Clavulina soldanii, Jones and Parker sp.

Lituola soldanii, Jones and Parker, 1860, Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. xvi, p. 307, No. 184.

Haplostiche soldanii, J. and P. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 318, pl. xxxvii, figs. 12–18.

Clavulina soldanii, J. and P. sp., Goes, 1896, Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool. Harvard, vol. xxix, No. 1, pt. xx, p. 37, pl. iv, figs. 39–46.

Goes has shown that certain slender forms of this species exhibit a definite valvuline aperture, whilst others have a modified labyrinthic opening.

Our specimens clearly display the valvuline character of the aperture.

Not uncommon.

Subfamily Bulimininæ.
Genus Bulimina, d'Orbigny.
Bulimina pyrula, d'Orbigny.

Bulimina pyrula, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram Foss. Vienne, p. 184, pl. xi, figs. 9, 10. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 290, pl. xxxvi, figs. 4, 5. Millett, 1900, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 275.

Several specimens, with thin glassy tests, occur in the present series.

B. pyrula was also found at station 169 by the “Challenger.”

– 89 –

Bulimina pyrula, d'Orbigny, var. spinescens, Brady.

Bulimina pyrula, d'Orbigny, var. spinescens, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 400, pl. l. figs. 11, 12.

Occasional in our series. It has occurred off the coast of Norway (Parker and Jones), and off Ki Islands, Eastern Archipelago, 580 fathoms (Brady).

Bulimina marginata, d'Orbigny

Bulimina marginata, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 269, No. 4, pl. xii, figs. 10–12. Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Akad. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, p. 287, pl. viii, figs. 69, 70.

This widely distributed form is abundant in the sounding off Great Barrier Island.

Bulimina inflata, Seguenza.

Bulimina inflata, Seguenza, 1862, Atti Accad. Gioenia Sci. Nat, ser. 2, vol. xviii, p. 109, pl. i, fig. 10. Millett, 1900, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 279.

The above species has a somewhat wide distribution. It is rather unusual to find it at a depth of only 100 fathoms, as it is a fairly deep-water species.

A single specimen occurred in our series.

Genus Virgulina, d'Orbigny.
Virgulina subsquamosa, Egger.

Virgulina subsquamosa, Egger, 1857, Neues Jahrb. für Min., &c., p. 295, pl. xii, figs. 19–21. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 415, pl. hi, figs. 7–11.

This species is rather abundant in the present sounding. It does not appear to have been found before in this locality. It has been recorded, however, form station 165B (“Challenger”) between Sydney and New Zealand.

Genus Bolivina, d'Orbigny.
Bolivina robusta, Brady.

Bolivina robusta, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 421, pl. liii, figs. 7–9. Millett, 1900, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 543.

Our specimens are rather small, but otherwise typical. It is apparently new to this particular area.

– 90 –

Bolivina karreriana, Brady

Bolivina karreriana, Brady, 1881, Quart, Journ. Micr. Sci., vol. xxi, n.s., p 58. Id, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 424, pl. liii, figs. 19–21. Millett, 1900, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 546.

The finer washings from the sounding off Great Barrier Island have yielded this species in abundance. It is new to the New Zealand area. Among other places recorded are Western Australia by Egger (‘Gazelle”) at 359 meters, and from the Malay Archipelago by Millett.

Subfamily CAssidulininæ.
Genus Cassidulina, d'Orbigny.
Cassidulina lævigata, d'Orbigny.

Cassidulina lavigata, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 282 (No.1), pl. xv, figs. 4, 5; modèle No. 41. A. Silvestri, 1896, Pontif. Accad. Nuovi Lincei, vol. xii, p. 103, pl. ii, fig. 10.

Two specimens were found in our series The species has a wide distribution, and has been found in the Southern Ocean as far as the Antarctic ice-barrier (Brady).

Cassidulina subglobosa, Brady.

Cassidulina subglobosa, Brady, 1881, Quart, Journ. Micr. Sci., vol. xxi, n.s.,p.60. Id. 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 430, pl. liv, figs. 17 a-c.

This species has already been recorded from the South Pacific, and also from the Southern Ocean. It is not infrequent in the present collection.

Cassidulina bradyi, J. Wright.

Cassidulina bradyi (Norman. MS.), J Wright, 1880. Proc. Belfast Nat. Field Club, Appendix, p. 152.

C. bradyi, Norman, H. B. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 431, pl. liv, figs. 6–10.

This species has always been referred to on the authority of Norman. The first published reference to it, however, was by Joseph Wright, who described it as “a crozier-shaped Cassidulina.” Several examples of this pretty speices occur in our series. It has been found in the South Pacific, but does not seem to have previously occurred near the present locality.

– 91 –

Family Lagenidæ.
Subfamily Lageninæ.
Genus Lagena, Walker and Boys.
Lagena elongata, Ehrenberg sp.

Miliola elongata, Ehrenberg. 1854, Mikrogeologie, pl. xxv, fig.1.

Lagena elongata, Ehr. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 457, pl. lvi. fig. 29. Millett, 1901, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 492, pl. viii, fig. 10.

One specimen found, slightly curved.

Lagena gracillima, Seguenza sp.

Imphorina gracillima, Seguenza, 1862, Foram. Monotal. Mess., p. 51, pl. i, fig. 37.

Lagena gracillima, Seg. sp., A. Silvestri, 1900, Mem. Pontif. Accad. Nuovi Lincei, vol. xvii, p. 245, pl. vi, fig. 42.

A specimen, resembling an attenuated pear-shaped pipette, occurs in the present series.

Lagena striata, d'Orbigny sp.

Oolina striata, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Amér. Mérid., p. 21, pl. v, fig. 12.

Lagena striata, d'Orb. sp., Goes, 1894, K. Svenska Vet-Akad. Handl., vol. xxv, p. 75, pl. xiii, figs. 732–736. Millett, 1901, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 487.

A perfect specimen was found in our sounding, showing a faint, oblique annulation of the neck.

Lagena sulcata, Walker and Jacob sp.

Serpula (Lagena) striata sulcata rotundata, Walker and Boys 1784, Test. Min., p 2, pl. 1, fig 6.

Lagena sulcata, W. and J. sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. for 1897, p. 307, pl. liii, fig. 7. Millett, 1901, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 488

One specimen was found in our sounding, having thin but not expansive riblets.

Lagena hispida, Reuss.

Lagena hispida, Reuss, 1858, Zeitschr. d. deutsch. geol. Gesellsch., vol. x, p. 434. Id., 1863, Sitzungsb. d.k. Ak. Wiss. Wien, vol. xlvi, p. 335, pl. vi, figs. 77–79. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 459,pl. lvii, figs. 1–4; pl. lix, figs. 2, 5. Flint, 1899(1897), Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus., p. 307, pl. lm, fig. 8.

A typical specimen, having a slender neck, occurs in our series.

– 92 –

Lagena hexagona, Williamson sp.

Entosolenia squamosa, var. hexagona, Williamson, 1848, Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 2, vol. 1, p. 20. pl. ii, fig. 23.

Lagena hexagona, Williamson sp., Millett, 1901, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 8.

A single typical specimen of this elegant form occurs in our material.

Lagena lacunata, Burrows and Holland.

Lagena lacunata, Burrows and Holland, 1895, in Jones's Palæont. Soc. Mon., Crag. Foram., pt. ii, p. 205, pl. vii, fig. 12.

This species is distinguished from the better-known L. castrensis, Schwager, by the depressions on the faces of the test. Millett regards both of these forms, perhaps rightly, as one variety of L. Orbignyana.

L. lacunata is not uncommon in our soundings.

Subfamily Nodosariinæ.
Genus Nodosaria, d'Orbigny.
Nodosaria hispida, d'Orbigny.

Nodosaria hispida, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 35, pl. i, figs. 24, 25. Egger, 1899, Abhandl. k. bayer. Akad. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xxi, p. 79, pl. ix, figs. 23, 24.

This is a very variable form, the only constant character being the hispid surface of the test.

A single specimen was found off Great Barrier Island, which consists of two closely conjoined chambers with short, coarse prickles.

N. hispida has been met with in the South Pacific, but not very near the present locality.

Nodosaria pyrula, d'Orbigny.

Nodosaria pyrula, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 253, No. 13. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 309, pl. lv, fig. 4. Millett, 1902, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 514.

Three specimens of this sparingly distributed form occur in our series. In each case the last chamber of the test is seen to contain a reddish-brown substance which is probably of the nature of dried protoplasm.

N. Pyrula has been recorded from various observing-stations in the South Pacific, but not from the present locality.

– 93 –

Subgenus Dentalina, d'Orbigny.
Nodosaria (Dentalina) consorbrina, d'Orbigny sp.

Dentalina consobrina, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 46, pl. ii, figs. 1–3. Nodosaria (D.) consobrina, d'Orbigny sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 501, pl lxii, figs. 23, 24.

A single specimen was found in our sample.

Nodosaria (D.) consobrina, d'Orb. sp., var. emaciata, Reuss.

Dentalina emaciata, Reuss, 1851, Zeitschr. d. deutsch. geol. Gesellsch., vol. iii p. 63, pl. iii, fig. 9.

Nodosaria (D.) consobrina, d'Orb. sp., var. emaciata, Reuss, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 502, pl. lxii, figs. 25, 26.

This slender variety is more common than the type form in the present series. It has already been recorded from the South Pacific.

Nodosaria (D.) filiformis, d'Orbigny.
Plate III, fig. 5.

Nodosaria filiformis, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 253, No. 14. Flint, 1899, Rep. U S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 310, pl. lv, fig. 6.

This species is distinguished by its long, slender, recurved test, with oval segments. It is not uncommon in the present series. Some of the specimens have a bulbous commencement, whilst others have the extremity attenuated and finely pointed. The latter variation agrees with the form figured by d'Orbigny under the name of Dentalina elegans.

N. (D.) filiformis has been recorded from the South Pacific, but not from the neighbourhood of Great Barrier Island.

Nodosaria (D.) farcimen, Reuss sp.

Dentalina farcimen, Reuss (after Soldani), 1863, Bull. Acad. Roy. Belg., ser. 2, vol. xv, p. 146, pl. i, fig. 18.

Nodosaria farcimen, Soldani sp. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 309, pl. lv, fig. 5.

One specimen of this universally distributed form found in our series.

Nodosaria (D.) soluta, Reuss sp.

Dentalina soluta, Reuss, 1851, Zeitschr. d. deutsch. geol. Gesellsch., vol. iii, p. 63, pl. vii, fig. 4.

Nodosaria soluta, Reuss sp, Flint, 1899, Rep U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 310, pl. lvi, fig. 3. Millett, 1902, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 516.

– 94 –

This species is not uncommon in the present series. Its occurrence at 110 fathoms off Great Barrier Island is in accordance with Dr. Brady's remark that in the South Pacific this species affects shallower water than in other localities. N. (D.) soluta has been recorded from the “Challenger” station 169 by Dr. Brady.

Nodosaria (D.) pauperata, d'Orbigny sp.

Dentalina pauperata, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 46, pl. i, figs. 57, 58.

Nodosaria (D.) pauperata, d'Orb. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 500, woodcuts, figs. 14 a-c.

This species is fairly typical, and occurs frequently in our series.

Nodosaria (D.) roemeri, Neugeboren sp.

Dentalina roemeri, Neugeboren, 1856, Denkschr. d. k. Akad. Wiss. Wien, vol. xii, p. 82, pl. ii, figs. 13–17.

N. (D.) roemeri, Neug. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 505, pl. lxiii, fig. 1.

This form has been recorded by Brady as being chiefly found in the North Atlantic, at depths of less than 1,000 fathoms. It is therefore the more interesting to meet with it in the present sounding off Great Barrier Island at 110 fathoms, where it is not uncommon.

Nodosaria (D.) obliqua, Linné sp.

Nautilus obliquus, Linné, 1767, Syst. Nat., 12th ed., p. 1163, 281; 1788, Ibid, 13th (Gmelin's) ed, p. 3372, No. 14.

Nodosaria (D) obliqua, Linné sp, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 513, pl. lxiv, figs. 20–22. Goës, 1894, K. Svenska Vetenskaps-Akad. Handl., vol. xxv, No. 9, p. 70. pl. xii, figs. 691–696; pl. xiii, fig. 697.

This is one of the most noteworthy species of Foraminifera in the present series, and is here very abundant. It is not uncommon to find specimens reaching the extraordinary length of 9·5mm. Some of the shells are rather irregular in growth, and tend to become sinuous

N. (D.) obliqua has been previously recorded from “Challenger” station 169, near the present locality.

Nodosaria (D.) obliqua, L. sp., var. vertebralis, Batsch var.
Plate III, fig. 5.

Nautilus (Orthoceras) vertebralis, Batsch, 1791, Conchyl. des Seesandes, p. 3, No. 6, pl. ii, figs. 6 a, b.

Nodosaria vertebralis, Batsch sp., Bradv, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 514, pl. lxiii, fig. 35; pl. lxiv, figs. 11–14.

– 95 –

N. obliqua, L sp., var. vertabrahs, Batsch, Goës, 1894, K. Svenska Vetenskaps-Akad. Handl., vol. xxv, No. 9, p. 70, pl. xiii, figs. 698, 699.

That this form is only a variety of N. obliqua is clearly demonstrated by the present series of specimens. Indeed, it is somewhat difficult to satisfactorily separate the variety from the species in some cases.

Genus Frondicularia, Defrance.
Frondicularia reussi, Karrer.
Plate III, fig. 7.

Frondicularia reussi, Karrer, 1862, Sitzungsb. d.k. Ak. Wiss. Wien, vol. xliv, p. 441, pl. i, fig. 1.

Three examples of an ovate, striated Frondicularia were found off Great Barrier Island. They are almost exactly matched by Karrer's figured specimen, from the Miocene of the Vienna basin. The narrowest of our specimens may also be compared with Karrer's F. Sculpta, figured on the same plate as the above. These shells are obviously of the same type as the earlier-described F. annularis of d'Orbigny,* from the Miocene of Baden; this, however, is a generally broader form.

This appears to be the first occurrence of F. reussi in recent deposits.

Genus Marginulina, d'Orbigny. Marginulina glabra, d'Orbigny.

Marginulina glabra, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 259, No. 6; modèle No. 55. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 527, pl. lxv, figs. 5, 6. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1879), p. 313, pl. lx, fig. 1. Millett, 1902, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 526.

Two specimens, one short and stout (typical), the other more elongated, were found in our series.

Genus Cristellaria, Lamarck.
Cristellaria tenuis, Bornemann sp.

Marginulina tenuis, Bornemann, 1855, Zeitschr. d. deutsch. geol. Geselsch., vol. vii, p. 326, pl. xiii, fig. 14.

Cristellaria tenuis, Born. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 535, pl. lxvi, figs. 21–23. Chapman, 1895, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., p 33.

A characteristic example of this elegant little cristellarian was found in our sounding. It has also been recorded from

[Footnote] * Foram. Foss. Vienne, 1846, p. 59, pl. ii, figs. 44–47.

– 96 –

two places off the west coast of New Zealand, at 150 and £275 fathoms(Brady).

Cristellaria reniformis, d'Orbigny.

Cristellaria reniformis, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 88, pl. iii, figs. 39, 40. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 539, pl. lxx, figs. 3 a, b. Chapman, 1895, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., p. 33. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897) p. 315, pl. lxii, fig. 2.

A single example was found in the present sounding. This species has been previously recorded from the South Pacific, but is always found sparingly.

Cristellaria schloenbachi, Reuss.

Cristellaria schloenbachi, Reuss, 1862, Sitzungb. d. k. Ak. Wiss Wien, vol. xlvi, p. 65, pl. vi, figs. 14, 15. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 539. pl. lxvii, fig. 7. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 253.

One fine example was found in our material.

The nearest recorded localities to the present appear to be Raine Island and the Malay Archipelago.

Cristellaria tricarinella, Reuss.

Cristellaria tricarinella, Reuss, 1862, Sitzungsb. d. k. Ak. Wiss. Wien, vol. xlvi, p. 68, pl. vii, fig. 9; pl. xii, figs. 2–4. Egger, 1893, Abhandl. K. bayer. Ak. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, abth. ii, p. 159, pl. xii, figs. 28, 29.

This interesting cristellarian is fairly common in the present series. The “Challenger” records are all in the Pacific, one locality being off the west coast of New Zealand, at 150 fathoms. Egger records this species from Mauritius, and off the west coast of Australia (“Gazelle”).

Cristellaria italica, Defrance sp.

Saracenaria italica, Defrance, 1824, Dict. Sci. Nat., vol. xxxii, p. 177; 1827, vol. xlvii, p. 344; Atlas Conch., pl. xiii, fig. 6. Cristellaria italica, Defr. sp., Flint, 1899, Rep U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 316, pl. lxiii, fig. 6. Millett, 1903. Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 256.

Several specimens were selected from our sample. It has a rather wide distribution, but it is never very common. It was found at four “Challenger” stations in the South Pacific.

– 97 –

Cristellaria latifrons, Brady.

Cristellaria latifrons, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 544, pl. lxviii, fig. 19; pl. cxiii, figs. 11 a, b. Flint, 1899, Rep U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 316, pl. lxiii, fig. 3.

This handsome species is fairly well represented in our series by some broad but otherwise typical specimens.

C. latifrous was originally recorded by Brady from the “Challenger” station at Culebra Island, West Indies, 390 fathoms, and off the west coast of New Zealand, 275 fathoms. To these localities Flint adds Florida, and Gulf of Mexico, 60 to 210 fathoms.

Cristellaria articulata, Reuss sp.

Robulina articulata, Reuss, 1863, Sitzungsb. d. k. Ak. Wiss Wien, vol. xlviii, p. 53, pl. v, fig. 62. Cristellaria articulata Reuss sp. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 547, pl. lxix, figs. 1–4, 10–12. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 317, pl. lxiv, fig. 2.

It is of much interest to add another locality for this somewhat restricted species. The previous records are Culebra Island, West Indies, 390 fathoms, and off Nightingale Island, Tristan d'Acunha, 100–150 fathoms (Brady); also Gulf of Mexico and off the Coast of Georgia, 169 to 276 fathoms (Flint).

C. articulata is characteristic and fairly common in our sounding off Great Barrier Island. No examples of wild-growing forms such as Dr. Brady describes were met with in the present series.

Cristellaria rotulata, Lamarck sp.

Lenticulites rotulata,Lamarck, 1804, Ann. Mus., vol. v,p. 188, No. 3; and 1806, vol. viii, pl. lxii, fig. 11.

Cristellara rotulata, Lam. sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 314, pl. lxiv, fig. 4. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 257.

This widely distributed species has already been recorded by the “Challenger” from station No. 169, off the east coast of New Zealand. It is not uncommon in our sounding off Great Barrier Island.

Cristellaria orbicularis, d'Orbigny sp.

Robulinu orbicularis, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 288, pl. xv, figs. 8, 9.

Cristellaria orbicularis, d'Orb. sp., Chapman, 1895, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., p. 33. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 317, pl. lxiv, fig. 3.

– 98 –

A single specimen was found in our material. This species has been recorded off Sombrero Island, West Indies; and from the South Pacific—amongst other localities mentioned by Dr. Brady—off the west coast of New Zealand, 150 fathoms; off Sydney, 401 fathoms; and off Moncœur Island, Bass Strait, 38 fathoms. Dr. Flint found this species in the Gulf of Mexico at 210 and 169 fathoms.

Cristellaria cultrata, Montfort sp.

Robulus cultrata, Montfort, 1808, Conchyl. Syst., vol. i, p. 214, 54e genre.

Cristellaria cultrata, Montf. sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 318, pl. lxv, fig. 2.

This species is common and widely distributed. It is somewhat abundant in our material.

Brady remarks of this species that it affects deeper water than the non-carinate C. rotulaia, and that fine specimens are rarely met with at less than 100 fathoms. C. cultrata has been recorded by the “Challenger” from station No. 169, off the east coast of New Zealand.

Cristellaria mamilligera, Karrer.

Cristellaria mamilligera, Karrer, 1864, “Novara,” Exped., geol. Theil, vol. 1, Palæont., abth. ii, p. 76, pl. xvi, fig. 5. Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 553, pl lxx, figs. 17, 18.

The previous records of this species as a recent form are by Brady—off Kandavu, Fiji, 210 fathoms, and off the Philippines, 92 fathoms. One well-grown shell occurs in our material from Great Barrier Island.

C. mamilligera was found as a fossil by Dr. Karrer in the Tertiary greensandstone of New Zealand (Orakei Bay), and by C. von Gümbel in the nummulitic marl of the Bavarian Alps.

Cristellaria costata, Fichtel and Moll sp.

Nautilus costatus, Fichtel and Moll. 1798, Test. Micr., p. 47, pl. iv, figs. g, h, i

Cristellaria costata, F. and M. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 555, pl. lxxi, figs. 8, 9. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 258

This is a rare form in recent deposits, the “Challenger” having only recorded it from three stations—at the Canaries, off Kandavu, Fiji, and off Raine Island, Torres Strait. C. costata has also been reported from the shores of the Adriatic, and Millett observed it in soundings from the Malay Archipelago. Two specimens were found off Great Barrier Island.

– 99 –

Subfamily Polymorphininæ.
Genus Uvigerina, d'Orbigny.
Uvigerina asperula, Czjzek.

Uvigerina asperula, Czjzek, 1848, Haidinger's Naturwiss. Abhandl., vol. ii, p. 146, pl. xiii, figs. 14, 15. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 320, pl. lxviii, fig. 4. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p 267.

U. asperula has been already recorded from New Zealand at “Challenger” station No. 169. Somewhat common in our sample.

Uvigerina pygmæa, d'Orbigny.

Uvigerina pygmæa, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 269, pl. xii, figs. 8, 9; modèle No. 67. Goes, 1894, K. Svenska Vet.-Akad. Handl., vol. xxv. p. 51, pl. ix, figs. 496–501. Flint, 1899, Rep. U S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 320, pl. lxviii, fig. 2. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 269. Frequent in our sounding, but the specimens are not well developed.

Subfamily Ramulininæ.
Genus Ramulina, Rupert Jones.
Ramulina globulifera, Brady.

Ramulina globulifera, Brady, 1879, Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci., n.s., vol. xix, p. 272, pl. viii, figs. 32, 33. Id., 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 587, pl. lxxvi, figs. 22–28. Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Ak. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, p. 310, pl. ix, fig. 62. Jones and Chapman, 1897, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. (Zool), vol. xxxvi. p. 340, figs. 5–22. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 321, pl. lxviii, fig. 6. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p 274.

This species has a wide distribution, but is best developed in the Southern Hemisphere. The localities given by Brady are in the North Atlantic, the North Pacific, and the South Pacific (off the west coast of New Zealand at 145 and 275 fathoms, and near the Fiji Islands, and south of New Guinea). Egger has recorded this form from Western Australia, and Millett has lately found it in the Malay Archipelago.

The specimens from our sounding off Great Barrier Island are both numerous and large.

Ramulina lævis, Jones.

Ramulina lævis, Jones (in Wright), 1875, Proc. Belf. Nat. Field Club, 1873–74, append. iii, p 88, pl. iii, fig. 19. Jones and Chapman, 1897, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. (Zool.), vol. xxvi, p. 339, figs. 1–4. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 274.

– 100 –

Not so common as the preceding species. Millett records it from the Malay Archipelago.

Family Globigerinidæ.
Genus Globigerina, d'Orbigny.
Globigerina bulloides, d'Orbigny.

Globigerina bulloides, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 277, No. 1; modèles Nos. 17, 76. Rhumbler, 1900, in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p. 21, figs. 24–26. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 685.

G. bulloides has been previously recorded from the east coast of New Zealand (sta. 169, “Challenger”).

In our sample specimens are fairly common, but small.

Globigerina triloba, Reuss.

Globigerina triloba, Reuss, 1849, Denkschr. Ak. Wiss. Wien, vol. i, p. 374, pl. xlvii, fig. 11. Fornasini, 1899, Mem. R. Accad. Sci. Ist. Bologna, ser. 5, vol. vii, p. 581, pl. ii, figs. 9, 10.

G. bulloides, d'Orb., var. triloba, Reuss, Rhumbler, 1900, in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p. 25.

This occurs in our sample with some frequency The specimens are small.

Globigerina inflata, d'Orbigny.

Globigerina inflata, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Canaries, p. 134, pl. ii, figs. 7–9. Fornasini, 1899, Mem. R. Accad. Sci. Ist. Bologna, ser. 5, vol. vii, p. 577, pl. 1, fig. 3. Rhumbler, 1900, and in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p. 19, fig. 19. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 687.

This species is rather common in our sounding. It has already been recorded from the east coast of New Zealand (“Challenger” sta. 169).

Globigerina æquilateralis, Brady.

Globigerina æquilateralis, Brady, 1879, Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci., n.s., vol. xix, p. 71. Id., 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 605, pl. lxxx, figs. 18–21. Fornasini, 1899, Mem. R. Accad. Sci. Ist. Bologna, ser. 5, vol. vii, p. 580, pl. iv, figs. 3, 4 Rhumbler, 1900, in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p. 20, figs. 21–23. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 689.

The above species has been previously recorded from the east coast of New Zealand (“Challenger” sta. 169). It is rare in our series.

– 101 –

Genus Orbulina,
d'Orbigny. Orbulina universa, d'Orbigny.

Orbulina universa, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Cuba, p. 3, pl. i, fig. 1. Rhumbler. 1900, in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p. 27, figs. 27–30. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 690.

This species has been already recorded from the “Challenger” station 169, off the east coast of New Zealand, 700 fathoms.

Our specimens are not numerous, and vary considerably in size.

Genus Sphæroidina, d'Orbigny.
Sphæroidina bulloides, d'Orbigny.

Sphæroidina bulloides, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 267, No. 1; modèle No. 65. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 325, pl. lxxi, fig. 1. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 692.

This species is also one of the forms obtained from the east coast of New Zealand by the “Challenger.” It is very rare in our series.

Genus Pullenia, Parker and Jones.
Pullenia sphæroides, d'Orbigny sp.

Nonionina sphæroides, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 293, No. 1; modèle No. 43.

Pullenia sphæroides, d'Orb. sp., Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Akad. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii., abth. ii, p. 372, pl. xix, figs. 30, 31. Chapman, 1900, Proc. Calif. Acad. Sci., ser. 3, Geol., vol. i, p. 252, pl. xxx, fig. 6. Millett, 1903, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 691.

One typical specimen of this widely distributed form found in our series.

Pullenia quinqueloba, Reuss sp.

Nonionina quinqueloba, Reuss, 1851, Zeitschr. deutsch. geol. Gesellsch., vol. iii, p. 47, pl. v, figs. 31 a, b.

Pullenia quinqueloba, Reuss sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 324, pl. lxx, fig. 5.

This species is also very rare in the present series. It has been recorded from the east coast of New Zealand (sta. 169).

– 102 –

Family Rotaliidæ.
Subfamily Rotaliinæ.
Genus Truncatulina, d'Orbigny.
Truncatulina tenuimargo, Brady.

Truncatulina tenuimargo, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 662, pl. xciii, figs. 2, 3. Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Ak. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, abth ii, p. 399, pl. xvi, figs. 7–9.

This elegant little species is apparently almost confined to the Southern Hemisphere. It has already been found off the shores of New Zealand, and is a well-known Australian species. Our specimens have the keel strongly accentuated, and the chambers showing a nodulous appearance on the inferior surface as in Brady's figure 2.

Not common in our sample.

Truncatulina reticulata, Czjzek sp.

Rotalina reticulata, Czjzek, 1848, Haidinger's Naturw. Abhandl., vol. ii, p. 145, pl. xiii, figs. 7–9.

Planorbulina reticulata. Cz. sp., Goes, 1896, Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool. Harvard, vol. xxix, No. 1, p. 72.

Truncatulina reticulata, Cz. sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 334. pl. lxxviii, fig. 3. Chapman, 1901, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. (Zool.), vol. xxviii, p. 194. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 491.

T. reticulata has been previously found in the South Pacific, but it does not seem to have been recorded from the neighbourhood of the present locality. It is very rare in our series.

Truncatulina wuellerstorfi, Schwager sp.

Anomalina wuellerstorfi, Schwager, 1866, “Novara” Exped., geol. Theil, vol. ii, p 258, pl vii, fig. 105.

Truncatulina wuellerstorfi, Schwager sp, Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 333, pl. lxxvii, fig. 1. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 492.

The above species is represented in the present series by a fair number of specimens. It does not appear to have been recorded from the vicinity of Great Barrier Island.

Brady regards this form as of essentially deep-water habit. In the South Pacific its range in depth is from 210 to 1940 fathoms, so that it is rather surprising to meet with so many typical specimens in our sounding at 110 fathoms.

– 103 –

Truncatulina lobatula, Walker and Jacob sp.

Nautilus lobatulus, Walker and Jacob, 1798, Adams's Essays, Kanmacher's ed., p. 642, pl xiv, fig. 36.

Planorbulina lobatula, W. and J. sp., 1894, K. Svenska Vet.-Akad. Handl., vol. xxv, p. 88, pl. xv, fig. 774.

Truncatulina lobatula, W. and J. sp., Chapman, 1902, Proc. R. Soc. Edin., vol. xxiii, p 392, pl. i. figs. 2, 3. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 491.

Three typical specimens were found in the present sample. The species has been already recorded from the east coast of New Zealand (sta. 169).

Truncatulina variabilis, d'Orbigny.

Truncatulina variabilis, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 279, No 8. Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Ak. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, abth. ii, p. 404, pl. xvi, figs. 57–59, 63, 64. Chapman, 1901, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. (Zool.), vol. xxviii, p. 193. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p 492.

This species is rare in the present series. The examples found are characteristic.

Truncatulina ungeriana, d'Orbigny sp.

Rotalina ungeriana, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 157, pl. viii, figs. 16–18.

Planorbulina ungeriana, d'Orb. sp., Goes, 1894, K. Svenska Vet.-Akad. Handl., vol. xxv, p. 90, pl. xv, fig. 780.

Truncatulina ungeriana, d'Orb. sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 333, pl. lxxvii, fig. 2. Chapman, 1901, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. (Zool.), vol. xxviii, p. 194. Millett, 1904. Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 493.

The specimens met with are fairly numerous, and one example shows a tendency towards a redundant growth of the last chamber.

Truncatulina akneriana, d'Orbigny sp.

Rotalina akneriana, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 156, pl. viii, figs. 13–15.

Truncatulina akneriana, d'Orb sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 333, pl. lxxvii, fig. 5. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 494.

Three typical examples found.

Truncatulina pygmæa, Hantken.

Truncatulina pygmæa, Hantken. 1875, Mittheil. Jahrb. ung. geol. Anstalt, vol. iv, p. 78, pl x, fig. 8. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 334, pl. lxxvii, fig. 6. Chapman, 1901, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. (Zool.), vol. xxviii, p. 194.

– 104 –

This species is usually found in deep water; it has, however, occurred in the lagoon at Funafuti, Ellice Islands. Very rare in the present series.

Truncatulina haidingeri, d'Orbigny sp.

Rotalina haidingeri, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 154, pl. viii, figs. 7–9.

Truncatulina haidingeri, d'Orb. sp., Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p 663, pl. xcv, figs. 7 a-c.

T. (Rotalina) haidingeri, d'Orb. sp., Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Ak. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, abth. ii, p. 401, pl. xvi, figs. 25–27.

T. haidingeri, d'Orb. sp., Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 493.

This species is very abundant in the present sounding, and it attains the unusually large size of 2·3 mm. in diameter. Besides the typical specimens there are some which seem to link, by their depressed superior face, the above species with a form like T. præcincta, Karrer, or T. dutemplei, d'Orb. sp. It is somewhat singular, considering its abundance, that this species has not bitherto been recorded from the locality.

Truncatulina (?) præcincta, Karrer sp.

Rotalina præcincta, Karrer, 1868, Sitzungsb. d. k. Ak. Wiss. Wien, vol. lvii, p. 189, pl. v, fig. 7.

Truncatulina præcincta, Karrer sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 334, pl. lxxviii, fig. 1. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 494.

A few specimens of a plano-convex form were met with. They are not quite typical, in having the limbate sutures only feebly developed.

Flint records T. præcincta from the Gulf of Mexico, at 169 and 196 fathoms, and Millett from the Malay Archipelago.

Genus Anomalina, Parker and Jones. Anomalina polymorpha, Costa.

Anomalina polymorpha, Costa, 1856, Atti dell' Accad Pontan., vol. vii, p. 52, pl xxi, figs. 7–9 Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 676, pl. xcvii, figs. 3–7. Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 336, pl. lxxix, fig 3 Chapman, 1901, Proc. R. Soc. Edin, vol. xxiii, p. 392, pl. i, figs. 4–6.

One specimen having a more than usually truncatulinoid test occurred in our sample.

A. polymorpha has already been obtained by the “Challenger” west of New Zealand, at 275 fathoms.

– 105 –

Genus Pulvinulina, Parker and Jones.
Pulvinulina truncatulinoides, d'Orbigny sp.

Rotalina truncatulinoides, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Canaries, p 132, pl. ii, figs. 25–27

R. micheliniana, d'Orbigny, 1840, Mém. Soc. Géol. France, sér 5, vol. iv, p. 31, pl iii, figs 1–3.

Pulvinulina truncatulinoides, d'Orb. sp., Rhumbler, 1900, in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p. 17, fig. 16

P. micheliniana, d'Orb. sp., Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc, p. 500.

Although there seems to be reason for supposing that d'Orbigny's two works, to which reference is made above, were published almost simultaneously, yet the actual dates of publication differ, and therefore, according to the rule of priority, the better-known specific name, P. micheliniana, unfortunately must lapse.

This species has been already recorded for the South Pacific, and notably at sta. No. 169. It is not uncommon in our series.

Pulvinulina crassa, d'Orbigny sp.

Rotalina crassa, d'Orbigny, 1840, Mém. Soc. Géol. France, ser 5, vol. iv., p. 32, pl. iii, figs. 7, 8.

Pulvinulina crassa, d'Orbigny sp., Flint, 1899, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. (1897), p. 329, pl. lxxiv, fig. 1. Rhumbler, 1900, in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p. 17, figs. 12, 14, 15. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 500.

This species has been recorded from the east coast of New Zealand (sta. 169). It is rather rare in our series.

Pulvinulina canariensis, d'Orbigny sp.

Rotalina canariensis, d'Orbigny, 1839, Foram. Canaries, p. 130, pl. i, figs. 34–36.

Pulvinulina canariensis, d'Orb. sp., Rhumbler, 1900, in K. Brandt's Nordische Plankton, heft 14, p 16, figs. 10 a, b, 11 Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr Soc., p. 500.

Previously recorded from the South Pacific. It is rare in our sounding.

Pulvinulina auricula, Fitchel and Moll sp.

Nautilus auricula, var. α, Fichtel and Moll, 1878, Test. Micr., p. 108, pl. xx, figs. a-c.

Pulvinulina auricula, F. and M. sp., Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Ak. Wiss, cl. ii, vol. xviii, abth. ii, p. 415, pl. xvii, figs. 26–28

– 106 –

This species is not uncommon in the present series.

It has occurred in the South Pacific at depths between 17 and 275 fathoms (“Challenger”). Egger also records it from Western Australia.

Pulvinulina schreibersii, d'Orbigny sp.

Rotalina schreibersii, d'Orbigny, 1846, Foram. Foss. Vienne, p. 154, pl. viii, figs. 4–6.

Pulvinulina schreibersii, d'Orb. sp., Egger, 1893, Abhandl. k. bayer. Ak. Wiss., cl. ii, vol. xviii, abth. ii, p. 409, pl. xviii, figs. 31–33, 67–69.

This handsome species is not uncommon in our series.

Brady notes this form as being almost peculiar to the South Pacific.

Genus Rotalia, Lamarck.
Rotalia soldanii, d'Orbigny.

Rotalia (Gyroidina) soldanii, d'Orbigny, 1826, Ann. Sci. Nat., vol. vii, p. 278, No. 5; modèle No. 36.

Rotalina soldanii, d'Orb. sp., Goes, 1894, K. Svenska Vet.-Akad. Handl, vol. xxv, p. 99, pl xvi, fig. 812

Rotalia soldanii, d'Orb. sp., Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 503.

Rare; somewhat diminutive specimens.

Rotalia papillosa, var. compressiuscula, Brady.

Rotalia papillosa var. compressiuscula, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 708, pl cvii, figs. 1 a-c; pl. cviii, figs. 1 a-c.

This is a Pacific species, with a rather wide distribution in that area. It does not appear to have been previously found in the neighbourhood of Great Barrier Island.

Rather common.

Rotalia clathrata, Brady.

Rotalia clathrata, Brady, 1884, Rep. Chall., vol. ix, p. 709, pl. cvii, figs. 8, 9.

The localities whence this species has been obtained are all in the South Pacific, and lie between Australia and New Zealand. The nearest position to Great Barrier Island was the “Challenger” station 169.

Rare in our series.

– 107 –

Subfamily Polystomellinæ.
Genus Nonionina, d'Orbigny.

Nonionina umbilicatula, Montagu sp.

Nautilus umbilicatulus, Montagu, 1803, Test. Brit., p. 191 Suppl., p. 78, pl. xviii, fig. 1.

Nomionina umbilicatula, Mont. sp., Egger, 1893, Abhand. k. bayer. Ak Wiss, cl. ii, vol. xviii, abth. ii, p. 426, pl. xix, figs. 36, 37. Millett, 1904, Journ. R. Micr. Soc., p. 600.

Brady records this species as abundant in the South Pacific. It was also found by Millett in the Malay Archipelago. Egger obtained it from soundings taken by the “Gazelle” off Mauritius and New Guinea.

Rare in our series.

Report on the Ostracoda.

All the species of Ostracoda here recorded, with the exceptions of Asterone australis, Brady, and Cytherideis hedleyr, sp. nov., have been previously described in the report on the dredgings made by the “Challenger,”* and the former species in a later publication by the same author.† The “Challenger” station nearest ours which yielded Ostracoda is No. 167, west of New Zealand, and from this three species only in common with our series are recorded. Among other localities which afford species in common with those of our list are: Off Booby Island. near Cape York, north-east Australia (“Challenger” sta. 187), and Cocos Island, Indian Ocean (coll., C. W. Andrews). Twelve species of Ostracoda of known forms occur in our dredging, but only four of these occur in each of the localities above mentioned; and, curiously, both of these dredging were taken in quite shallow water. The species which occur both in our list and that from Booby Island are Cythere tetrica C crispata C cancellata, and Xestoleberis margaritea Those from Cocos Island common to our list are C cancellata C prava C dictyon, and Xestoleberis margaritea.

The following is a list of the Ostracoda found in the present material, and the species new to the list given in the “Index Faunæ Novæ-Zealandiæ” are marked with an asterisk Of the fourteen species of Ostracoda given below, nine are new to the New Zealand area.

[Footnote] * Reports “Challenger” Expedition, Zoology, pt. iii, 1880: Ostracoda, G. S. Brady.

[Footnote] † Trans. R. Soc. Edin., 1890, vol xxxv, pt. ii (No. 14).

– 108 –
  • *Cythere cancellata, G S. Brady.

  • *C crispata, G. S. B.

  • *C tetrica, G. S. B.

  • *C dictyon, G. S. B.

  • *C prava, Baird sp.

  • C dasyderma, G. S. B.

  • Krithe producta, G. S. B.

  • *Xestoleberis maraaritea, G. S. B. sp.

  • *X africana, G. S. B.

  • *Cytheriders hedleyi, sp. nov

  • *Cypridana danœ, G. S. B.

  • Asterope australis, G S. B.

  • Cytherella polita, G. S. B.

  • C pulchra, G. S. B.

Section Podocopa.
Family Cytheridæ.
Genus Cythere, Muller.

Cythere cancellata, G. S. Brady.

Cythere cancellata, G. S. Brady, 1868, Le Fonds de la Mer, vol. i, p. 62, pl. vii, 8–9. Idem, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zoology, p. 73, pl. xiv, 9 a-e. Chapman, 1902, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., p. 230.

Previously recorded from Tongatabu, 18 fathoms, and off Booby Island, Torres Strait, 6 to 8 fathoms. Also from Java (G. S. Brady).

The writer has recorded it from the littoral sands of the seaward face of Cocos Island (coll. by Dr. C. W. Andrews).

Cythere crispata, G. S. Brady.

Cythere crispata, G. S. Brady, 1868, Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 4, vol. ii, p. 221, pl. xiv. 14, 15. Idem, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 72, pl. xiv, 8 a-d

This species has a wide distribution. The “Challenger” dredgings yielding this species were from Port Jackson, 2 to 10 fathoms; Booby Island, 6 to 8 fathoms; and from anchormud at 7 fathoms in Hong Kong Harbour.

A right valve of this species was found in our dredging; it is not so sharply sculptured as in typical specimens, and at first sight would suggest affinity with C canaliculata, Reuss. Our specimen differs from the last-named, however, in having the anterior extremity of the carapace, in edge view, decidedly wedge-shaped.

– 109 –

Cythere tetrica, G. S. Brady.

Cythere tetrica, G. S. Brady, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 104, pl. xxiii, 5 a-d.

This somewhat striking form has been previously recorded only from Booby Island, Torres Strait, 6 to 8 fathoms.

One right valve found in our series.

Cythere dictyon, G. S. Brady.

Cythere dictyon, G. S. Brady, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 99, pl. xxiv, 1 a-y.

Five separate valves of this widely distributed species were found, one of which appears to belong to a full-grown female, and shows the posterior spines arranged along the border of the shell. Another example is a small valve of the same sex, whilst the remainder are valves of male specimens.

Cythere prava, Baird sp.

Cythereis prava, Baird, 1850, Proc. Zool. Soc., pt. xviii, p. 254 (Annulosa), pl. xviii, 13–15.

Cythere prava, Baird sp., G. S. Brady, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 92, pl. xxii, 4 a-f. G. S. Brady, 1890, Trans. R. Soc. Edin., vol. xxxv, p. 502. Chapman, 1902, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. (Zool.), vol. xxviii, p. 426. Idem, 1902, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., p. 231.

C prava is a South Pacific form, but not exclusively so. It appears to be more at home in shallow water. Our specimen is a right valve, the surface of which is more than usually coarsely sculptured.

Cythere dasyderma, G. S. Brady.

Cythere dasyderma, G. S. Brady, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 105, pl. xvii, 4 a-f; pl. xviii, 4 a-f.

In the “Challenger” dredgings this species was characterized as a deep-water form, so that its occurrence in the present sounding is somewhat exceptional. It is also widely distributed.

One right valve.

Genus Krithe, Brady, Crosskey and Robertson.
Krithe producta, G. S. Brady.

Krithe producta, G. S. Brady 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 114, pl. xxvii, a-j. Chapman, 1902, Journ. Linu. Soc Lond. (Zool.), vol. xxviii, p. 427.

This very variable form occurs oftenest in deep water. The deepest sounding from which Dr. Brady obtained his specimens was taken at 1,675 fathoms. The writer records

– 110 –

this species from the “Penguin” soundings round Funafuti at 1,489. 1,995, and 2,715 fathoms He also obtained this species from soundings in the Arabian Sea. near the Laccadive Islands (s.s. “Investigator”).

Not uncommon, but rather small, in the dredging off Great Barrier Island.

Genus Xestoleberis, G. O. Sars.
Xestoleberis margaritea, G S. Brady sp.

Cytheridea margaritea, G. S. Brady, Trans. Zool. Soc., 1865, vol. v, p. 370, pl. lviii, 6 a-d.

Xestoleberis margaritea, G. S. Brady, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 127, pl. xxx, 2 a-g Chapman, 1902, Journ. Linn. Soc Lond. (Zool), vol. xxviii, p. 429. Idem, 1902, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., p. 231.

Dr. Brady found this species in the “Challenger” dredgings at one locality only—namely, off Booby Island, Torres Strait, 6–8 fathoms. The same author also records it from the Mediterranean and the Mauritius. The writer found it in the shallow-water sands of the outer beach and lagoon of Funafuti, where it was fairly common, and in the lagoon sands of Cocos Island.

One perfect carapace found off Great Barrier Island.

Xestoleberis africana, G. S. Brady.

Xestoleberis africana, G. S. Brady, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 126, pl, xxx, 4 a-c.

This is a very rare and restricted form It was originally recorded from Simon's Bay, South Africa, 15 to 20 fathoms.

One left valve found in our dredging from Great Barrier Island.

Genus Cytherideis, Jones.
Cytherideis hedleyi, sp. nov.
Plate III, 8 a-c.

Description—Carapace elongated, compressed. Seen from the side, arcuate and siliquose; depressed in front; greatest height about the middle; posterior extremity slightly produced at the ventral angle; back evenly arched, ventral edge sinuous. Edge view elongate-ovate, rounded at the back, compressed in front; greatest thickness about the middle of the lower third. Surface of carapace ornamented with closely set polygonal areolæ or pittings, arranged in more or less regular concentric lines. A linear series of muscle-spots situated in a lateral depression of the carapace just below the median area. Length, 0 6mm.; height, 0·225mm.; greatest thickness of carapace, about 0·66mm.

– 111 –

Affinities.—In outline our species is somewhat comparable with C foveolata, G. S. Brady,* with the exception that the valves of that species are not produced in the postero-ventral region; it further essentially differs from ours in the surface-markings of the carapace, which in C foveolata consist of a minute and dense punctation.

Another form of the same genus which we may compare with the present species is C ondrewsi, Chapman, which, however, shows the following differences: Test less depressed at the anterior end; ornament not so distinctly polygonally areolate, and muscle-spots arranged in rosette form.

Very rare in our sounding.

Section Myodocopa.
Family Cypridinidæ.
Genus Cypridina, Milne-Edwards.

Cypridina (?) danæ, G. S. Brady.

Cypridina danœ, G. S. Brady, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool. pt. iii, p. 156, pl. xxxvi, 2 a-d.

The specimen before us is somewhat crushed, making an exact comparison difficult. It resembles the above species fairly closely in side view. but the relative proportions of the carapace in edge view are not clearly seen. Our specimen, like that of Brady's, is partially chitinous in places, and the anterior notch and posterior truncated beak are similarly shaped as in C danœ. Brady's species is based on a single specimen obtained from Kerguelen Island at a depth of 120 fathoms.

Genus Asterope, Philippi.
Asterope australis, G. S. Brady.

Asterope australis, G. S. Brady, 1890, Trans. R. Soc. Edin., vol. xxxv, pt. ii, p. 515, pl. iv, 1, 2. Idem, 1898, Trans. Zool. Soc., vol. xiv, p. 431, pl. xliii, 1–8.

It is of great interest to meet with this genus in the present collection, since the cypridinads are comparatively rare in the Southern Hemisphere, so far as they are at present known. Brady's original specimens of A australis came from the coral islands of the Pacific—Nouméa, 2–4 fathoms; Suva, inside reef; Mango Island, fringing-reef; Apia, Upolu, reef and shore pools.

One typical carapace was found in the present sounding off Great Barrier Island.

[Footnote] * Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 4, vol. vi, 1870, p. 454, pl. xix, 1–3.

[Footnote] † Proc. Zool, Soc. Lond., 1902, p. 229, text 27.

– 112 –
Section Platycopa.
Family CytherellidÆ.
Genus Cytherella, Jones
Cytherella polita, G S. Brady.

Cytherella polita, Brady, 1868, Les Fonds de la Mer, p. 161, pl. xix, figs. 5–7. Idem, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 172, pl. xliii, figs. 5 a–c; pl. xliv, figs. 1 a–g.

This species has been recorded by Brady from Port-au-Prince, West Indies; Wellington Harbour, New Zealand; and from the mouth of the Rio de la Plata.

Two separate valves of a small and large individual respectively are now recorded from Great Barrier Island, 110 fathoms.

Cytherella pulchra, G. S. Brady.

Cytherella pulchra, G. S. Brady, 1865, Trans. Zool. Soc., vol. v, p. 361, pl. lvii, figs. 1 a–d. Idem, 1880, Rep. Chall., Zool., pt. iii, p. 174, pl. xliv, figs. 3 a, b.

This species has previously occurred at Bermudas, 435 fathoms; Port Jackson, Australia, 2–10 fathoms; west coast of New Zealand, 150 fathoms; and off Ascension Island, 420 fathoms.

A typical example of this species was found in our sample off Great Barrier Island.

[Note.—Examples of all the species of Foraminifera and Ostracoda referred to in this paper, as well as the types, are deposited in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.]

Explanation of Plate III.

Fig. 1. Planispirina sphœra, d'Orbigny sp.: a, lateral aspect of a specimen with labyrinthic aperture, b, ditto, oral aspect. × 20.

Fig. 2. Brachysiphon corbuliformis, gen. et sp. nov.: a, oral aspect, b, lateral aspect. × 30.

Fig. 3. B corbuliformis, gen. et sp. nov. Another specimen, aboral view. × 30.

Fig. 4. Spiroplecta sagittula, Defr. sp., var. fistulosa, Brady. Lateral aspect; to show senile character of later chambers, like that of Textularia agglutinans, var. porrecta, Brady. × 20.

Fig. 5. Nodosria (Dentalina) obliqua, Linn. sp., var. vertebralis, Batsch var. × 10.

Fig. 6. N. (D.) filiformis, d'Orbigny. Specimen having pointed aboral end like N. (D.) elegans, d'Orbigny sp. × 20.

Fig. 7. Frondicularia reussi, Karrer. Lateral aspect. × 20.

Fig. 8. Cytherideis hedleyi, sp. nov.: a, left valve; b, edge view of valve; c, end view. × 60.

– 113 –

Art. XVIII.—Maori Place-names: with Special Reference to the Great Lakes and Mountains of the South Island.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society 4th October, 1905.]

In this paper I do not propose to enter at length upon the large question of Maori nomenclature, about which so much has been written, but simply to note some hitherto unrecorded names of interest in the South Island, more particularly those of the lakes and mountains, which I have from Maori sources. During the last few years attention has been many times directed to the desirability of preserving Maori place-names wherever possible, and to the necessity for fixing the correct orthography of many of the Native names at present spelled in a more or less inaccurate fashion. We have a good many cases of carelessly spelled names in and around Wellington—even the Native names of some of the streets are incorrect—but there is no reason why this sort of thing should be perpetuated. In the South Island, however, matters are much worse. I could give a list of many scores of names of localities in the Island—towns, villages, railway-stations, rivers, lakes, and mountains—all erroneously spelt, many of them atrociously mangled by the pakeha. Those present who are acquainted with Maori will no doubt be able to recall many mistakes of this sort. One glaring instance is typical of the careless method of orthography common throughout the South Island. “Kurow” (locally pronounced as “Kewor”) is the official name of a township and railway-station in north Otago. This, as it stands, is neither Maori, English, nor Japanese. As a matter of fact it should be “Kohu-rau,” which means “many mists,” or “roofed with mists”—the name of a mountain near the township. There is something appropriate and poetic in the name “Kohu-rau”; but I suppose “Kurow” it will be henceforth and always.

A great many of the names given to mountains and lakes in the South Island are personal names. The Maoris bestowed the names of their chiefs upon prominent features of the landscape, just as we pakehas name them after our early explorers, and our statesmen, and other men of note. The attempts made to interpret these names under the mistaken idea that they are locally descriptive titles have led to some curious and amusing blunders. Other names, again, are tritely appropriate to the locality. Many others are exceedingly interesting because they memorise the ancient homes of the Maori in the South Sea

– 114 –

Islands—they are importations from Hawaiiki, and are of great assistance to Polynesian scholars in tracing with exactness the olden homes of our Native race in the Society Islands and the Cook Group. The Maori is as fond as the Anglo-Saxon and the Celt of taking his home-names with him across the sea. Names of this class are: “Rarotonga” (Centre Island, in Foveaux Strait); “Arowhenua” or “Arowhena,” near Temuka; “Motutapu,” “Aorangi,” “Arahura,” “Takitimu,” “Hikuraki,” &c. The name “Arahura” (the greenstone-bearing river near Hokitika, on the West Coast) is in itself a most interesting reminiscence of Hawaiiki—a story in a word. It is identical with “Ara'ura,” the former and classic name of Aitutaki, in the Cook Islands—the group to which Rarotonga also belongs. Many years ago I had occasion, in the course of newspaper work, to board a small Nativeowned schooner while she was beating up into Auckland Harbour with a cargo of oranges from Aitutaki. She had been wrecked at that island, refloated by the Natives, and renamed by them the “Ara'ura,” which I learned from the Maori crew was the original and very ancient name of their island. It was given to the river on the west coast of New Zealand by the early navigator Ngahue. “Takitimu” is another instance of this sort. It is the name of a high range in the south, near Lakes Manapouri and Te Anau, and is also the name of a locality on the tropic Island of Rarotonga. The name, say the Southland Maoris, was given to the mountain by Tamatea, the chief who commanded the “Takitimu” (or “Takitumu”) canoe, one of the historic fleet which arrived on these shores from Hawaiiki about six centuries ago, some time after Ngahue's exploring voyage to New Zealand. The mountain is in a sense the Maori Ararat, for it was here that the “Takitimu” canoe is fabled to have found its final resting-place in the days when the ocean flowed over the plains of Southland and washed the feet of the Takitimus. From some of the Maoris, too, one hears the fanciful legend that the range is the “Takitimu” canoe capsized, metamorphosed into a gigantic mountain; in proof of which they point to the abruptly sloping terminals of the range, not unlike the shape of the bow and stern of an up-ended canoe. “Takitimu” is still an honoured name in the olden home of the Maori. A Native-built schooner of the rough-and-ready home-made type which visited Auckland some years ago from Rarotonga, manned by a white captain and a Maori crew, bore the historic name “Takitumu,” and voyaged over the self-same ocean route that Tamatea's Polynesian adventurers took in their much frailer craft six hundred years before.

A beautiful and very appropriate name is “Motu-rau,” the

– 115 –

ancient name of Lake Manapouri. It means “hundred islands” or “multitude of islands.” If you visit Manapouri you will readily understand why this name (which I do not think has ever previously been recorded) came to be given to the lake, the most beautiful water-sheet in New Zealand. It is crowded with islands of all shapes and sizes. All around you they lie as you sail up the lake, some high and rocky, some tiny dots of granite or sandstone, but all wooded so luxuriantly that they seem like tree-groves floating on the surface of the water. No matter how small the islet, if only the size of a table, it supports as many trees and shrubs as it can well hold. The “Lake of a Hundred Islands” must have been an ideal cruising-ground for the neolithic Maori. The ancient Ngatimamoe gave the lake this name “Motu-rau,” according to the Murihiku Maoris, who are in part descended from the Ngatimamoe; but probably the name is of even greater antiquity, and dates back to the era of the Waitaha.

“Manapouri” (a combination of two words meaning “authority” or “prestige,” and “sorrowful”) is simply a modernised rendering of the name “Manawa-pore” (or “Manawa-popore”), signifying the violent throbbing of the heart, as after great exertion or under intense emotion. “Manawa-pore” is stated by the Southland Maoris to be really the name of the North Mavora Lake, lying between Wakatipu and Te Anau. The name is said to have been transferred in error to the larger lake by the early surveyors and map-makers. Various more or less fanciful interpretations of the corrupted name “Manapouri” or “Manawa-pouri” have appeared in print, and imaginative writers have connected it with the story of the fugitive tribe Ngatimamoe. “Manawa-pore” was, however, originally the name of a person, a tribal ancestor of chiefly rank, as was also the name “Te Anau.”

Lake Te Anau, I am informed by the old Natives of Murihiku, was named after a woman, the daughter of the chief Hekeia, one of the early immigrants from Hawaiiki, after whom a Southland mountain has been named. As in the case of “Manapouri,” many imaginary interpretations of “Te Anau” have appeared in print. The latest invention in this direction appeared in a Dunedin paper recently, when a long poem on Te Anau was published, in which it was explained that “Te Anau” meant “wandering lake.” How, or why, or where the lake “wandered” was left to the reader's imagination. The South Mavora Lake is known to the old Maoris as “Hikuraki” (a dialectical variant of the North Island “Hiku-rangi”), a common Maori place-name, meaning “the tail of the sky”—the horizon. It is interesting

– 116 –

to note that this is also the name of a mountain in Rarotonga Island. It was no doubt given to this mountain-lake by the “Takitimu” immigrants.

Of the great southern lakes, Wakatipu's name is the most difficult of explanation. The Maoris inform me that “Whakatipu” (with an “h”) is the correct name, but the incident which led to this being given to the lake has passed out of the recollection of the Maoris whom I have consulted. “Whakatipu” means “to nourish, to rear,” from the root word tipu or tupu (“to grow, to spring up as a tree”). The actual origin of the great lake is, however, accounted for in Native legend in a fashion thoroughly Maori. When the chief Rakaihaitu, one of the very first of the Polynesian sea-rovers to explore this country (long before the sailing of the “Takitimu” and other historic canoes—probably about a thousand years ago), arrived in the South Island he took possession of the eastern seaboard and the land sloping up therefrom to the great snowy mountains. As was customary, the pioneers named many prominent features of the landscape after themselves, and so tapa'd the country for their families and descendants; and Rakaihaitu, in common with many other Polynesian explorers, was in time credited with the deeds of a demi-god. The classical name for the South Island lakes is “Nga-puna-wai-karikari-a-Rakaihaitu” (“The water-pools dug by Rakaihaitu”). The energetic chief is said to have begun his labours by scooping out with his great ko (the wooden spade used in the kumara plantations) the bed of the lake known as Rotoiti, south of Nelson. Then he strode southwards, halting frequently to form a lake where he thought it was needed. His crowning triumph was Whakatipu, whose crooked channel he hollowed out between the mountains with infinite toil and many incantations. Travelling north again, he completed his herculean pilgrimage by digging out Lakes Waihora (Ellesmere) and Wairewa (Lake Forsyth), near Banks Peninsula—and rested from his labours. “Nga-wai-karikari-a-Rakaihaitu” is a proverbial expression still used by the Maoris in allusion to the lakes, as the figurative phrase “Nga-whata-tu-a-Rakaihaitu” (“Rakaihaitu's lofty food-stores”) is used to describe the high cliffs of the South Island coast.

At the lower end of Lake Wakatipu, not far from the Kingston Railway-station, there is a group of craggy peaks called by the Maoris “the Fairy Mountains.” These heights tower 5,000ft. immediately above the steamer on the left as you start up the lake. They were regarded with some dread by the old Maoris, who peopled them with giants and fairies (maeroero). The superstitious Native of olden days, for ever hearing uncanny

– 117 –

sounds and reading strange omens in earth and sky, was careful not to venture too close to the haunts of the maeroero. On gloomy and misty days, when the fog descended and enveloped the heights, the fairy people could be heard singing songs in a ghostly cadence and calling to each other; and then, too, resounded the faint and plaintive music of the koauau, or nose-flute, and the doleful note of the putorino horn, and the voices of the fairy children laughing and singing above the clouds. A quaint story of these maero mountains used to be told by the late chief Paitu, who lived at Riverton. When he was a youth, he said, he lived at the kaika of Takerehaka (where Kingston now stands). The shores of Whakatipu abounded in fat woodhens (weka), and Paitu and his companions spent much of their time in hunting them for food. The elder people warned him not to cross a certain little stream at the base of the mountains, for beyond it, they said, was the home of the maeroero, amidst dark overhanging cliffs. “You may hear the cry of the weka beyond the creek,” Paitu was told, “but beware—the maero will have you if you cross.” One night Paitu, hunting wekas as usual with his dog, found himself close to the forbidden stream, and, hearing the cry of a weka on the other side, waded through, unmindful of the warning. He crept along through the shrubbery to a clump of mikimiki bushes, where the bird was feeding on the berries. Holding his dog in leash, he began to turutu—that is, to imitate the cry of the weka, so as to lure it within catching-distance. Enticing the woodhen closer and closer, he quietly sent his dog at it. The dog seized the bird, but next moment there was a terrific yelp, and the animal flew back trembling and whining; and through the darkness Paitu heard a gruff voice exclaim “E-e! Taku weka momona” (“Ha! my fat woodhen”). It was the maero! With hair on end Paitu left his weka to the maero and splashed homeward through the creek, fearing every moment to feel the grip of the mountain-ogre on his shoulder; and he and his dog ventured no more into the haunted spot. The old Maoris on the coast to this day speak of these dark and lowering heights as “nga puke maeroero” (“the hills of the fairies”).

A familiar name to New-Zealanders is “Monowai,” the modern name of a lake in the extreme south-west of the South Island, after which one of the Union Company's steamers is named. This name is generally pointed to as a curious combination of the Greek word monos (“one”) and Maori wai (“water”). It was given by Mr. McKerrow, late Surveyor-General, who first surveyed the lake. It is not so generally known, however, that the correct Maori name of the lake is “Manokiwai,” originally a personal name: this is the name by which it is known to the

– 118 –

Southland Maoris to-day. “Monowai” is really a corruption of “Manokiwai.” (See Mr. McKerrow's note.*)

A memory of the vanished tribe Ngatimamoe is contained in the name “Wawahi-waka,” which is that of an island in the upper part of Lake Wakatipu, called by the Europeans “Pigeon Island.” “Wawahi-waka” means “splitting canoes”; it'owes its origin to the ancient Ngatimamoe, and other people of the Stone age, who resorted here to fell and split up trees for the purpose of canoe-making. Totara pines of large size formerly grew on this island, now almost treeless.

Lakes Wanaka, Hawea, Pukaki, and numerous other southern lakes were named after persons of olden days. In Lake Wanaka there is a very remarkable little island containing a pretty lakelet, 500 ft. above the level of Wanaka—a lake within a lake. This island (“Manuka” or “Pigeon Island,” the pakeha calls it) is “Te Mou-a-hou,” meaning “Hou's islet.” Another island in Lake Wanaka is “Motu-tapu,” or “holy isle” —a very ancient and classic South-Sea-Island name. “Te Motu-tapu-a-Tinirau” will be familiar to students of Polynesian mythology. This was the original name of Mokoia Island in Lake Rotorua—the Olympus of the Arawa Tribe.

Turning to the mountains of the Southern Alps we find comparatively few of these great snowy peaks named by the Maoris, who did not care to venture far into the wastes of rock and ice. The beautiful Maori name “Ao-rangi” (“Ao-raki” in the South Island dialect) has been frequently but erroneously translated as “cloud-piercer,” a purely fanciful interpretation. The “cloud of heaven” may be accepted as the literal meaning of “Ao-rangi.” This place-name embodies a reminiscence of the fatherland of the Maori, for there is a high mountain named “Aora‘” (or “Ao-rangi”) on the Island of Tahiti, in the Society Islands. Tradition also asserts that “Aorangi” was the name of one of the chiefs who arrived in the South Island from Hawaiiki in the canoe “Ara-i-te-uru,”

[Footnote] * Mr. McKerrow has kindly furnished the following note on the subject: “In September, 1862, when on my way through Riverton to engage n the reconnaissance survey of the country drained by the Waiau River, I met the well-known Maori, Solomon (since deceased), and learned from him that there were two lakes in the bush west of the river. He said that he had never seen them, but an old woman in his kaika had seen them when a girl, and that their names were—as I made out from his pronunciation—‘Howloko’ and ‘Monowai.’ ‘Howloko’ has since been corrected to ‘Hauroto.’ And ‘Manokiwai,’ which you state is the name by which the lake is known to the Middle Island Natives to-day, may probably be the name that Solomon gave me, although I was unable at the time to come nearer to it than the hybrid ‘Monowai,’ meaning ‘one water.’ That designation, as it happens, is not inapt, as the lake is mainly fed by one river.”

– 119 –

circa 1350. Two other immigrants by this Polynesian vikingship were Kirikiri-katata and Aroaro-kaihe. The former name was given by the Maori explorers to the Mount Cook Range, while that of Aroaro-kaihe was bestowed upon one of the icy peaks of Aorangi. The peak now known as Mount Tasman was at the same time named “Horo-koau.” “Aorangi” was the term usually applied to Mount Cook by the Maoris on the west coast; those on the eastern plains generally called it “Kirikiri-katata.” Although said to be originally a personal name, it is significant that these words may be used to denote a fissured or cracked mountain-side of gravel, which would exactly describe the deeply eroded couloir-riven end of the Mount Cook Range as seen from the Tasman Valley.

Mount Sefton's Native name is said by old Canterbury Maoris to be “Maunga-atua,” meaning “the mountain of the god” (or holy mount). As in the case of Aorangi, this name is stated to have been conferred in honour of an ancestral chief who arrived on these shores in the “Ara-i-te-uru” canoe from the South Sea Islands. There is, however, a Native legend (probably a comparatively modern invention) supporting the title of “Maunga-atua” with the assertion that a spirit (atua) dwells in these tremendous solitudes, and that its thundering voice is heard in the crashing of the avalanches that continually fall from Sefton's ice-hung cliffs.

Perhaps the most descriptive of the South Island mountain names is that of Mount Aspiring, a very grand ice-clad peak little short of 10,000 ft. in height—the highest mountain south of the Aorangi alpine group. Its beautiful Maori name, never before recorded, is well worth preserving—“Titi-tea”—which may be interpreted as “steep peak of glistening white.”

Very few of the names of the high mountain-peaks in the South Island map are Maori. “Tapuae-nuku,” the highest point of the Kaikoura Ranges, is one of the exceptions. It may be interpreted either as “the footsteps of Uenuku” (full name “Tapuae-uenuku”)—that is, the rainbow, which is the visible sign or aria of the god Uenuku—or as “moving or sliding foot-steps.” The Maori name of the Blue Mountains in Otago is also “Tapuae-nuku,” which has been corrupted into “Tapanui,” the present name of the town near the foot of these mountains. Mention of Kaikoura reminds me that old Ira Herewini, of Moeraki, tells me the full name of the locality is “Te Ahi-Kai-koura-a-Tama-ki-te-Rangi”—i.e., the place where the early navigator Tama, the commander of the “Tairea” canoe, landed and kindled a fire to cook a meal of koura, or crayfish.

The expression “Te-Waka-a-Maui” (“the canoe of Maui”), as an ancient name for the South Island of ‘New Zealand, is still

– 120 –

occasionally heard from the lips of the old people of the Ngaitahu Tribe. The notion that it was from the South Island that Maui fished up the North (“Te Ika-a-Maui,” “the fish of Maui”) is, however, a purely southern concept. It would be hard to convince a northern Maori of the superior antiquity of the greenstone land. “Te Taumanu-o-te-Waka-a-Maui” (“the thwart of the canoe of Maui”)—on which Maui stood when hauling up his land-fish—is said by the Ngaitahu to be the name of a place in the neighbourhood of Kaikoura.

An ancient mythological honorific title of Stewart Island (or Rakiura) is “Te Puka-o-te-waka-a-Maui,” which means “the anchor of Maui's canoe.”

But the subject of these place-names is one that cannot be dealt with in one paper. I have a very long list of South Island names not yet recorded in print, or, if recorded, only inaccurately. I believe that Mr. Justice Chapman has during the course of many years acquired a very considerable list of South Island place-names from the old Maoris, particularly from the late chief Rawiri te Maire, of South Canterbury. I hope that he will some day publish them. Another matter in connection with Maori place-names that should have attention is the pronunciation. New-Zealanders at any rate should have no excuse for mispronunciation of the names of their own homes, for the language is phonetic, and simple in the extreme; yet how often one hears such mispronunciation as “Tarangger” for “Tauranga,” “Narranger” for “Ngauranga,” “Mew-reety” for the beautiful name “Muritai” (“the sea-breeze”). The only remedy, I suppose, is to teach our school-teachers at least the Maori alphabet and some of the rudiments of the language, for it is no doubt in the schools that colonial children first hear many of these names so mispronounced.

Art. XIX.—Some Historic Maori Personages.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 1st November, 1905.]

Plates XIV-XVII.

Students will agree that all facts that can possibly be obtained regarding the Maoris should be placed on record, for it seems only too true that the day is quickly coming when this interesting race will be but a memory. Their history has been largely supplied by the late Mr. John White. Messrs. Taylor, Best, Colenso, Smith, and Tregear deal largely with their manner of life; Archdeacon Williams has rendered great

– 121 –

benefit to all students by his dictionaries; but, until lately, in point of art the Maori has been left severely alone. Mr. Hamilton's beautiful work, and Robley's “Moko,” are almost the only works we have in this respect; and Angas alone has attempted to give us pictorial representations of the old-time warriors. I consider that I have therefore been singularly fortunate in coming across some very old unpublished sketches made about the year 1843 by the late J. A. Gilfillan, photographs of some of which I have much pleasure in submitting to this Society. For the privilege of examining the Gilfillan sketches and copying some of the most interesting I am indebted to the kindness and courtesy of T. Allison, Esq., of Wanganui, a grandson of the late Mr. Gilfillan, who, I might here say, was a middle-nineteenth-century artist of a high order. The sketches display careful and beautiful work, and there is abundant evidence that great pains have been bestowed on many of the representations in order to secure accuracy. I may mention that several pictures from this artist's brush are in collections in England and Australia (one in the Melbourne Art Gallery —“Captain Cook proclaiming New South Wales a British Possession, Botany Bay, 1770,” which is reproduced in the “Picturesque Atlas of Australasia,” page 8, Part i), and others are occasionally met with in New Zealand, whilst he has also illustrated a few literary publications. I am persuaded, therefore, that the portraits I am reproducing from the sketch-books are to be relied upon for accuracy, and should supersede those of the same personages already in existence.

Gilfillan's name is not unknown in New Zealand history, owing to the unfortunate and terrible massacre which took place at his farm at Matarawa, near Wanganui, on the 18th April, 1847. Several accounts of this sad event have been written, but I consider that one of the best is given in Power's “Sketches in New Zealand.” Power was one of the rescue party which went out to Matarawa the morning after the massacre, and therefore, being almost an eye-witness, his account should be fairly correct.

There are in the original sketch-book already mentioned several names of great interest to all who study the history of New Zealand from the time of the incoming of the Britisher, and of these I am selecting the most prominent—namely, Te Rauparaha, Heke and his wife, and Maketu. Rauparaha and Heke are the two most illustrious of the Maori chiefs, or rangatiras, of the early days of New Zealand colonisation, and were perhaps the greatest warriors of their race. Heke, by reason of his determined opposition to British rule on any and every occasion, and Rauparaha, by his bloody ravages on other Maori

– 122 –

tribes, and particularly the Ngaltahu of Wai Pounamu (the South Island) and the Muaupoko in the North, to say nothing of the part he played in the Wairau massacre, will ever be prominently placed in New Zealand history; whilst Maketu is best known as the chief who stood out most resolutely against the sale of the Wanganui lands to the New Zealand Company in 1840.

I am sorry that much of the beauty and delicacy of line that characterize the original drawings are altogether lost in my photographs, owing to the work being done with lead-pencil, and the paper having become stained and faded through age. I have been forced, therefore, to take a series of positives and negatives and so build up contrasts, which process has, however, given me some trouble, owing to the grain of the paper becoming intensified as well as the lines required. All the beautiful half-tones have been lost by this process, which was necessary in order to get the lines black enough for reproduction; but the outline and general drawing have not been interfered with.

Two pictures of Te Rauparaha have, so far as I am aware, already been published, but neither, in my opinion, is as fine as the one under notice.

It may not be out of place here to give a description of Rauparaha's general appearance, culled from various contemporary authorities. The Rev. Richard Taylor, who saw him a prisoner on board the “Calliope,” says, in “Te Ika a Maui” (p. 54), “In stature he (Rauparaha) was not above 5 ft. 6 in., but his countenance was striking. He had a Roman or hooked nose, an eagle glance which read the thoughts of others without revealing his own, and a look which clearly marked his dauntless bearing.” He had apparently a very slight deformity, for in “Savage Scenes” (vol. i, p. 35) Angas mentions that he had six toes on his left foot. This, however, is apart from present interest. E. J. Wakefield, in his “Adventures in New Zealand” (vol. i, p. 113), about 1840, says Rauparaha “was at least sixty years old, hale and stout, hair but slightly grizzled, features aquiline and striking, overhanging lips and retreating forehead, eyebrows wrinkled back when he lifted his deep sunken eyelids, and penetrating eyes.” Thomson, in “Story of New Zealand” (vol. ii, p. 181), says, “In. stature he was small and wiry, forehead broad and receding.” Power, at page 51 of “Sketches in New Zealand,” thus describes Rauparaha's general expression of features: “Placid and thoughtful, but with the least excitement they assume a malignant and wolfish expression; his small snaky eyes gleam, and his thin lips curl down, showing yellow fangs.” The illustration we have in Power's book does

– 123 –

not correspond very well with the representation by Sutherland, which is the picture of Rauparaha most commonly met with, and which is copied from a drawing in Shortland's “Southern Districts of New Zealand.” Power's portrait is somewhat like Gilfillan's in outline, and the general shape of the moko marking is much the same; but the drawing has evidently been carelessly made, or the engraver has been at fault. It is possible that the author, W. Tyrone Power, D.A.C.C., may have taken his copy from this very sketch by Gilfillan, for in his preface to his book he acknowledges that some of the sketches used as illustrations were by Gilfillan, and he asks pardon for publishing them without permission specially given. On comparing the drawing with K.L. Sutherland's well-known picture, reproduced in several works, and pronounced by the late Hon. J. W. Barnicoat, M.L.C. (one of the party in the Wairau massacre), to be an excellent likeness, one finds many points in common; but, as Sutherland's is side face and Gilfillan's three-quarters, the latter naturally shows more of character, whilst any one will see at a glance that in the former the Maori type is not sustained—in fact, one would say that the face was entirely European were it not for the bunch of feathers suspended as an eardrop, and the tattooing. It is very noticeable that Sutherland was not able to grasp the subtle lines of Maori features, for in his drawing of Rangihaeata we have the European cast of countenance again strongly portrayed. The moko markings were evidently unfinished on the great chief, and all three pictures give the main outlines much the same; but in Sutherland's, also, the various markings have been carelessly made, and cannot be compared with Gilfillan's for accuracy. The chief seems to have been wearing the same ear-pendant when both portraits were taken, but it is noticeable that the arrangement of the hair is entirely different in both. In this respect Power's picture and Gilfillan's coincide, but Sutherland's is evidently faulty. Wakefield mentions Rauparaha having sat for his portrait to Major Heaphy, but that gentleman did not publish the result with the rest of his drawings, some of which were issued in a pictorial supplement to Wakefield's “Adventures in New Zealand.” Angas, the artist, does not appear to have had any success when he was at Kapiti about 1844. He states in “Savage Life and Scenes” that he failed in his attempt to paint Rangihaeata, so, I presume, thought it useless to try and persuade the superior chief to sit. In Thomson's “Story of New Zealand” it is stated that in 1844 Tamehana Rauparaha had a portrait of his illustrious father hanging in his house at Otaki, but so far as I can gather this picture has never been reproduced. It would be superfluous to give a detailed account of the life of this remarkable

– 124 –

man here. Such can be found in the Institute's Transactions, vol. v, in a very fine paper, “The Life and Times of Rauparaha,” by the late W. T. L. Travers, or in vol. vi of John White's “Ancient History of the Maori.”

Hone Heke, the great chief of the Ngapuhi Tribe is well known for having cut down the flagstaff at Kororareka, in July, 1844. His life occupies a prominent place in every New Zealand history, and up to the present time there have been three pictures published of him. I can find, however, no description of his personal appearance in any of the books at my command. The best-known picture of Heke is that taken with his wife from a sketch by Merritt, which appears in Thomson's “Story of New Zealand” (vol. ii, p. 96) and other works. The stern, commanding look of the warrior is well portrayed both in this and in Gilfillan's picture, but the former does not correspond altogether with the latter, the whole head being too square, with nose, forehead, and lips too much after the European type. The general moko lines are much the same in both, but the nose-markings which appear in Gilfillan's sketch are wanting in Merritt's, whilst the connecting lines between the markings round the lips and the cheekspirals are different. Of the two drawings, Gilfillan's is the finer, and, being larger, more details are obtained. Another picture of the Ngapuhi warrior is in a water-colour sketch by J. Merrett, in the collection of Dr. T. M. Hocken, of Dunedin, a reproduction of which is given at page 365 of Mr. A. Hamilton's “Maori Art.” This is a beautiful drawing of five Natives in full dress, and well delineates the different types and castes of Maori countenance. Here Heke is shown full face, but, although very fine, it does not depict the stern, commanding presence portrayed in Gilfillan's sketch, or in Merrett's other picture in Thomson's work. (Although there is a difference in the spelling of the name “Merrett,” the pictures are, I presume, by the same artist.) Yet another picture that we have of heke is attributed to Angas, and is to be found in “New-Zealanders Illustrated,” Heke and Patuone occupying the one plate. This picture is reproduced in “Annals of the Colonial Church” (p. 164), published in 1847, and in several later works, in some of which the word “photo” is placed before Angas's name. In “Savage Life and Scenes” Angas gives a short account of the life of Heke, but he makes no mention of having taken a sketch of the chief, and it is certain that he did not carry a camera around with him. I am inclined to think that the picture has been drawn from memory, or at any rate hurriedly for it bears the appearance of careless handling in regard to the tattoo-marking, whilst the portrait of Patuone, on

– 125 –

the other hand, seems to have had much care bestowed on it to obtain a true likeness. In this latter portrait there seems to be a design in the tattooing which is fairly regular, but there is no suggestion of that in the picture of Heke. Angas's picture is three-quarter face, while Gilfillan's and that in Thomson's work, already mentioned, are both side face, and accordingly it is not easy to make a comparison save by the tattoo-marks. In Angas's the nose-markings show a few irregular curves following no design at all. There is a somewhat indefinite line running from about under the inside of the right eye towards the point of the nose, which line is met about half-way between the eye and the nostril by a curved line running from the inside of the cheek-bone and parallel to the eye. There also appear to be some barely defined markings on the nostril, as well as several lines running away from the nostril and curving round the mouth to the chin, where there are a few marks evidently intended for the completion of the side-face scroll. The picture generally does not coincide with the other two in any particular, and consequently I am inclined to think it has been drawn from memory, if not from imagination. A photograph of Gilfillan's drawing was submitted by a friend of mine to Heke's grand-nephew, Mr. Hone Heke, M.H.R., of present-day fame, who recognised it at once and said that the nose, mouth, and chin tallied exactly with the description that had been handed down to them of the old warrior. He said that he could have recognised it at once from the description his old people had given him. On the whole, therefore, I am practically sure that the picture of Heke I am showing may be relied upon as correct in most essential particulars.

Heke's wife, the beautiful and intelligent daughter of Hongi, well known by his visit to England about 1820, is often mentioned in history, but so far we have had no picture of her, except the one (already mentioned) in Thomson's “Story of New Zealand.” Gilfillan's picture coincides with this in every way, as far as comparison is possible, but it is not easy to make this, as the first-mentioned is a side face and the latter nearly full face. The tattooing on the chin, arrangement of the hair, and general features appear to be much the same, but Gilfillan's sketch has the advantage of being larger. It is said that Heke's last days were embittered by the thought that he had no son to inherit the magic of his name, and in the hope of obtaining male issue he contracted an illicit alliance, which was highly resented by his beautiful and attached wife.

Maketu (not to be confounded with the northern Maketu) was the great fighting chief of Wanganui, and as his name occurs

– 126 –

in history it is interesting to be able to give his portrait. According to Rev. R. Taylor at page 558 of “Te Ika a Maui,” who calls him a great chief, Maketu was shot by a random bullet while engaged plundering during the early war, about May, 1847; but this account of his death may be somewhat incorrect, for it is now known by a few that he met his death from the bullet of an early settler, who, seeing him rocking himself in a chair in Churton's house, deliberately shot him from Churton's Creek. This information was probably suppressed before for various and obvious reasons. Maketu's fishing or village pa, Mawhai, which, according to Mr. Fred Parkes (a pioneer of the early days) was fortified, stood on the flat overlooking the site of the present residence of Mr. A. D. Willis, M.H.R., about a mile above the Wanganui town bridge. As before stated, Maketu stood out for a time against the sale of Wanganui to the New Zealand Land Company, when E. J. Wakefield was arranging for the purchase, and at the conference of chiefs at Purua Creek (now known as Durie Creek), where the sale eventually took place, he took a prominent part (Wakefield's “Adventures in New Zealand,” vol. i, p. 286). Wakefield is very careful to impress upon his readers that Maketu was not a principal chief; and his reason is very obvious, for it was only natural that he should try and belittle any opposition that he experienced. Wakefield also had a good deal to say about Turoa, whom he cites as being a chief of very great importance; and it is interesting to know that Wakefield's friend Pehi Turoa and Maketu were brothers, or, as some of the Natives tell me, cousins. On looking at a copy of the Treaty of Waitangi I see that Turoa signed his name, and the marks by Williams signify that he was a chief of great importance. I do not find Maketu's name; but, as Wakefield remarks, very few of the Wanganui chiefs did sign, and naturally those who were averse to British rule—as was Maketu—did not. The absence of Maketu's name from the signatures of the treaty is quite understandable. His chief pa and land were evidently at Waipakura, some distance up the Wanganui River, from which place he fired at the Putiki canoes bearing the captured prisoners —the authors of the Gilfillan outrage. Strange that Maketu should have his likeness perpetuated by the very man, the outrage on whose family he evidently sympathized with, even if he was not one of the instigators.

Since the above was written, an interesting piece of confirmatory information has come into my possession. I have in the foregoing referred to the evident care with which Gilfillan has depicted the tattooing, and I am now told by Mr. Allison that his aunt, one of the daughters of Gilfillan who escaped

– 127 –

from the massacre, has informed him that her father in his Maoris sketches was always very careful to get the tattooing absolutely correct, as the Natives themselves insisted on every line being drawn and put in its correct place. This explains a good deal, and gives Gilfillan's representations an added value as true and faithful depictions of historic personages.

Art. XX.—The Winged Pilot of Hawaiki.

Many centuries before Columbus made his adventurous voyage across the Atlantic, or Vasco de Gama battled his way round the Cape of Good Hope, the Polynesian navigators were sailing backwards and forwards among the countless islands of the Pacific, their operations gradually extending eastward, northward, and southward from their original home in the west until they reached from the New Hebrides to Easter Island, from Honolulu to New Zealand, and covered an area five thousand miles long by four thousand broad. Besides these voyages, it is known that they occasionally found their way back to “Avaiki,” traversing a far greater distance; and there is more than one record of an expedition to the Antarctic.

Mr. S. Percy Smith, F.R.G.S., President of the Polynesian Society, in his recent work, “Hawaiki: the Original Home of the Maori,” gives an account of many of these voyages, which he has compiled by a comparison of the independent traditions of various branches of the race that have been cut off from mutual intercourse for hundreds of years, and which may therefore be considered as authentic history in all essential details. He also relates how the hardy adventurers managed to keep their course by day and night without the aid of those instruments which are considered indispensable by modern navigators when making even a short trip out of sight of land. He states that it is well known that the Polynesians had a very complete knowledge of the movements of the heavenly bodies, and refers to a statement of the late Mr. John White, that the teaching of astronomy formed a special feature of the old Maori whare-kura, or house of learning (“Hawaiki,” p. 137). They had also, he adds, in some instances a kind of rude substitute for a chart, formed of strings stretched on a frame, which showed the position of the islands as well as the direction of the ocean-currents and the regular roll of the seas before the trade-wind. A sketch of one of these charts is given on page 139. Following up the subject, Mr. Percy Smith gives a graphic description (p. 138) of how

– 128 –

they managed to pick up the land. “When making voyages to a high island or a large one,” he says, “the difficulty of a landfall is not great. But it is different in the case of the atolls, of which there are so many in the central Pacific. The system which was adopted in such cases was this: The people generally voyaged in fleets, for mutual help and company, and when they expected to make the land … the fleet spread out in the form of a crescent, the chief's canoe in the centre, to distances of about five miles apart on each side, so as to extend their view; whichever crew saw the land first signalled their neighbours, who passed the signal on, till the whole fleet was enabled to steer for the expected land. A fleet of ten canoes would thus have a view of over fifty miles on their front.”

Taking these facts into consideration, one can readily understand how these bold and resourceful navigators managed to reach their destination once the direction of their objective and the distance to be travelled were approximately known; but it is not always easy to conceive how the objective came to be determined on. What, for instance, would suggest the idea that there might be land in a particular direction some thousands of miles off, such as that of New Zealand or Honolulu, which might repay a voyage of exploration? Mr. Percy Smith says (“Hawaiki,” p. 131) that “in passing onward by way of New Guinea, the Solomons, and New Hebrides to the Fiji Group, the idea must have forced itself into the minds of the people that the whole eastern world was covered with islands, and that they had only to move onward into the unknown to find more lands on which to settle.” This was very likely the case in a large number of instances, and it is probable that many of the islands and scattered groups within a certain limit were reached in this way. One can readily understand that in a strong weatherly vessel like their large double or outrigger sailing canoes, which could beat to windward with any topsail schooner, and in which, therefore, they would have no difficulty in making their way back in any direction, they might put out on a voyage of discovery which in the tropical and subtropical belt would be almost sure to be attended with success; but that any party should have been sufficiently hardly and persevering as to systematically sweep the empty vastnesses of the northern and southern Pacific on the off-chance of finding land for settlement is scarcely within the bounds of credibility.

The fact is quite authenticated that long before the great migration to New Zealand—i.e., the advent of the “Arawa,” the “Tainui,” the “Aotea,” the “Mataatua,” and other canoes —which is generally placed in the fourteenth century—many vessels found their way backwards and forwards between this

– 129 –

country and Hawaiki (probably Tahiti or Rarotonga). An account of several of these expeditions is given by Mr. Elsdon Best in the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute” (vol. xxxvii, art. ii), but I believe there is no tradition extant as to how the first navigators managed to find their way here, and so were able to give the course to those who followed.

It is related that Ui-te-rangiora, who lived in Fiji about A.D. 650, after making many voyages of discovery and founding colonies in different parts of the Pacific, found his way to the Southern Ocean; and that another celebrated navigator, desiring to behold the wonderful things described by his predecessor, actually penetrated to the frozen seas of the Antarctic—“a foggy, misty, and dark place, not seen by the sun” (“Hawaiki,” pp. 128, 129). But beyond the Island of Rapa, or Opara, in 28° S., about eleven hundred miles south-east of Rarotonga, at one time thickly inhabited by Polynesians, there is, I believe, no mention of any land seen on these voyages. In any case it is quite clear that New Zealand was not visited, or the fact would surely have been mentioned in the circumstantial accounts that have been preserved.

We are therefore left to speculate as to how the original discovery of these islands was made. It may, of course, have been that a party were driven out of their course by wind and weather, and arrived here simply as castaways; but it is far more likely that they had something to go upon in fixing their objective.

As already stated, there is, I believe, no tradition that will throw any light on the subject. If a Maori of the present day is asked how the first immigrants found their way to the country, he will either answer that he does not know or that he has never heard, or else he relegates the whole matter to the domain of the supernatural. It was perhaps a taniwha that showed them the course—a fabulous monster often credited with more than human powers and intelligence; or it might have been one of their atuas or ancestral deities, who, under the form of a shark, a cormorant, or even of a blow-fly, either swam or flew ahead of the canoe, and so led the navigators to their destination.

A theory advanced by the Rev. Wiki te Paa, of Northern Wairoa, inclines one to believe that a core of truth may be contained in this strange myth. It was the annual migration of the kuaka, or godwit (Limosa novæ-zealandiæ), Mr. Te Paa thinks, that led the Hawaikians to believe that lands existed in the direction of New Zealand, and furnished them with a guide on their voyage; and an examination of the life-history of that wonderful little bird at least gives an air of probability to the idea.

– 130 –

A very complete and graphic account of the kuaka's habits is given by Sir Walter Buller in his monumental work on New Zealand birds (vol. ii, p. 40), from information supplied by Captain G. Mair. The learned doctor describes the extraordinary migration it performs every year. Starting in large organized parties from near the North Cape of New Zealand in the end of March or the beginning of April, it makes its way northward, passing along by China, Japan, and Manchuria, until it reaches Eastern Siberia, where it remains for several months and rears its young; the rest of the year being spent in its alternate home in the Malay Archipelago, Polynesia, Australia, and New Zealand—the New Zealand contingent returning in straggling flocks from September to Christmas.

The flight of birds has often helped the navigator in locating a country. In his account of the discovery of Bass Strait in 1798 Flinders describes the continuous stream of sooty petrels or mutton-birds heading in a certain direction, which he took to be an indication “that there must be in the large bight one or more inhabited islands,” which eventually proved to be the Furneaux Group. Similar instances are recorded in the history of other voyages of discovery; and it seems to me that an observant and adventurous people like the Polynesians could not have failed to observe the annual migrations of the kuaka to and fro between known spots, and that a party of them, driven by some tribal quarrel, or by some urgent necessity to seek a new home, would not have hesitated to trust themselves to the guidance of the winged pilot over the wide seas that separated them from New Zealand. The large number of birds would indicate a considerable tract of country, while the fact that on their southern journey they went in “straggling flocks” extending over several weeks would enable the travellers to check their course from day to day.

A careful observation of the routes travelled by the birds would doubtless throw some light on this theory.

Art. XXI.—On a Stone-carved Ancient Wooden Image of a Maori Eel-god.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 2nd August, 1905.]

Plate LX.

This quaint figure of a Maori god of eels was dug up recently whilst a field was being ploughed near the City of Auckland. From its position when found, it is clearly of great antiquity. It is a relic of the Stone Age, having been cut by stone chisels,

– 131 –

and in its style and character is striking proof of the excellent work done by the prehistoric Maori carver. The body of the eel is carved with great skill, and is exceedingly lifelike. It is carved on a board belonging to an ancient wharepuni, or temple.

Maori mythology has many references to eels and eel-gods, and, as will be shown presently, the capture of eels was always celebrated with religious rites and ceremonies by the prehistoric Maori—both before he went eel-catching and after his return.

Tangaroa in New Zealand and throughout Polynesia was the god of fishes. He was one of the greatest of all gods, and so sacred throughout Polynesia that his image was never carved. Tuna was one of the lesser Maori deities, the son of Manga-wairoa. Legend says there was a drought in heaven, and naturally the eel-god came away in search of water, and came to earth. One legend says he killed two of the great god Maui's children, and the latter in revenge slew him. Another legend says that in Maui's absence Tuna came up out of the water and ravished Maui's wife. Hearing this, Maui told his wife to go to the whare by the river, and he laid logs between the hut and the river and there lay in ambush. Tuna came gliding gaily over the logs to see the lady, and Maui slew him. One legend says that Tuna's tail became the fresh-water eels' progenitor, and his head produced salt-water eels. The next story reverses the order, but confirms the fact that he begat both sorts. John White says some Maori tribes worshipped Ruahine as the god of eels, and performed religious rites to him. His worship, however, was strictly limited, as there is no other reference to him in Maori legends.

Religious Rites of Eel-Fishing.

When a young man first went eeling the tohunga performed many rites over him, and recited appropriate karakia, invoking the gods to make him a successful fisher. Eldon Best, in our Transactions of 1902, gives a special karakia addressed to Tangaroa used at this ceremony, which caused a great haul of eels. When a young man made his first catch he gave to his priest an offering of the daintiest—a sign that the Maori tohunga knew how to look after his own interests.

Maoris in olden days when building eel pas or weirs put at each end of the weir a carved post, which, like all other Maori carvings, had a religious character, and thereby invoked the eel-deities to make it a success after their labours.

Eel-fisheries were as valuable to the ancient Maoris as goldmines are to Europeans. The failure of the eel-catch was often a great disaster. In the earlier days when Europeans first came to New Zealand, cuttings from swamp to swamp abounded;

– 132 –

there the Maoris caught the migratory eels. These eel-drains are fast disappearing, and will presently be as extinct as the carved eel-posts, none of which have been saved for our museums.

If a tribe of Maoris owned the lower half of a river and did not dare, because of a powerful tribe, to fish the upper half, they chose a stone or log of wood, calling it a mauri; the priest sanctified it; and this was supposed to have the effect, aided by his incantations, of preventing the eels going beyond and thus being lost to them.

Not one of the first catch made by a young man was allowed to be eaten by women. Women in Mangaia must not eat eels.

There was nothing the prehistoric Maori did in relation to the catching or eating of eels that had not its appropriate ceremony or rites performed to the gods. Tangaroa married Te-ami-awatoa (Chilly Cold), and out of this appropriately named lady begat all kinds of fish.

In Mangaia Tuna was an enormous eel, lover of Ina-moeaitiu. Tuna assumed human form, and the angry deties threatened to drown the world because of this deed. He told Ina to cut off his head and bury it; then the flood ceased. Tunarua was a name sometimes applied to Tuna. Tinirau was the son of Tangaroa, the god of the ocean, and he also was god of fishes. The Mangaians said he was half a fish, and god of all fishes. He was born in spirit-land, and made of flesh torn from his mother's side.

Apparently the different tribes of Maoris worshipped different deities to help them when fishing.

If an eeling expedition failed to catch fish, the Maoris at once knew the gods were angry and it was no use going on trying until they went back to the pa and the tohunga had gone through fresh ceremonies and appeased their wrath. I was told this story in Wairarapa, where there are bare hills so steep that no vegetation clings to their naked sandstones. They are called taipos, or devils. If a Maori went fishing or birding between them in the Maungapakeha Valley, he might fail to get either birds or eels. The reason was that the Tinui taipo was angry, and would say to the Maungapakeha taipo, “This man has offended me; he shall catch no more eels or birds to-day.” That Maori might try as he liked, he got no more that day. After returning to the pa and reciting karakias he might thus appease the angry taipos, and next day they would allow him to catch plenty.

The Carving.

This figure of an eel-god with the head of a man, and this excellently spiritedly carved body of an eel with legs and arms

– 133 –

of a man, is quite unique—the only figure of an eel-god in existence in New Zealand. There is no other specimen resembling it. It is 38 in. long by 10 in. wide. The head is very human, with a singularly broad, flat, dome-like forehead. The size of the forehead is the more remarkable because, as a rule, the forehead is neglected in Maori carving. This has the effect of giving the image a look of quite unusual intelligence. It is a forehead denoting great ability, and therefore is quite unlike any modern Maori carving. The mouth, as is usual in a god, is enormous —wide open, cavernous. The tongue is visible, but small, and does not proturde; at each side of the mouth one incisor tooth is carved—as is so often seen in old Maori carvings. The eyes, like those of all ancient Maori gods, are slanting—Mongolian. The nose is very flat. A thin line of tattooing is on each eyebrow, all over the nose, and a thin single ring surrounds the gaping mouth. This tattooing, as shown in the plate, is simple, and is evidently the work of stone and not iron chisels. The figure has two arms and two legs, each arm with three fingers and each leg with three toes—the one unfailing, universal mark of a god. Three fingers or three toes on each limb, a wide-open mouth, and slant eyes are unfailing symbols of the prehistoric Maori deity. The limbs, too, are tattooed with the double spiral. At the point of the right elbow and right knee (the left elbow and left knee are omitted from the carving) is a curious hollow, and from the ends of each hollow is a curious tattooed little figure like an inverted capital C, and at the junction a quaint little knob. What this means I do not know. Something like it is seen in other Polynesian images. Arms and legs are covered with tattooing, chiselled out, but not fine and blackened as in modern carvings.

The Body.

The remarkable feature is the raised, sinuous, lifelike body of an eel, fat and big, arising from beneath the chin. The head is aslant, looking over the left shoulder, as seen in many heitikis. As the eel-like body then turns first to the right it may have been thus carved to give another turn to the sinuous look of the eel; but it may have been turned to the left shoulder for the same reason as heitiki heads are made to turn—a reason unknown to us. The body, like that of a real eel, is fat and round, and quite smooth, free from any trace of ornamentation. There is no tail; the body ends abruptly where the legs are set on, and at the end of the body is a hole going right through the board on which the figure is carved. This probably is meant for the anal and other apertures.

– 134 –


As a specimen of a Maori eel-god it stands alone; it is unique. Mr. Hamilton showed me a figure in the Museum of a Maori god with a strange burly figure representing some unknown animal object, but certainly not an eel. A god with an eel-like body was worshipped in Samoa, and that is the only god I have found anywhere resembling this.

It is not surprising that Maoris should have carved an image of the god of eels, as they had so many religious rites in connection with eels and eel-fishing; but it is singular that so far this is the only image of an eel-god discovered, and therefore, doubtless, even among the ancient Maoris, such a figure was very rarely depicted. Tinirau, god of fishes, was described as being a merman—“half man, half fish”; and this figure of an eel-god is embodied in this figure—half a god and half an eel.

Art. XXII.—On the Musical Notes and Other Features of the Long Maori Trumpet.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 2nd August, 1905.]

This 5-ft.-long black Maori trumpet was made either by the Arawa or by the Tuhoe Tribe. They were always extremely rare, and only a few exist in museums. I have asked Mr. Warren, an expert bugle-player and accomplished musician, to blow this trumpet for me to - night. [Mr. Warren here played a number of British and other army bugle-calls upon this instrument, fashioned by savages; and on another occasion to a gathering of musicians, to the manifest pleasure of the audiences.] Experts declared that its tones were so clear and good that had they not seen the instrument they would have believed the sounds were made by a modern silver bugle.

Unlike the mouthpiece of a modern bugle, which is small and round, this is a long, wide slit, and Mr. Warren found it difficult to get his lips into shape. He suggests the opening was made to suit a wide-mouthed 17-stone Maori. He found it in consequence difficult to play long calls, and not until he had taken it home, lived with it, and practised with it for some time was he able to get the full tones out of it. Blown by a big-chested Maori giant, the sound of this instrument would travel an enormous distance.

I was anxious to learn what calls the Maoris played, but this is impossible. Many modern Maoris have never seen this

– 135 –

pukaea; rarely indeed has it been blown of late years. It is probable that beyond one or two Maoris (and even this is doubtful) no one could sound it. I ransacked the Maori literature in the libraries, and find it rarely mentioned. My friend the great Maori expert, Mr. Samuel Locke, had one, and this is an exact replica of it. Mr. Colenso says he had only seen one or two in the early days, and greatly prized the one Mr. Locke had. Mr. C. O. Davis jotted down a few Maori tunes, and so did a musical expert for Sir George Grey, but these are for Maori flutes.

Colenso quotes the following interesting passage from Forster, the naturalist, who came to New Zealand with Captain Cook: “They brought a trumpet or tube of wood, 4 ft. long and pretty straight. Its small mouth was not above 2 in. wide, and the other not above 5 in. in diameter. It made a very uncouth kind of braying, for they always sounded the same note, though a performer on the French horn might perhaps be able to bring some better music out of it.” Forster wrote these words of prophecy, and to-night, 130 years later, Mr. Warren has shown you how wide is its range, how musical and perfect its tones. It is interesting to note that Forster says the Maoris uttered an uncouth braying sound. Mr. Warren makes it utter any musical buglecall. The difference is that Mr. Warren knows the tunes and the Maori did not. Much of Maori art and Maori carving is simply a degradation of a higher past. Their ancestors in farpast days invented this instrument, and doubtless could play it for all that it was capable of; but their descendants forgot their ancient musical lore, and as time rolled on their knowledge shrank and shrank, till it was, as Forster writes, always the same note—an uncouth braying. The Maoris in forster's day could not produce the varied notes that were lying dormant. Having old trumpets in their possession, they could easily copy them; but how to produce the old notes and tunes—the memory had lapsed.

Judge Chapman, the learned expert in Maori art, told me this strange story: Years ago an ancient Maori said that his ancestors in the far past had played on a trumpet that worked in and out its tube. The Maori explained how it was lengthened and shortened, as Judge Chapman says, like a modern trombone. The Judge believes that this must have existed in the long-ago; but there is not one left for our musums.

One old writer says they shouted words through it. This is incorrect. Mr. L. Grace says the chiefs had a few well-known calls.

John White and the Rev. R. Taylor do not mention or describe this trumpet. Colenso says the chiefs when travelling ware known by their trumpet-calls. When a great chief

– 136 –

travelled he sometimes ordered the trumpet to be sounded, and the distant villagers in the pa at once cooked food for the warlord and his war-bands. Locke, in these Transactions, in 1882, gives an interesting account of a chief who thus announced himself, and how such announcement led to a devastating war.


Williams, in his dictionary, says this was a long trumpet made of totara. Tregear says, pu= to blow, kaea= to wander forth. A “blow” that carries far is an apt name for this instrument; that blown by an excited burly Maori would carry for miles. Putara is a conch shell with mouthpiece used as a trumpet, and putorino is a nasal flute. Puroraiti was a trumpet used at the marae in Samoa. It is noteworthy that putatara (conch-shell trumpet) is a capital word, so like the instrument: pu and ta-ta-ta-tara is an accurate copy of the notes “ta-ta-ta-tara” which Mr. Warren has just drawn out of this pukaea for your pleasure.

These trumpets were always made of durable well-dried totara, beautifully fitted together, and bound tight round from nozzle to within 3 in. of the other end with supplejack very tightly and neatly laid round it, each layer closely touching its predecessor. Colenso says the joinings of the totara were closely cemented together by a native gum. The supplejack binding held the totara limbs together.

At the point where the long narrow tube widens into the funnel, transversly athwart it inside are two narrow pegs of wood. Tregear says the Maoris called this tohe (tohe-tohe is the uvula). In looking through the trumpet more towards the sunlight I discovered a third peg about 6 in. from the mouthpiece. The presence of this third tohe is, I believe, a new discovery. I have seen no reference to it in Buller's or Hamilton's work or elsewhere. The presence of these three tohe is curious. Doubtless they affect the tune of the instrument. They may not exist in all trumpets.

Rarity And Uses And Antiquity.

These trumpets were always very rare—confined in manufacture to the Hot Lakes district, though doubtless carried rarely to distant parts. Hamilton, in his great work on “Maori Art,” photographs several in museums: one with two funnel-shaped trumpet-ends arising from the same tube. Colenso said they were so rare that when he saw Locke's trumpet twenty years ago he had not seen one for twenty years previously; and as Colenso was here as far back as the “thirties” of the last century, it is clear how rare they were. They were used as alarms

– 137 –

in war-time, to tell of threatening danger. They were also used as announcements of the march of great chiefs, just like warlords and medieval heralds. They were used for the same purpose as army bugle-calls are nowadays. When the ancient Maori at night was scared of attacks by ghosts, he shouted and played the conch-shell trumpet and this pukaea to frighten away the spirits. In Samoa, and perhaps other islands, they were used in the sacred marae in religious ceremonies.

Tregear, in the “Aryan Maori,” quoting from the Indian Bhagavad-gita, gives a description of a fight by the Kurus: “Then, in order to encourage him, the ardent old ancestor of the Kurus blew a conch shell sounding loud as the roar of a lion. He of dreadful deeds and wolfish entrails blew a great trumpet called paundra.” Our Maoris, having originally come from India, doubtless derived their trumpets from their ancestors. It is noteworthy that the conch shell and the long trumpet of the Maori were both known thousands of years ago in India, and the nasal flute of the Maori was brought from the ancestral home in Asia, as we know it existed there and in Greece. The conch trumpet and also the long trumpet were each named in this story of India, and Maoris continued this custom, having a name for each important mere or taiaha, or noteworthy canoebaler, or big trumpet. These long trumpets clearly did not originate de novo among the Maoris, but were brought by them from their far-off continental ancestral home.

Darwin traced the descent of man by studying, amongst other things, the rudimentary organs in the modern human body. So to-day we, by studying the Maori, can see many objects of Maori art which, like rudimentary organs, serve to show the descent of the Maori. Among these are the three fingers carved on the hands and three toes on each foot of a Maori god or semi-deified ancestor, seen in India; the little red stones (whatakura) worshipped by the Maoris were worshipped in India; the double spiral in Maori carving, the double-toothed earring of jade (both symbols of Buddha and of far earlier deities), the lighting of sacred fires by rubbing sticks, and the curious figures Mania and Marikihau, all are to be found in India.

This trumpet played to you by Mr. Warren is itself a direct descendant of the paundra blown by the Indian chief. As the trumpet has a limited range, the bugle-calls sounded by the great Indian chief (“he of dreadful deeds and wolfish entrails”) were much the same, though blown thousands of years ago, as those to-night played for you by Mr. Warren, who has done no dreadful deeds, and certainly has not wolfish entrails. But the old Indian chief, the Maori rangatira, and Mr. Warren are, after

– 138 –

all, blood relations, for the Hindoos, the Polynesians (including the Maori), and Mr. Warren are all three Caucasians, all three have trumpets, and all three use the same instrument for the same purposes.

Notes on Dr. Newman's Maori Trumpet

I may say at the outset that, owing to the peculiar oval-shaped wooden mouthpiece, which is very rough on the lips, it is well-nigh impossible to produce any of the lengthy bugle-calls, such as the “Reveille” and “First Post,” as can be done with comparatively little effort on the regulation B-flat bugle.

The tones that the instrument gives out are very similar to those of a bugle, but it cannot be made to produce the lowest C of the pakeha instrument. Such calls as the “Dress for Parade,” “Rouse,” and “Last Post” cannot, therefore, be played in their entirety.

The staff notation of the Maori instrument is:—

and that of the B flat bugle:—

It will thus be seen that the Maori trumpet is capable of producing four notes. The lowest, however, is hardly as clear as the G of the brass bugle, and the lips of the performer require to be in exceptionally good form to produce with any degree of success its highest note. The two middle notes, G and B, can be produced with exceptional clearness, and are, in fact, far more pleasant to the ear than the C and E of the brass instrument.

Appended is a list of the calls which are most suited to the Maori trumpet, which when sounded would assuredly astound the average regimental sergeant-major when that portly non-commissioned officer was asked to believe that the tones did not emanate from the military bugle in every-day use.

– 139 –

List of Calls Suited To The Maori Trumpet.

  • Officers.

  • Sergeants.

  • Fall in.

  • Men's dinner call.

  • Sergeants' dinner call.

  • Fatigue.

  • Picquet.

  • Orders.

  • Sick call.

  • Salute for guard.

  • Alarm.

  • Charge.

  • Fire, and Cease fire.

  • Extend, and Close.

  • General salute.

Art. XXIII.—On Temporary Stars.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 6th September, 1905.]

The appearance of a so-called temporary star is always an event of great importance to all interested in astronomy and its kindred sciences. The event apparently involves a catastrophe of such colossal magnitude that it almost transcends our powers of imagination fully to realise it. A star which perhaps to our view is so insignificant as to be visible only in a powerful telescope—say, of the tenth or twelfth magnitude, or perhaps not visible at all—suddenly increases in splendour until it shines as a third- or second- or indeed even first-magnitude star. If our sun were to increase in heat- and light-giving activity in a similar proportion there can be no doubt that all planets would be rendered red- or white-hot, if they were not dissipated into vapour.

After this enormous development of light and heat the new star in a few days or weeks shows manifest signs of waning. This waning proceeds so rapidly that at the end of a few months the star is no longer visible to the naked eye, and can only be perceived through powerful telescopes. Its final appearance is also remarkable: it presents the appearance of a planetary nebula—that is, it appears to be a nebula of no great intensity of light, having a minute disc like a planet; but the fact that it has any visible disc is a proof of its colossal dimensions. No “Nova” has, so far as I am aware, yet shown an appreciable parallax: it follows that to have any disc visible to us its diameter must exceed that of the earth's orbit.

That such a vastly colossal globe of glowing matter should part with its heat in a few months is at first sight exceedingly surprising, and has led to the suggestion being made that the actual quantity of matter heated must be very small. How otherwise, it may be asked, can it be? A body like the sun is

– 140 –

unaltered, so far as we can tell, after thousands or millions of years of cooling. How long, then, ought a body take to cool which can shine as a star of the first magnitude though so far distant as to have no measurable parallax ?

I have to consider this question, and show that the rapid cooling of a “Nova” is a necessary consequence of the added heat, from whatever cause due, and will take place though the body be equal in mass to, or greater than, the sun.

Consider a star of dimensions and mass comparable with those of the sun, and assume, as is generally supposed, that the whole is in a state which may be termed gaseous—that is, the temperature is so high that every part responds to increase and diminution of pressure in the same manner as a gas does. It is not necessary to assume that the ratio of expansion to increment of heat follows the law of gases. I make the assumption of the gaseous nature of a “Nova” because, first, there can be but little doubt that a “Nova” at least is in this state, and, secondly, because my arguments have no application to a solid or nongaseous star. Assuming, then, the star to behave as a gas, we may also assume that at any moment it has such dimensions that an equilibrium exists between the tendency to expand and that to shrink. Each particle will at that moment be solicited by two forces—one the attraction of the mass, which tends to draw the particle towards the centre, the other the expansive force due to the high temperature of the gaseous mass. These opposing forces must exactly neutralise each other to produce an equilibrium. If there is any disturbance of that equilibrium the particle will move towards or away from the centre according as the gravitation or the expansion due to heat is in excess. In the case of the sun the equilibrium is being disturbed from moment to moment by the continuous radiation away of heat.

Consider the effect on a particle: Heat is radiated away, the amount of heat available to balance gravitation is diminished; but by the hypothesis the heat before radiation was exactly sufficient to balance gravitation; there is therefore after radiation an unbalanced tendency towards the centre, and the particle must take up a new position nearer the centre. This must also be true of every other particle of the sun's mass: in other words, the whole mass must shrink through loss of heat radiated away. So far this accords with our experience: a gaseous body—e.q., steam—contracts as it parts with its heat.

Now, at first impression it might be supposed that, heat having been parted with, the sun's temperature would be lowered. It would be so if the volume remained constant, but this is not so; as shown above, the volume diminishes, and the very fact

– 141 –

that the volume diminishes is in itself a cause of the generation of heat. Each particle in moving to the centre obviously falls; in falling it gives out energy; that energy appears as heat.

To change the mode of statement: Each particle approaching the centre constitutes a compression of the whole mass, but the temperature of a gas rises when it is compressed: the temperature of the sun therefore rises. The extent to which it rises is governed by the circumstance that an equilibrium is again sought. But our particle, having fallen, is now nearer that it was to the centre; its gravitation is therefore increased; its tendency to continue to fall requires now a greater force to balance it: in other words, to preserve equilibrium the temperature must be higher than before. The additional temperature is derived, as pointed out, from the compression of the mass. Hence we have what may appear to some a paradoxical result—i.e., that by abstracting heat from the sun (by radiation) the temperature is caused to rise and not to fall—contrary to our experience of cooling bodies. In reality there is no paradox. Part of the heat is due to the contraction.

There are two kinds of energy in the sun, one heat, the other energy of position or potential. If we take away some of the former we, so to speak, call for contribution from the latter, and that contribution is on a scale a little more liberal than necessary to merely compensate what is taken away. The abstraction of heat causes shrinkage, and the shrinkage causes the development of more heat than that abstracted. This is capable of exact calculation, it being known that a shrinkage of about one-eleventh of a mile will account for the radiation of the sun for a year, and (if the sun is gaseous throughout) still leave the sun a trace hotter at the end of the year than it was at the beginning.

The apparent (not real) paradox is exactly analogous to that arising in the case of a secondary body moving about its primary. Supposing a secondary were moving in a resisting medium, which at first sight might be supposed to diminish its velocity, the real observable effect would be that its velocity would be increased through its fall towards the primary. The evidence of a resisting medium, supposed to be furnished by Encke's Comet, is not that its velocity diminishes, but that it increases.

Now, I took the case of heat being abstracted because it is what is going on in the case of the sun, but the whole process above indicated is reversible.

Supposing, again, the star in momentary equilibrium kept so, as before, by gravitation tending to draw each particle to the centre, and the expansive force created by heat balancing gravitation. Now let heat be added: in the first case the subtraction

– 142 –

of heat by radiation left gravity partly unbalanced; now the addition of heat leaves the expansive power partly unbalanced. Each particle must therefore move outwards, but in doing so it moves against gravitation work being done and heat absorbed (“rendered latent” was the old expression); but, as a compressed gas heats by the transformation of work into heat, so an expanding gas cools by the transformation of heat into work (both processes being made use of in our steam-engines, freezing-engines, &c.). The added heat then does work against gravity, and is all absorbed in doing so.

Now, if this were all, we should have simply expanded our sun at the original temperature. But when expanded to the extent referable to the added heat each particle is further from the centre than it was before heat was added; gravity is therefore diminished; and since, by the hypothesis, the amount of heat was previously exactly sufficient to balance gravity, there is now more than enough to do so, so that there is a residue of expansive power still left: more heat than that added will therefore be used up in expanding the body. This must be at the expense of the heat already possessed by the sun: in other words, the temperature will be lowered. This is the same apparent paradox, in an inverted form, that we had before: by putting heat into a gaseous star we lower its temperature.

We may put the results alongside each other thus:—


The body parts with heat by radiation: it shrinks in consequence, and the temperature rises. We may add, the potential falls to the exact extent of the heat radiated away, plus the added temperature.


The body has heat supplied to it: it expands in consequence, and the temperature falls. We may add, as before, the potential rises to the exact extent of the heat added, plus the latent heat of expansion.

Now, let us apply these considerations to a “Nova.” Some cause which we can only conjecture occasions an enormous amount of heat to be added to a body. The only probable cause we can think of is a collision of some kind—it may be of two large bodies, or two meteor-streams, &c. If the body was already gaseous the above reasoning would apply at once. If it were not gaseous the added heat caused by the collision (in the case of a “Nova”) is sufficient to make it so, and the reasoning will apply as soon as it is so. If the heat were due to collision, as is probable, the process of heating would be exceedingly rapid. If the colliding bodies were both gaseous the generation of the whole heat of collision would take a few hours only; but as the whole of that heat could not be converted in the same time into motion of expansion, because of the inertia of the

– 143 –

mass to be moved, the temperature would rise enormously beyond what it would ultimately be on the establishment of an equilibrium. Hence it is quite in accordance with what we ought to expect if, on a collision between two bodies, the temperature should rise in a few hours or days so greatly that the joint mass would shine as a bright star. But this state of things could not be permanent, as the gravity of the mass would be insufficient to counteract the expansive force created by the enormous accession of heat. The mass would therefore expand, the rate of expansion being slow at first, increasing to a maximum, and finally dying out. The body would then be enormously diffused, but at a moderate temperature. The greater the velocity of the impact the lower would be the final temperature. A velocity can be assigned at which the body would be dissipated in infinite space, and the temperature exactly zero; but this velocity could not be acquired by the mutual attraction of the colliding bodies. With any velocity which we can admit as probable the final state of the mass would be a globe vast in proportion to the sum of the original volumes of the colliding bodies, with a moderate temperature. Such a body would present the appearance of a planetary nebula.

Before this final stage was reached there would be fluctuations. The outward velocity communicated to the gaseous atoms would cause the first expansion to go beyond equilibrium; indeed, the outward velocity at the position of equilibrium would be a maximum. Hence the body would be overexpanded and overcooled. It would then condense again, with a rise in temperature again overcompensated. This might, indeed would, be repeated many times, finally dying out. These pulsations appear to have been observed.

The consideration applied here to two colliding globes would equally apply to colliding flights of meteors, but the effects might not be so marked—the rise in temperature would be more gradual. They would also apply to the case of a sphere plunging into a vast hydrogen region, such as the spectroscope reveals to us.

Art. XXIV.—Notes on a Meteoric Appearance.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 2nd August, 1905.]

I Think it as well to put on record a remarkable phenomenon which was observed by myself, with many others, on the evening of the 9th June. A party of us left Otaki by the evening

– 144 –

train leaving Otaki about 6.10 p.m. The western sky was clear generally, but with a bank of clouds extending from the main-land over Kapiti; wind S.W. and fresh. There was a young moon. I was sitting on the western side of the carriage, looking out at the window. I turned for an instant to speak to companion, and, on returning my gaze to the sky, I saw the appearance about which I write.

It was a brilliant vertical streak in the north-western sky, having a slight feathery wisp at the top, the upper part having two slight bulbous expansions. Its lustre was apparently that of a white-hot wire. I uttered an exclamation which brought all the occupants of the carriage to the windows. We watched the appearance and saw it gradually change in shape. The branch or wisp at the top extended, as did every part, both longitudinally and in breadth. It was visible to us for about a quarter of an hour, and finally disappeared behind a cloud. It was even then quite white, whereas all the clouds were inky-black. It appeared to the last to shine with its own light. The passengers in the other carriage also saw it, and some, I was informed, became strangely excited, two ladies showing fear and symptoms of hysteria. Curiously, a similar report comes from Auckland: some people manifested alarm. By the great majority, however, of those who saw it it was regarded as an object of interest and beauty. Those in the carriage where I sat who had seen waterspouts (of which I was one) agreed that at one stage the streak resembled the slender streak of bright light which is often seen as a waterspout finally disappears; but this streak was (1) much too brilliant, (2) much too minute, (3) much too high for such an explanation. I tried to form an opinion of its altitude and azimuth, but from a train going some twenty miles an hour over a line with curves this is no easy matter, and no reliance can be placed on such a determination. It, however, helps to form an estimate of the accuracy of other determinations. I thought the azimuth would be between 305° and 320°. I guessed the altitude at about 16°, but I had no horizon in view.

The apparition was seen from other stations. At Hokitika it was seen “in the north-western sky.” At Nelson it was seen by many persons. One observer, Miss Bertha Maguire, an artist, showed an intelligent and artistic appreciation of the phenomenon; she sketched the object as she saw it, and her sketches so accurately represent what I saw that it is hardly necessary that I should exercise my feeble sketching powers. The difference between Miss Maguire's sketches and what I saw are small, and consist of the following I should represent the streak (1) as being more slender, (2) as having a little wisp at the top,

– 145 –

and two slight bulbous swellings near the top, the beginning, perhaps, of expans on. By Miss Maguire's kindness and courtesy I am able to show you the original sketches. It was seen from Otaki, Wanganui, Halcombe, New Plymouth, Waiuku, and Auckland. The times from all these places agree, and also the description, except that some of the details are wanting from New Plymouth, whence the sketch is of two balls of light with an intervening streak of light.

The following azimuths have been given: Hokitika, “in the north-western sky”; Nelson, two observers 292°, and a third observer 315° magnetic; at Wanganui an observation was taken at a very late stage of a wisp of the cloud, the bearing being 295°; New Plymouth, 310°; Waiuku, exactly above where the sun set (299° 16′ true). From Auckland three bearings are given: one, 358° magnetic, is an obvious mistake, and probably a clerical error. The second is 243°, said to be by observation with a prismatic compass: this being magnetic would give 258° true The difference between these two is over 100°, quite beyond personal error. The third Auckland bearing is inexact—“to the south of west.” There is also an azimuth from Otaki—W.N.W., or 303° 45′. These discrepancies may partly disappear when we learn which observations are “true” and which “magnetic.”

There is a like discrepancy in the observations for altitude. Even three observations from the same place are discordant. The altitudes given are from 10° to 40°. Of course the real altitude would not be the same for different places, but one would like agreement between different observations from the same place. The New Plymouth observer, Mr. Palmer, a surveyor, gives 35°. My guess was 16°. The Otaki observer puts it at 12°. The Otaki altitude ought to coincide with whatever is correct for Waikanae. Mr. Buckeridge, of Auckland, gives “15°, taken with a Barker's altitude instrument.” Two sheets of paper, which I will call “A” and “B,” were sent me from Nelson, with the angles drawn as follows: Horizon to bottom of streak—A, 3° 30′; B, 6°: horizon to top of streak—A, 10°; B, 17°. Another Nelson altitude is 30°. No hypothesis can be formed which will reconcile all these; we can only hope to eliminate the bad ones.

The total length of the original streak is reckoned as between 6° and 10°, expanding to 15°, or perhaps 20°—i.e., from top to bottom, not following windings. The total length of the ribband of cloud, following windings, might reach 35°, or perhaps more. The breadth at the beginning, as I saw it, was minute, and the light so strong that the apparent breadth may have been due to irradiation. The breadth at the end of a quarter of an

– 146 –

hour was nearly, if not quite, 2°. These quantities are eye estimates, corrected by comparison with others, and by using an instrument on an imaginary representation—not a satisfactory proceeding. The figure gives some idea of the magnitude of the object.

Several persons claimed to have seen the very beginning. One, at Auckland, says it shot up from the horizon at an angle of 70° or 80° to a height of 40°. I feel pretty sure the shooting-up is erroneous; also, from my station the streak appeared vertical. Another observer, Mr. A Scott, Auckland, said it “darted out of a cloud like a ball of silver; after dropping a few yards it just for an instant threw off coloured lights, like a rocket, and then left a pillar of silver light as it dropped to the earth. The bright perpendicular column, which remained perpendicular for nearly a minute, made quite a weird impression, till it began to be blown about by the wind. The silvery light would remain for about ten minutes.”

Miss Maguire, the artist, whose name I mentioned above, says her impression is that her eyes were directed to the exact spot of the sky at the moment the object appeared. I see no reason to doubt this. If a person's eyes are directed to a point in the sky, and an intense gleam of light appears in the neighbourhood, the eyes are instantly drawn to bear on the spot where the gleam appears. Miss Maguire says her first impression was a flash of “crinkly lightning” Another observer at Nelson says he saw a ball of light fall and burst.

Mr. F. G. Gibb, of Nelson, a person of scientific attainments, whose observations are entitled to great weight, wrote to a newspaper describing what he saw. He says, “The sky was clearly visible at the time, and the ‘streak of lightning frozen’ remained clearly visible for about half an hour, though an observer who was well situated declares that the luminous cloud into which the streak resolved was visible for two hours. I turned a 5 in. refracting telescope upon the streak within a minute or two after the fall of the meteor, and found that it consisted of long-drawn-out wisps of luminous cloud, which had, I am almost sure, a slight movement downward. The direction in which it appeared from the Town of Nelson was exactly north-west magnetic.”

The description by Mr. Palmer, of New Plymouth, differs surprisingly from all others. He says he first observed a luminous head, and afterwards another ball of light also appeared lower down. This latter shape it kept for about ten minutes, and then finally dissolved. His sketch is of two balls, one above the other, not quite vertically, connected by a thread of light, which is prolonged beyond the lower one.

– 147 –

My own first view must have been some instants (hardly seconds) after the commencement. What I saw was a streak of intense white light, with two small bulbous expansions near the top, these expansions forming the brightest part; also a very small feathery expansion at the very top.

I am now trying to work out the distance, a simple enough problem given accurate observations; but, unfortunately, there are such discrepancies in the observations that the first business is to find out and eliminate the incorrect ones—no easy matter.

It is source of great pleasure to me to have to record this interesting phenomenon, the more so because, so far, it would appear that the occurrence was absolutely unique. No such phenomenon has, to my knowledge, ever been recorded before. Great meteors have often been seen and recorded, and then partly calculated. I had the pleasure of seeing one of the greatest on record—one that gave more light than the full moon, which passed over an arc of 90° or more, and left a glowing train, 30° or 40° long. But that train was gone in a few minutes. Yet this object seen by us left a train which was still shining brightly at the end of fifteen minutes, and was seen for another fifteen, and perhaps even, as some say, for hours. I think I am justified in saying that those who saw it saw something the like of which has never been recorded.

Since writing the above I have made inquiries in the hope of reconciling the wide discordances of observation. I regret, however, to say my attempts have been vain. This being the case, it is useless to attempt to fix the exact position; however, by graphical methods, selecting those measurements of the position of the head which appear to me most satisfactory—namely, Auckland azimuth, 258° true, altitude 15°; Nelson azimuth, 330° true—I find this would seem to show that the head of the streak was probably over a spot something like three hundred miles about W. by S. from Auckland—i.e., over the Tasman Sea. Its altitude above the earth was something like seventy miles for a minimum, and may have been over a hundred. If the brilliant streak was vertical it was about seventy miles long, but as it was probably, seen very foreshortened it was probably many times that. The riband-shaped cloud was several times as long as the bright streak, but I do not think this was due to an actual lengthening, but rather to the fact that previously invisible vapour in the track of the meteor became visible by cooling. The widening of the streak from a mere thread to a band some 2° wide was probably chiefly due to expansion. It would appear to have had a final thickness of some miles. This would indicate either a consider-

– 148 –

able breadth for the meteor or a prodigious temperature, perhaps both. In my opinion the meteor was not one solid mass,

but a group of many small bodies, probably derived from the splitting-up of a large mass. Apparently it must have met or been overtaken by the earth, as its course was from east to west. As the streak did not appear to reach the horizon, I conclude that the meteor did not reach the earth. It either passed through a segment of the atmosphere and away, or it was dissipated by its passage through the air. The drawing shows the appearance of the streak at the end of a quarter of an hour, as drawn by Miss Murphy. The appearance at first would be represented on the same scale by a steady vertical line about the length of the top coil.

Art. XXV.—Maori Eschatology: The Whare Potae (House of Mourning) and its Lore; being a Description of many Customs, Beliefs, Superstitions, Rites, &c., pertaining to Death and Burial among the Maori People, as also some Account of Native Belief in a Spiritual World.

[Read before the Auckland Institute, 6th December, 1905.]

Even as the moon dies, and then, having bathed in the waters of life, returns to this world once more young and beautiful, so let man die and revive.” Such were the words of Tane, offspring of Rangi, the Sky Father, and Papa, the Earth Mother, to Hine-nui-te-Po, Goddess of Death and Hades. But Hine of the Dark World said, “Not so. Rather let man die and return to Mother Earth, even that he may be mourned and wept for.” Hence we see mourning parties of the Maori people wailing for the dead. For what said the men of old?— “By tears and lamentation alone may [a natural] death be avenged.”

Having collected some few notes anent Maori eschatology from members of the Tuhoe or Urewera Tribe, it behoves me to put such together in the form of an article, for the purpose of

– 149 –

preservation, so as to place on record any hitherto unpublished matter which they may contain, inasmuch as the “weeds of Tura” have already come to me, and no man may know when he may drink of the waters of Tane-pi and lift the trail of Maui of old for the realm of Miru and of Hine.

Although my notes on some items are sufficiently numerous to give a fairly good idea of Native customs in past times, yet those pertaining to the ritual of burial and exhumation are decidedly meagre. Of the many incantations used on such occasions in the days of yore I have collected but few. This does not, however, affect the general reader, for such matter interests the specialist alone—he who seeks to understand the archaic expressions contained in such cryptic effusions of the ancient Maori.

These notes have been collected from the descendants of the original people of that part of the Bay of Plenty district lying between Whakatane on the coast and Ruatahuna in the interior. My reason for using the past tense in this paper is because many of the customs herein described have fallen into disuse, while others again have been modified since the introduction of Christianity.

A considerable amount of interesting information anent these matters may be found in the writings of the late Mr. John Whit, Taylor's “Te Ika a Maui,” and other works.

The matter contained in this paper is given as collected from the old men of the Tuhoe Tribe of Maoris, and is not made to support any pet theory of my own; for I hold that we who dwell in the dark places of the earth should confine our attention to placing on record original matter only, and carefully suppress any desire to theorise or generalise.

Mythical Origin Of Death.

In perusing ethnographical works we often meet with the statement that certain primitive peoples or races appear to be or have been imbued with the idea that death is unnatural; that in the dawn of time man was immortal, and knew not death until it was introduced by some accident, or offence committed against the gods. Among such peoples are invariably found singular myths to account for such introduction.

The Maori of New Zealand come under the above heading, as will be shown anon. In studying Maori cosmogony and anthropogeny we are first met with the statement that man is descended from immortal personifications—i.e., from Rangi, the Sky Parent, and Papa-tuanuku, the Earth Mother; also that from the same source sprang the sun, the moon, and the stars, who are termed the “whanau marama” (the Shining Ones, the Children of Light, who know not death). In the words of

– 150 –

an old Native, who was explaining to me the origin of death, “The people of the sky [i.e., the heavenly bodies], they do not decay, neither do they fall; they are not like the people of this world. As for the origin of decay among the people of this world, it was caused by the act of Tane in seeking the female element. Rangi, our parent [the Sky] said to Tane, ‘The female element is below. Above is the realm of life, of immortality; below is the realm of death, of decay, of misfortune.’ Hence, through that quest of Tane, came decay into the world. Had he not sought the female element, then would man have been like unto the multitude in the sky above—he would have lived for ever.”

Here we see that the Maori traces his descent from a primal pair, Sky and Earth, the male and female nature respectively, and also that the deathless Shining Ones, the heavenly bodies, had a similar origin. He saw that all these were immortal—“they do not decay, neither do they fall”—hence something must have happened in the dawn of time which caused man to decay, something that caused death to enter the world. The mind of the primitive Maori was equal to the task of explaining that cause. He evolved the myth of Maui and the Goddess of Death. The dead person is often referred to in funeral speeches as having been caught in the snare of Hine-nui-te-Po, the guardian of Te Po (Hades, the realm of darkness), she who drags men down to death. It was this Hine who first proposed that decay and death should be the lot of man (see first page of this article), and her proposal was opposed by Tane, or, according to some authorities, by Maui. “In regard to natural decay and death, it was proposed by our ancestors that man should die as the moon dies; for when the moon wanes and comes near to death he hies him to Te Wai-ora-o-Tane [the life-giving waters of Tane], in which he bathes and so recovers his youth and strength. Our ancestors said, ‘Let man so decay and revive, that he may return to this world.’ But Hine would have none of this. She said, ‘Not so; for man would not be mourned. Let man die as earth-born creatures die; let him return to our Earth Mother, even that he may be mourned and lamented’ (‘me matemate a one, kia mihia ai, kia tangihia ai’).” Then came the struggle between Hine and Maui, the attempt of Maui to gain eternal life for man being thwarted by the Goddess of Death.

An old-time saying of the Maori people (published by Sir George Grey in his “Maori Proverbs”) is this— “Me tangi, ka pa ko te mate i te marama”; which he translates, “Let us weep over him; he has departed for ever; if he had disappeared like the old moon we would not have mourned—he would have appeared to us anew after a time.”

– 151 –

Myth of Maui And Hine-Nui-Te-Po.

Maui is perhaps the principal representative of the age of heroes in Maori mythology, being one of the demi-gods who porformed wondrous deeds in the misty past, when man was young upon the earth. It was Maui who procured fire for mankind, who lengthened the day by chastising and binding the sun, and who is credited with many impish tricks, all of which the Maori delights to recount. But no reverence of any kind is paid to him.

As to Hine-nui-te-Po and her origin, it was in this wisc: Tane, one of the progeny of Rangi and Papa (Sky and Earth), sought his parent Rangi and asked, “Where is the female element?” Rangi replied, “The female element is below; the abode of life is above.” This may refer to Papa, the Earth Mother, whose place in nature is below the heavens, while above is the vast expanse of the heavens, the denizens of which know not death. It is evident that for many centuries the Maori mind has been deeply imbued with animism, as a study of their myths will prove to the inquirer.

One authority gives the following as the reply of Rangi to Tane: “The female element is below: it is the abode [or origin] of misfortune, of death. The realm of life is above. Our descendants shall not be as we are, and as are our grand-children—the sun, the moon, the stars, the Hinatore, Pari-kioko, and Hine-rauamoa—for they shall know death, the death of the lower world, and be mourned” (“Kia mate ao, kia mihia, kia tangihia ai”).

Whether the term used in this myth—i.e., “uha”—applies to the Earth Mother. or to Hine-nui-te-Po, who is said to have brought death to man by slaying Maui in a very singular manner, it is evident from a perusal of this myth that death and misfortune were supposed to have been caused by, or originated with, the female element.

Tane sought long for the female element, and in so doing he produced trees, shrubs, and plants, until he came to two beings named Roiho and Roake, who told him where to find woman. That woman was Kurawaka, who had been formed by Tiki by means of the tira rite. She was formed from the sacred mound termed Puke-nui-o-Papa, which represented the po, the realm of darkness, of oblivion, and sin. By Kurawaka Tane had Hine-ahu-one. He took his daughter to wife and had Hine-ahuarangi, whom he also married and had Hine-titama. Tane took her also to wife, until one day she asked, “Where is my father?” Tane replied, “I am your father.” So shocked was Hine-titama to learn this fact that she fled to the lower world, to Tane-te-wai-ora. She was pursued by her father

– 152 –

(whose full name was Tane-nui-a-rangi), but refused to return with him, saying. “Return thou to the upper world, that you may draw up our descendants to light and life; while I remain here below to drag them down to darkness and death.”

Here some Natives state that Hine-titama became Goddess of Death and of Hades, and was ever after known as Hine-nui-te-Po. Others say that Hine-nui-te-Po was a daughter of Hinetitama and Tumurangi. Yet again other versions give Hine-ahu-one as the one who became Queen of Hades, others that Hine-a-tauira (which seems to be another name for Hine-ahua-rangi) obtained that important post. However that may be, it is admitted by all authorities in this district that HIne-nui-te-Po is Queen of Hades, and the origin or cause of death. Descendants of Te Tini-o-Awa state that she had two younger sisters, Mahuika and Hine-i-tapeka, who were the personification, or origin, of fire. Mahuika was the living fire, the ordinary fire of this world, while Hine-i-tapeka (or Hine-tapeka) represented the fire which burns in the underworld, the tokens of which are the charred trunks of trees, and charcoal seen in deposits of pumice, as at Kainga-roa. When Maui, the hero, sought to obtain fire for man he sought Mahuika for that purpose.

Now, the fire seems to have been contained in the body of Mahuika herself, or in her fingers. The names of her five children given above are those of the fingers and toes, beginning with tako-nui, the thumb, or big toe, down to toiti, the little finger or toe. These were the fire children, or offspring, of Mahuika, whose name is viewed as a synonym for fire. The names of Hine-tapeka's offspring imply firebrands and charcoal.

When Maui applied to Mahuika for fire she pulled off one of her fingers and gave it to him. This finger was fire. Maui took it aside and promptly extinguished it, after which he returned and demanded again the fire of Mahuika, which was granted him. This also he extinguished; and so on until he came the fifth time, when the enraged Mahuika plucked off her last finger and cast it at Maui. The fire raged fiercely and pursued Maui, who was almost consumed by the same, when he bethought himself of calling upon his ancestors to cause the heavy rains to fall, which soon extinguished the pursuing fire. The remnants of fled to the woods and took refuge in the kaikomako

– 153 –

and some other trees, from which the Maori people procure fire by the hika, or generating process.

Then it was that Hine-nui-te-Po resolved to avenge the destruction of the progeny of her sister Mahuika. To prepare the way, and to render Maui susceptible to her designs, she had recourse to magic, for it had come to her knowledge that Maui had designs against her. She sent one Kahukura (a butterfly) as a messenger to obtain the aria* of Maui, in the form of a drop of his blood. But Maui slew the messenger with a slap of his hand. Then Hine despatched Waeroa (the mosquito), but Maui heard the insect humming and destroyed it. Then Tuiau (the midge) was sent, and death was the lot of Tuiau. But when Hine sent the silent Namu (sandfly), success was won, and she obtained a drop of the blood of Maui, over which she performed certain rites of magic to enable her to take the life of Maui.

At a certain time the thought came to Maui that he would strive to gain eternal life for man, that man might revive from decay as the moon does. He called together his people—the forest elves, the birds, and the multitude of the Mahoihoi—and explained to them his design. They said, “Maui, you will perish. Beware! Your spirit has been taken by Hine-nui-te-Po.” But Maui persisted, and so he and his people fared on until they found the dread Goddess of Hades, who was asleep. Said Maui to his folk, “You must be very careful not to laugh while I enter the body of Hine, lest she awaken and slay me. When I have gained [or obtained] her manawa, then all will be well. Do as I say and Hine [or her power to inflict death upon mankind] shall be destroyed.” Then Maui essayed to enter the body of Hine by the passage whence man is born into the world. But when he had half entered, the strange sight was too much for Piwakawaka (the fantail, a bird), who laughed aloud. Hence awoke the dread Goddess of Death, who, by closing her puapua (? labia) caused the death of Maui. So perished Maui, the hero, he who performed marvellous deeds, but who succumbed in his effort to gain eternal life for man.

(Ka ki atu a Maui ki ana iwi, “Kei kata koutou ki ahau. Mehemea ka uru ahau ki roto i nga puapua o Hine-nui-te-Po, kei kata koutou ki ahau. Ki te kata koutou, ka mate ahau; ki te kore e kata, ko ia ka mate i a au. Kia taea ra ano e ahau tona manawa, katahi ka hamumu ai koutou.” Katahi ka tukua kia ngaro ki roto i nga kuwha o Hine-nui-te-Po, tu maro ana te nanakia i roto i nga kuha (kuwha) o Hine. Na, kua heke iho a Maui, ka tae iho ia ki nga puapua o Hine-nui-te-Po, e tuhera (tuwhera)

[Footnote] * Aria=semblance. This blood would be used as an ohonga. (See Transactions, vol. xxxiv, p. 75.)

– 154 –

ana. Kihai i kata. No te tomokanga atu ki roto, katahi ka kataina mai e te moho-tupereru, katahi ka whakakopia mai nga nga kuwha o taua wahine, mate tonu iho a Maui. Ko Maui tenei ka mate i a Hine-nui-te-Po.)

In this version it is the moho bird which causes the disaster to Maui and the genus homo.

In an account of Maori magic given by an old Native of Ngati-Awa (tribe) I note the following passage: “Me waiho ko te tawhito o Hine-nui-te-Po, ko tena te atua i patua ai te tangata nana i raweke a raua tamariki ko tona taina.” The tawhito of Hine-nui-te-Po was the demon that destroyed the person who slew the children of her sister and self. This word “tawhito” is a very ancient sacerdotal term for the organs of generation in man (membrum virile)

The object of Maui in entering the body of Hine was to gain her manawa, a term which is applied to the heart, and also the breath (manawa-ora, the life-breath). In failing to effect this he lost the chance of acquiring eternal life for man, while Hine, in triumph, not only slew Maui, but carried out her will as to the introduction of universal death into this world. As her word was to Tane of old, ever she drags man down to the realm of death.

Some Native authorities state that it was Maui who argued with the Queen of Hades as to whether death should or should not be allowed to enter the world, and also that Maui had deeply offended her by interfering with her connection with Tuna, the eel-god. Maui decided, they say to slay Hine on account of her practice of magic arts, by which means she destroyed many people. Her word was,—

Ka kukuti
Ka kukuti nga puapua
O Hine-nui-te-Po
Ka whai toremi.

The drop of Maui's blood obtained by Hine was used as an ohonga, or connection between her rites of magic and the person of Maui. (See vol. xxxiv of the Transactions, p. 75, for an explanation of this matter.)

The meaning of this singular allegorical myth may not be clear to our minds, for we have attained to a different plane of thought from that occupied by primitive man. We do not, and never will, understand the inwardness of the primitive mind. The time for us to do so has long passed away. But ever in Maori magic rites—barbaric ritual of a deeply superstitious people—may be noted the strange belief that the female genitary organs are allied to death and misfortune, while the male organ was resorted to in order to save man from disaster, from the charms and spells of magicians.

– 155 –

In an old invocation or incantation repeated by the priests of old in order to relocate the breath of life in an apparently dying person we find the following:—

Kai hea?
Kai hea te pu o te mate?
Kai runga, kai raro
Kai te hikahika nui no Hine-nui-te-Po, &c.

(“Where is the cause or origin of death? It is above and below. It is in the organ of Hine-nui-te-Po.”)

A singular discourse delivered by an old Native to myself puts a somewhat different complexion on the story of Tane seeking the female element. He said, “I will speak of life and death. When Tane approached his parent Rangi, in his search for the female sex, Rangi said to him, ‘The whare o aitua [abode of misfortune or death] yawns below, while open above is the whare o te ora [site of life, &c.].’ The former term implies the female organ, while the latter expression is applied to the ears, eyes, nostrils, and mouth. Now, when Tane found woman he was ignorant of the laws of procreation and of copulation, hence he mistook the purpose of the ears, nostrils, &c. Now, if Tane had not interfered with the whare o te ora, death would never have approached man; he would have retained life for ever, even as do the children of Tangotango, who are the sun, moon, and stars.”

It will be noted that the above notes really contain two accounts of the origin of death, which may perhaps be accounted for when we know that these isles were not settled by one migration of Polynesians, but by at least two, whose myths and traditions may have differed somewhat. Moreover, I am becoming imbued with the idea that many such origins or myths bear a twofold aspect as recorded in Maori tradition, the one being of a sacerdotal character, retained by and known to but a few persons, such as the priests and chiefs; while the other version is the popular one, known to all members of the tribe, and appears conserved in the folk-lore of the people, often interwoven with the doings of some popular old-time hero.

The adventures and deeds of such beings as Maui, Tawhaki, &c., are common property, told around any camp-fire, or in any place where Natives are gathered together. No reticence marks the imparting of such folk-lore tales to Europeans. But how different, and difficult, it is to acquire any matter pertaining to the real old-time religion, the cult of Io, the collector alone knows.

The underworld, or Hades, to which the spirits of the dead descend, is termed the “po,”, a word which also means “night.” Pouri=dark; uri denotes blackness or very dark colour

– 156 –

This underworld of the dead will be treated of later on, but I wish to state here that the “po” is a term often used as a synonym for death. In like manner the expression “ao marama” (light world, or world of light) is employed to denote life, the world of life, this world we live in. Hence “light” and “life” are, to the Maori, equal terms, as also are “darkness” and “death.”

A natural death is termed “mate aitu,” or “mate tara whare,” sometimes “hemo-o-aitu.” Suicide is known as “whakamomori.”

In the very old myth of Mahu and Haereatautu mention is made of Noke, the Worm of Death. This Haere was one of the rainbow-gods of the Maori. He was taken by Mahu to a paepae (latrine), where Noke entered his body and caused his death. This myth, as obtained, is too fragmentary to carry any explanation with it.

How The Maori Dies.

As a rule the Maori meets death calmly and without betraying fear, but not cheerfully. (Who does?) He had no belief in any future state of happiness, in any realm of peace where the spirits of the dead abide amid either sensual, social, or intellectual pleasures; no spiritual happiness and contentment awaited him after death. His mentality had not evolved any form of belief in judgment of the soul after death, in any system of reward or punishment in the spirit-world for virtuous conduct or sins committed while in the flesh. Hence he had no fear of future punishment, of suffering in the next world for sins committed in the world of life. No priest terrorised imaginative minds with threats of awful sufferings after death, or demanded any form of payment for services rendered in averting such sufferings. To state, however, that the Maori possessed no system of ethology, as some writers have done, is quite wrong. His moral code differed considerably from our own, hence, with Western obtuseness, we cannot grasp it, or even recognise it. To discover and study that system you must examine the working of the laws of the tapu cult, the intricacies of which have never yet been fully explained by any writer. Sin to the Maori was invariably connected with some infringement of tapu. No man in olden times was allowed to take part in any sacred or important undertaking until his mind, or heart, had been purified by means of a very singular and sacred religious rite, which imparted to him moral, mental, and intellectual cleanliness. In the days that lie before we will endeavour to explain these matters.

The old-time Maori generally met death bravely on the battle-field, even when put to torture by enemies. When dying from disease or natural decay they do so calmly, and even in an apa-

– 157 –

thetic manner. One does not notice in the Maori so situated any of the keen desire and struggle to live so often noticed among white people. His mind is too deeply imbued with fatalism for that. When stricken with illness, real or imaginary, the gloom of Te Po seems to already envelop him. More especially is this noticeable when a Native believes that he has been bewitched. Once let him get this idea fixed in his mind and his doom is sealed; he will surely die ere long. I have known such cases in this district during the past few years.

When a person fell ill he was almost invariably taken a little way from the village, and either a miserable shed of brush or palm-leaves erected over him, or he was simply left in the open. He would not be allowed to die in his house, on account of the intense tapu which pertained to death. If he did so, then the house could no longer be used, for it would be tapu, and would simply be left to decay. In former days, when fighting was of common occurrence, it often happened that a fortified village would be deserted on account of the blood of its occupants having been spilt there while defending the same against an enemy. In such a case, if no local priest was deemed sufficiently high in his profession to lift the tapu from the blood-stained defences, then the garrison deserted that place and built another fort elsewhere. When Te Kanapa and others were shot at the Mana-tepa Fort, at Ruatahuna, in the early forties, that strong-hold was deserted by the garrison on account of blood having been shed therein. The forts known as Te Tawai and Te Kape, in the same valley, were deserted on account of certain people having been buried therein.

For the reasons above stated, the Maori usually died in the open air. When death was seen to be near, the sufferer was generally carried to the marae, or plaza, of the village, and there laid on some mats on the ground, either without covering (if fine weather) or with but a rude shed over him, which shed would probably be open at the sides. At the present time a tent is usually used for the purpose. But often they die absolutely in the open.

In many cases when nearing his end a person would say that he would die at a certain stated time, which he usually contrived to do. The people of his village, as also others, probably, from adjacent settlements, would gather at such time on the plaza before the dying man's couch and there await his dying words—i.e., his advice, injunctions, behests, &c., as also his farewell greeting to his tribe. Such speeches are termed “oha,” “poroaki,” or “poroporoaki.”

When old Whakamoe lay sick unto death by the shores of Waikare-moana, a Native Land Commission was expected to

– 158 –

soon arrive at that place. The old man informed his people that he would not die until he had welcomed the Commissioners. Days ran into weeks, and the Europeans had not yet arrived. But Whakamoe clung to life, and kept his word; for one morning the waiting people saw canoes crowded with people leave the dark shadows under Huiarau and glide across the calm, bright waters of the rippling sea. When the visitors—European and Native—marched into the village plaza the world-weary old warrior was waiting for them. He lay on his last couch, on the ground, his relatives near him, and then was heard his voice uttering the old-time greetings of the Maori people as he welcomed the visitors from the outer world and the vale of Ruatahu-na. After this greeting he addressed his tribesmen, advising them as to how to conduct their affairs, and commending the visitors to their care and hospitality. And then he bade farewell to his people, and so fared forth upon the great unknown ocean, like the children of Pani of old.

A Native prefers to die in the open air: He mihi ki te ao marama te take. Ka mihi ia ki te ao marama ka whakarerea e ia. The reason is, he likes to greet the world of life and being. He greets the world he is about to leave. If a sick person asks to be taken out into the open, that is viewed as a sign of death being near. Sometimes, however, a person is not brought out thus into the open. The passing-away of a person, the last hour, is termed “whakahemohemo.” But even if a person died under shelter, yet the body would be exposed in the marae (plaza, court) after death for the mourning ceremonies, the lying-in-state—of which more anon. In the case of persons of low birth (ware), many rites and customs were omitted. He was a nobody, a person of no importance. But little ceremony pertained to the death of a ware.

Sometimes when a person of importance was nigh unto death a human sacrifice would be made. One of his relatives would slay a person as a “koangaumu,” as it is termed, the body being known as an “ika koangaumu” (sacrificial fish, or victim). The idea was an exaltation of the sick person. The body of the sacrifice was eaten, a portion of the flesh being given to the invalid. It is said that the act of slaying a person would serve the purpose of allaying the grief of the sick person's relatives, who expected soon to lose him.

The Maoris believe in omens innumerable. Signs of coming disaster, as a defeat in battle, or the death of a chief, are numberless. If a comet (known as “Tu-nui-a-te-ika”) was seen, persons would ask, “Who is the striken one?”—for such was a sign of death. Some tribes or clans had tribal or family banshees, such as Hine-ruarangi, of the Ngati-Whare people.

– 159 –

These omens will not be inserted here, on account of their excessive number. Also, many of them have been published already in my paper on “Omens and Superstitions of the Maori.”*

We will now attend the bedside of the dying Maori and see how he fares when caught in the “snare of Hine-nui-te-Po,” as the saying has it. We will note his thoughts regarding death and the spirit-world; we will look with his eyes on strange rites, and stand by the priest who aids his soul to quit the wrecked body; we will follow him to the underworld and commune with the gods of Hades: and you shall see a man who dies calmly, and in times of stress—as under torture—bravely. For his mind has not been terrorised for long centuries by pictures of eternal suffering after death. His priests, in one respect, could teach us one grand lesson. He has not been taught to fear the here-after.

The end is near. The sick person has been carried to the plaza of the village home or fort; his relatives and friends are gathered here to hear his last words. If he be an important person, practically the whole tribe are present—at least, all those dwelling near by—though I have seen Natives travel forty miles over rough bush trails to see their chief die and to hear his last words. If he had been taken ill away from home his relatives would carry him thence on a litter, so that he might die on his own land and among his own people—a very desirable thing among Natives. I have seen men so carried over the roughest forest ranges.

The dying man would be found lying on some mats placed on the ground, and covered with the scant clothing of primitive man, probably a cloak woven from the fibre of the so-called flax (Phormium tenax). When a Maori dies, such of his clothing as may have been used by him or have been in contact with him during his illness is either buried with him or burned at his death. In former times they possessed nothing in the way of clothing similar to European garments, but merely cloaks, capes, and kilts. Since the Natives have adopted European garments, relatives of a person near his end will often say to him, “Put on your clothes,” and will assist him to do so. He thus dies in them, and is buried in them. If any such are left they are burned. But if he has any spare clothing packed away, such is not destroyed at his death, but is taken by relatives. Also, the vessels used to cook food in for a sick person, if his own property, are often destroyed at his death. They are destroyed for the same reason that his clothing was burned—lest others use them; for death has its

[Footnote] * See “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. vii.

– 160 –

tapu, as has birth. In entering and leaving the world man is under strong tapu

But the tribe is waiting for the last words, the dying speech of our tupapaku (sick person). They have gathered to attend his death-bed—i.e., to whakahemohemo him. Prior, however, to this last farewell the sick man has called his family around him—i.e., the gens, or family group—and has expressed to them his wishes as to the disposal of his personal property, his interests in tribal lands, &c., so that no trouble may ensue in regard to the same after his death.

It must here be borne in mind that the Maori, being unacquainted with any graphic system, made all important arrangements such as the above by means of explaining them in a formal speech to his people or tribe or subtribe. The disposal of his property by a dying person in the above manner was equivalent to the making of his will. Such an arrangement would stand good, and be respected by the people, because it had been explained in the presence of the tribe or clan, as custom demanded. It was therefore a legal act.

“I speak of the days of old. When a man was near death, his people collected around him when they knew that he was about to leave them. The people assemble before him in the marae [plaza], they greet their passing chief: ‘O sir, greetings to you! We wish you to speak to your tribe, to your family, to your offspring.’ The patriarch speaks: ‘When my face is lost to your sight, live peacefully with each other. Ever remember the persons who brought evil, and peace, into this world, as seen in Aotea-roa [New Zealand]. The evil came from Tu and Tangaroa, from Tane and Tawhirimatea; while peace and prosperity originated with Rongo and Haumia, with Ioio-whenua and Putehue. This [peace] is what you must hold to and preserve, as a means of salvation for the tribe in the time that lies before, as a treasure for the people, as a means towards peacefulness. Then shall the result be a treasured home, domestic peace, and a peaceful land. Troubles shall not assail you.’ Before the people of Hawaiki came hither to Aotea-roa peace prevailed in this land, and the men of old strove to preserve such peace. Observe the words of Toi the Wood-eater, when he, a dying man, addressed his peoples. The tribes of Toi were assembled to say farewell to him, the lord of many clans. There were seen the Tururu-mauku, the Tini-o-te-Marangaranga, the Tini-o-Tuoi, the Rarauhe-maemae, the Kokomuka-tu-tara-whare, the Raupo-ngaueue, and many others. The Maranga-ranga greeted the old chief: ‘O sir, greetings to you!’ And Toi said, ‘Be careful to preserve the peace and prosperity handed down to you by your ancestors. Respect the behests

– 161 –

and trusts of your people who have gone before.’ The Tuoi arose: ‘O sir, the father of the people, the holder of the tribe, salutations to you!’ And Toi replied, ‘Hold to the welfare of your people, preserve it for the generations to come.’ Arose the Raupo-ngaueue: ‘O father, we greet you—you who nurtured the people that they might retain life in this world.’ Said Toi, ‘My words to you shall not differ. Your salvation—it is the advice given by Puhao-rangi and Ioio-whenua—the welfare of the tribe, preserve it.’ So died the famed Wood-eater, Toi of Ka-pu-te-rangi.”

It must not, however, be supposed that the last words of a Native chief were always of the above nature: far from it. The much-quoted Toi was the high chief of the tangata whenua, or original people, of the Bay of Plenty district, a people who were not, apparently, of a warlike disposition, in which respect they much differed from the later migration of Polynesians to these shores.

A leading feature in such valedictory addresses of a dying chief to his people lay in his strenuous urging of them to avenge such defeats, or murders, or insults as had been suffered by his tribe, and which accounts were not yet “squared.”

The term “oha” is applied by the Maori to all wishes, instructions, and advice of a dying person, as also to the property he leaves to his descendants. It also applies to his widow and to the tribe (Ko te hapu, he oha na te tangata rangatira kua mate). Williams's Maori Dictionary gives: oha = to greet; maioha = to greet; koha = parting instructions, respect, regard, a present, gift, &c.; oha = a relic, keepsake, a dying speech; whakatau-oha = to make a dying speech; oha = generous, &c.

Dying people are sometimes farewelled by the assembled people before they expire, but most of such speeches are uttered when the body is lying in state—i.e., after death. The tangi (wailing) also sometimes commences when the person is in extremis. The farewelling remarks of the people at this time, however, are as a rule not long speeches, but brief, sententious remarks, pregnant with mytho-poetic ideas and the mentality of a primitive people: e.g., “Haere ra, E Pa! Haere ki ou tipuna. Haere ki Hawaiki. Haere ra. E te pa-whakawairua! Haere ki Paerau.” (“Farewell, O father! Go to your ancestors. Depart to Hawaiki. Farewell. O the pa-whakawairua! Go to Paerau.”)

The terms “Hawaiki” and “Paerau” are in such cases used to imply the spirit-world, or perhaps the fatherland of the race in the sense of its being the place where the genus homo originated.

At other times the wailing commenced when the breath left the body.

– 162 –

The O-Matenga And Wai-O-Tane-Pi.

We will now glance at the singular custom of the o matenga (food for the death-journey), the supplying of food to a dying person for the long journey to the underworld, the realm of the dead. “O” is a term applied to food carried on a journey; “matenga” denotes the time or circumstance of dying. Apart from this “death (or dying) food,” the spirits of the dead are often spoken of as partaking of food in the land of spirits.

“Just before death, or perhaps the day before, a dying person often asks for some article of food which he fancies he could relish. That food is obtained; it is eaten: then death ensues.” The food so desired would be obtained for the sick person, however distant or difficult to procure.

Perhaps the favourite foods as o matenga desired by the men of olden times were — (1) human flesh; (2) earthworms (toke); (3) dog's flesh; (4) rats (kiore).

If when a person of rank was near death he desired to partake of human flesh as an o matenga, a party of his people would sally forth and slay a member of some other clan or subtribe of the surrounding people, or a member of another tribe. The body was cleaned, dismembered, and brought to the village home, where it was cooked in a steam-oven. A portion of the cooked flesh was partaken of by the dying person as his last meal in the world of life; the balance was eaten by the people.

When the war-party of Te Whakatohea Tribe, under Makawe and Heretaunga, attacked the people of Te Papuni, slaying Mahia and others, the chief Makawe was seriously wounded—so much so indeed that he was soon brought to his death-bed. When near his end Makawe called upon his people to provide him with an o matenga of human flesh. Thereupon a party of warriors attacked a village at Puke-taro, slaying several people. The heart of one of these victims was carried back to the Whakatohea camp at Te Huia. But Makawe had already passed beyond the need of o matenga in this world. Anyhow, that article would not be wasted.

Earthworms were another favourite o matenga in days of yore. The generic term for such is toke (or noke), but there are many different varieties, each having its distinct name. The two favourite kinds for the above purpose were the whiti and kurekure.* They were stoneboiled in vessels of wood or stone, and certain herbs (greens) mixed with them prior to being eaten. It is said that the sweet flavour (tawara) of this food remained on the palate for two days after the consumption

[Footnote] * The kurekure is Tokea esculenta, named by Professor Benham (See vol. xxxv of the Transactions, p. 64.)

– 163 –

thereof. So prized was this article of food that it was reserved for the chiefs. Hence it was termed a chief's death-food.

When Mura-kareke, a famous ancestor of the Tuhoe Tribe, came to his death-bed at Raorao-totara, a dog was killed, that its flesh might be utilised as an o matenga for him.

The flesh of the frugivorous native rat was also a much esteemed article of food, and often used for the above purpose.

Regarding the Native habit of changing personal names when any important event occurred, this often takes place when a person dies. In many cases such new name is taken from the o matenga, or last food partaken of by the invalid. The last thing so eaten by a person at Te Waimana was an orange, or “arani” in Native pronunciation. Hence a relative gave his newly born child the name of Te O-arani — i.e., the orange o matenga, or the orange journey-food. Hatata, an old man of Rua-tahuna, recently assumed the name of Kuku because his grandchild ate some kuku (mussels) just before death.

A person at Rotorua partook of some ti-ta-whiti (a species of Cordyline) as a last food, therefore a relative assumed the name of Te O-ti. In another case, at Ruatoki, the final thing taken by the sufferer was a cup of tea (“ti” in Native pronunciation), hence a related child was given the name of Te O-ti. In some cases the last thing taken is a dose of medicine, or some stimulant. Hence the local names of Pua-wananga (= clematis; a medicine concocted from this was the last thing swallowed by a relative); Te O-parani (parani = brandy); and many others, too numerous to mention. These last three cases, however, should come under the heading of the wai o Tane-pi.

“A person is near death; he has ceased to partake of food, but can still take fluids. When he nears his end the sick one says, ‘Give me some water.’ That is the wai o Tane-pi, the last drink on his road to the realm of darkness.” This expression, “the water of Tane-pi,” is applied to the last drink taken by a dying person. It is a liquid o matenga. The term “wai o Tane-pi” is applicable to death. It was just cold water, the only beverage of the Maori in pre-European days.

When a man was near death he might say, “O that I might drink of the waters of [such a stream]!” and that water would be obtained for him, that he might drink thereof ere he passed away.

When Te Maitaranui (of Tuhoe) and Te Roro (of Ngati-Manawa) were slain at Te Reinga such an incident occurred. Te Roro fled, but was pursued and caught. Seeing that his end had come, he said to his captors, “Taihoa ahau e patu, kia inu ahau i te wai o Kai-tarahae” (“Do not slay me until I have drunk of the waters of Kai-tarahae”). Kai-tarahae is the name of a

– 164 –

stream which flows into the river at the Reinga Falls. Te Maitaranui remarked, “He manu hou ahau, he kohanga ka rerea” (“I am but a fledgeling bird, a nest just forsaken”). This was in allusion to his youth, which did not, however, save him.

The origin of the name “Tane-pi” is not clear. Another form is wai o Tane-here-pi, which may be the same thing, or connected with it. When the Ngati-Tai people attacked the Panenehu at Wai-kurapa they slew the two children of Tu-namu—Tai-auhi-kura and Tu-auhi-kura. When their father heard of the death of the children he exclaimed, “Having fed you on the wai o Tane-here-pi, I thought you would have been strong enough to take care of yourselves.”

The term “whakamaui” implies the rallying and recovery of a person apparently dying—“Mana ano e whakamaui ake” (“He may possibly rally round”). The origin of this expression is a feat performed by the old-time hero Maui. At one time during his adventurous career he was captured and slain, some say by Hine-nui-te-Po. But the slayers of Maui reckoned without their host, for the spirit of Maui entered into his body again, and he came back to life.

Manawa kiore : This expression implies the faint breathing of a dying person who is past speech.

Of a person in extremis a Native will say, “Kai'te ihu o te tupapaku te manawa e nga ana, kua kore kai raro,” or “Te manawa o te tupapaku kei te ihu tonu e kapo ana”—meaning that the faint breathing is only noticeable by a slight fluttering or movement of the nostrils; the heart pulsates only at the nose.

The final expulsion of breath by a dying person is termed the “puhanga ake o te manawa” (“There is one final expulsion of breath, the eyes stare wildly, it is death”).

Hirihiri; Ara Atua.

Of the many rites performed over a sick person by the tohunga, or priest, I shall not here speak, inasmuch as I have already put them into the form of a paper which was forwarded to the late Dr. Goldie, and which will appear in the forthcoming volume of the society's Transactions, together with many other items concerning Native treatment of disease, &c. There is, however, one rite, as performed by priests over dying persons, which has a place here, and that is the assisting of the soul or spirit of man to leave his dying body. This rite comes under the term of “hirihiri,” which expression needs a few words of explanation, inasmuch as it has several bearings. The hirihiri taua is a ceremony performed over warriors about to lift the war trail, and has been described in a former paper. Another hirihiri is that peculiar rite by which a demon which causes disease

– 165 –

by entering the body of man is forced by priestly arts to leave the sufferer's body and take itself off. The hirihiri of which we now speak is a rite the performance of which assists the soul of a dying person to quit his body and wend its way to the land of spirits. One of the objects of this ceremony is that the departing spirit may be induced to pass straight to spirit-land, and not remain in the vicinity of its former physical basis to afflict the living.

In the performance of this peculiar ceremony the priest suspended over the mouth of the dying subject a piece of the harakeke leaf (Phormium tenax), or a blade of some sedge-like grass, or of tutumako. This was the ara atua, described by me in Dr. Goldie's paper. By it the passing soul was supposed to leave the body, and was assisted to do so by means of an invocation recited by the attendant priest, and termed a “hirihiri.”

So soon as the breath of life has left the sufferer's body the wailing for the dead is commenced by surrounding relatives. Since the introduction of firearms a custom has obtained of firing guns when a person dies, and also during the mourning ceremonies which follow. This is termed a “maimai aroha” (token of affection).

The eyes of the defunct are closed by a relative.

When the sound of gun-firing is heard at a place where it is known a person has been lying ill, then it is understood that he is no more, and people may be seen wending their way from adjacent settlements to that place, in order to join in the wailing (tangihanga) for the dead. Sometimes guns are fired just prior to death, when it is evident to the attendants that he is passing away.

In former times it often occurred that on a man's death his widow or widows would commit suicide—usually, perhaps, by hanging themselves, or by throwing themselves over a cliff; but in later times, often by means of firearms.

So soon as the death of a man occurred his body was “trussed” for burial—i.e., before it became cold; albeit it would not be buried for some days. This “trussing” process, styled “rukuruku” and “korukuruku,” consisted in crossing the arms on the breast and drawing the legs up until the knees rested on them, under the chin. A cloak was wrapped round the body, and the limbs retained in the above-described position by means of a cord lashed round the body. The bodies of women were also manipulated in this manner.

Mortuary Sacrifice.

No description of Maori eschatology would be in any way complete without some reference to the custom of human sacri-

– 166 –

fices pertaining to the death of members of the chieftain class. As old Tutakangahau put it to me, “A person was slain for a dead chief, as a koangaumu [see ante]. A person of another hapu [subtribe] would be killed for the purpose, and ever after the people of that hapu would be subjected to such remarks as, ‘You were the human sacrifice for my ancestor.’ This custom of sacrificing a person was an exalting of the dead person, a making much of him.”

If it was believed that the dead chief had been bewitched, then the person who it was believed had bewitched him, and so caused his death, was selected as an ika koangaumu, or sacrifice, or perhaps another member of his tribe if the real culprit was not available.

There were two purposes for which persons were slain, in cases where no witchcraft was suspected. Men were killed to provide human flesh for the funeral feast, but these were often slaves of the tribe, and the butchering of them was not a ritual performance. But the putu kai was a very different thing. A person of good rank, perhaps a relative of the defunct chief, was slain as in exaltation of, and a token of respect to, the dead. In this case, however, the body of the sacrifice was not eaten. The sacrifice was sometimes selected from the same subtribe as that of the dead chief, but more often from a different one. He would not necessarily be slain at the home of the deceased chief, nor yet his body be brought there. But a party would go forth and slay him wherever they might find him, among his own people, and simply leave the body lying where death overtook it, for his friends to bury.

I have failed to obtain any confirmation of a statement made by some writers that these persons were sacrificed at such a time in order that their spirits might attend that of the deceased chief to or in Hades, and that men of rank were never slain for the purpose.

Mourning For The Dead.

When a Maori dies the body is laid out on or near the marae (plaza) of the village for several days before it is buried, and it is during this period that the mourning is carried on. The corpse is laid upon mats of woven or plaited fibres of New Zealand flax, or of kiekie (a climbing plant with leaves which contain a strong fibre), and is covered with a Native cloak woven from the fibre of Phormium tenax, or New Zealand flax. Possibly a rude shed may be erected in which to so place the body. In modern times a calico tent is often used. In this way is the corpse exposed to view prior to burial, and before it assemble the mourners, save the near relatives, who are grouped near and on either side of the body. In the case of a person of

– 167 –

the chieftain class, the corpse is decorated in various ways, and his weapons are suspended near his body, or laid by the side thereof. It is, in fact, a lying in state.

To describe this lying in state a Native will say, “Such a person is lying on the atamira,” or “The corpse is lying on the atamira.” The Maori dictionaries give this word as meaning “a low stage on which a dead person is laid out, one end being elevated for the head.” However, it is now merely a figurative expression, no stage being used, but only mats. In former times the bodies of members of the rangatira or chieftain class were covered with fine ornamented cloaks. The hair was dressed carefully, and prized plumes were placed therein. The garments, &c., actually lying on the body, or in which it was wrapped, were buried with it. Those cloaks or weapons hung near the corpse were not so buried.

At the present time a corpse is either laid out straight, or is propped up by and leans against a supporting structure.

If at death it was noticed, in former times, that one or more fingers of the dead person were extended, that was taken as a sign that a like number of his relatives would die ere long.

The mats on which a person lies at death are burned. If he dies in a hut it must be burned, or deserted as tapu. These precautions are taken in order to prevent the spirit of the dead from returning to trouble the living.

In addition to his weapons, fine garments, &c., exhibited on a person's bier as a sign of his chieftainship, it was also a custom of yore to so display any prized heirloom or treasure of the tribe with a similar view. But the defunct one must have been a person of importance in the tribe to allow of such a procedure, for many of such ancestral treasures were looked upon as being sacred. Any person so depositing a prized family heirloom on the bier for the period of the lying in state paid a great token of respect to the dead.

When a person was lying in death in former times, should he fancy that he had been bewitched, and so done to death, one would take a fernstalk in his hand and strike the body with it, saying at the same time, “Anei to rakau; anei to rakau hai ranaki [rangaki] i to mate” (“Here is your weapon; here is your weapon wherewith to avenge your death”). This act was to incite the wairua (spirit) of the dead person to turn upon the bewitchers and destroy them. (E whakatara ana tena i te wairua o te tupapaku kia haututu, kia tahuri ki nga tangata nanai raweke.)

In Major Heaphy's account of the Natives of Port Nicholson as noted in 1839 he speaks of the fight near Wai-kanae known as “Te Kuititanga.” “We entered the pa [fort] about three hours

– 168 –

after the fight was over. The chief, killed by a musket-ball, lay in state on a platform in the large enclosure [marae]. His hair was decorated with huia feathers, a fine kaitaka mat [cloak] was spread over him, a greenstone mere [battle-axe] was in his hand, with the thong around his wrist; his spear and musket were by his side. The bodies of slain persons of inferior rank were lying in the verandahs of their respective houses, each covered with the best mat [cloak], and with the personal weapons conspicuously placed beside,” &c.*

As observed, so soon as the breath of life departed the wailing for the dead was (and is) commenced by those present. Silent grief is not thought much of by the Maori. When the people of neighbouring settlements hear the gun-firing, or lamentation, they repair to the scene. The relatives of the dead are nearest the body, the other portion of the assembled people are standing further from it, but at one or both sides, not in front of it, and facing the direction in which the mourning party will march on to the marae, or village courtyard or common. They are perfectly silent, save a few old women, who are in advance of the main body, and, with bowed bodies, are weeping and wailing in an extremely doleful manner. No cry of welcome is heard. The mourning party march up in column, very slowly, and utter no sound. When within a distance of 30 yards, more or less, of the village people, and facing them and the corpse, the column halts, and then the tangihanga, or crying for the dead, is commenced by both parties. No word is uttered, but the mournful crying and wailing has a most lugubrious sound. A Maori can open his tear-fonts at the shortest notice, even when attending the obsequies of his greatest enemy, for whom he has neither liking nor respect. They have a poor opinion of the silent grief of the white man, and express doubts as to its genuineness. A Maori enjoys a tangi, certainly if the defunct person is not a near relative or friend.

The mourners do not look at each other, or at the opposite party, during the crying, but usually look downwards. The tears simply stream down their faces; also their noses have an unpleasant habit of running copiously at such times. Hence the old-time saying, “Ko Roimata, ko Hupe nga kai utu i nga patu a Aitua” (“Tears and Hupe are the avengers of the strokes of misfortune”—i.e., of death). This expression is often made use of in funeral speeches. A Maori mourning party is not a pleasant sight.

This scene continues for some time. Those seen by myself were continued for varying periods, from half an hour to per-

[Footnote] * See “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” vol. xii, pp. 38–39.

[Footnote] † Hupe: Discharge from the nose is so termed.

– 169 –

haps two hours. But a similar scene would be enacted on the arrival of every fresh mourning party, which might arrive, at ever widening intervals, for a year after the death of a person.

During the tangihanga or weeping there are usually several elderly or old women who advance to the space between the two parties—i.e., who place themselves in front of their respective parties—and there, with bowed bodies and outstretched, quivering arms, appear to act as chief mourners, though they may not be the nearest relatives of the deceased then present. This is termed “tangi tikapa.” These few persons occasionally wail forth a line of some dirge, and then recommence their wordless wailing sound.

Another custom much in evidence formerly at such times, but now discontinued, was the haehae, or laceration of the body by mourners.

“A Maori dies. The people collect for the wailing. The nearest relatives of the dead show their affection by lacerating their bodies, faces, arms, and legs until they are scored all over. It was a token of affection. Though the dead be male or female, daughter or son, that was the sign of affection of our ancestors. The greatest sign of their affection was the preserving of the head of a relative and carrying it about with them. But Christianity put a stop to that. The laceration of the body was done with obsidian [flakes]: hence these words in an ancient dirge, ‘Homai he mata kia haehae au’ [‘Give me obsidian, that I may lacerate myself’].”

This custom of cutting the body was practised by near relatives of the dead only (among the Tuhoe Tribe). These mourners presented a gruesome sight, stripped to the waist, blood streaming from numerous gashes made by the keen obsidian (mata).

Anent this cutting of the body at funeral obsequies, Andrew Lang, in his “Making of Religion,” looks upon it as being practised as a counter-irritant of grief, and a token of recklessness caused by sorrow. The Maori ever gives the one explanation thereof—He tohu aroha—a sign of affection or sympathy. As the word of old was “Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead,” so has the custom died out in these isles.

Another custom among these Natives is that of presenting gifts to the bereaved clan or relatives of the deceased. Such gifts are termed “taonga kopaki” (taonga = goods, property; kopaki, as an adjective = wrapping, enveloping, covering). Some of the persons who join the visiting mourning parties will bear with them such articles as fine cloaks, polished greenstone ornaments, &c. After the tangihanga, or wailing, is over such persons will step forward and present their gifts, laying

– 170 –

them on the ground in front of the assembled people of the place. This is a token of sympathy, of condolence.

“Friend, a further word. When a Native chief dies we do not merely lacerate ourselves, but also collect food to take to the obsequies for the dead; also fine garments, and jewels [greenstone ornaments]. Those who are mourning for the dead are stripped [to the waist]. They lacerate themselves. Their eyes glare wildly. When the lamentation is over the gifts are handed over—namely, the taonga kopaki. Then the greeting to the dead commences; he is farewelled. Also are greeted, and sympathized with, the living relatives of the dead.”

It is also a custom for mourners to carry at such times green boughs of trees or shrubs in their hands, and to wear on their heads fillets or chaplets of green leaves, &c. I have heard it stated by Natives that in former times it was not the custom to invite people to come and mourn for the dead, as is often done now by the relatives. It was left for people to so come of their own initiative, prompted by their sympathy. The kiri mate (an expression applied to relatives of a deceased person) would announce their intention of so going, and others would accompany them.

“Our ancestors desired that man should die as the moon dies—that is, die and return again to this world. But Hine-nuite-Po said, ‘Not so. Let man die and be returned to Mother Earth, that he may be mourned and wept for.’ Hence it is that we see the Maori people going to greet and weep for those who have died by the house-wall. And those also who have died by drowning or other accidents, there is but one way to avenge their deaths, and that is by lamentation. The only return is that of greeting, of weeping. The mourning parties go forth to wail for the dead, and thus is death avenged [equalised].”

When the visiting mourners are making speeches on the plaza, after the wailing is over, they speak directly to the dead, and not in the third person. They ever speak in eulogy of the deceased, of his good qualities, his generosity, hospitality, courage, &c., frequently crying him farewell, and using many peculiar expressions, figurative, mytho-poetical; quotations from ancient myths, proverbial sayings, and aphorisms. Extracts of an allegorical nature culled from old-time lore, dirges and laments for the dead, are all introduced into their speeches. The companions of the speaker will join in many of the songs, perhaps in all, but the village people will not join in rendering those of the visiting mourners, nor will the latter join in those of the village people. After the wailing is over and the speeches are commenced the people usually sit on the ground, only the speaker standing, except when a song is sung, when those who

– 171 –

join in it all stand up, usually grouping themselves together, and always facing the opposite party.

The people of the place where the dead person is lying are the first to rise after the wailing is over and deliver speeches. The principal persons only of either side deliver such formal speeches. When the first speaker has finished another arises, and so on. When the last speaker of the home people has finished there is a short pause ere the first speaker of the visitors arises. This is to make sure that the home people have finished speaking.

The speakers of the home people will first address the visitors somewhat in this strain: “Haere mai, haere mai, haere mai. Haere mai te iwi; haere mai nga rangatiratanga; haere mai nga mana; haere mai ki te mihi ki to tatou papa e takoto nei. Kua hinga to tatou rata whakamarumaru. Ko te manawa ora kua riro, ko te ahua anake i waiho. Ko tenei, haere mai; haria mai nga mate o era kainga, utaina mai ki runga ki nga mate o tenei kainga. Ko tatou he morehu no aitua,” &c. (“Come hither, come hither, come hither. Come the people; come the rank, the prestige; come and greet our father who lies before us. Our sheltering tree has fallen. The breath of life has departed, the semblance alone is left. So now come hither, welcome; bear hither the troubles of other homes, join them to the afflictions of this place. We are but the survivors of misfortune.”)

When a speaker of the visitors rises he will first address the home people: “Call to us. Call the troubles of other homes. Call to the people who sympathize with you. It was said of old that man shall be caught, one and all, in the snare of the Goddess of Hades, that he shall be mourned and wept for. Hence we come hither. By tears and grief alone shall [a natural] death be avenged,” &c. Then, turning slightly, so as to immediately face the dead, the speaker addresses the body in the second person: “Toku papa, haere. Haere, haere, haere, haere. Haere ki te Po—haere ki te Po—haere ki te Po. Haere ki ou tupuna. Haere ki Hawaiki. Haere ki ou matua. Haere ki Paerau. Haere ra, te maioro te karia, te whakaruru hau. Haere ki Tawhiti-nui, ki Tawhiti-roa, ki Tawhi-ti-pamamao. Taku toi kahurangi, haere. Marua ana te whenua i a koe kua riro i te tari a Hine-nui-te-Po. Kua kore he tangata hai arai i te kino, i te aha, i te aha, i te aha,” &c. (“My father, farewell. Go, go, go, go. Go to the spirit-land—to the spiritland—to the spiritland. Go to your ancestors. Go to Hawaiki. Go to join your elders. Go to Paerau. Farewell, the breastwork of the people, the shelterer from piercing winds. Go to Tawhiti-nui,” &c. “My protector, farewell. Defenceless is the land since you were caught in the toils of the Goddess of Death. Remains none to avert evil,” &c.)

– 172 –

It will be observed how mourners farewell the dead to Hawaiki, to Paerau, &c. The latter seems to be a term applied to the spirit-world. But Hawaiki and the various Tawhiti are names of lands wherein the ancestors of the Maori sojourned in times long past away. Hawaiki, say the Native legends, is a far-distant land where originated the Maori race, hence the spirits of the dead are supposed to return to the primal home of the Maori, and are so farewelled by the living. hawaiki lies to the west, towards the setting sun, and the departing place of spirits is situated on the western or north-western parts of not only New Zealand, but also the isles of Polynesia inhabited by the Maori race.

“A Native dies. The living bid farewell to him. The cry is, ‘Go to Hawaiki.’ That was the permanent home of our ancestors, hence this ancient cry of farewell to the dead. Although dead, and separated from the living, that is the address to them, to those whom death has taken.” Here in this explanation, given by a Native, we see the Maori idea that spirits of the dead fare to Hawaiki, the cradle of the race, where man originated.

When a chief dies, the high mountains or ranges of his district are mentioned in such funeral speeches, for such natural objects, or some of them, possess considerable prestige. Such hills in this district of Tuhoeland are Maunga-pohatu, Te Peke, and Manawaru. “Ko Maunga-pohatu te maunga, ko Pohokorua te tangata o raro” (“Maunga-pohatu is the mountain, Pohokorua is the person beneath it”) is a common style of expressing this idea.

Whare mate” is an expression applied to mourning relatives of the dead. The near relatives of the deceased would not take food until after the burial, except at night, and in secret.

A peculiar term, “makau”: This is given as = spouse, wife, or husband, in Williams's “Maori Dictionary,” but Tuhoe do not seem to use it in that sense. Here it is applied usually by elderly women to their children or grandchildren, perhaps only in laments or addresses to the dead, as, e.g., “Te makau a te ipo—e,” or “Mai ra te makau—e.” A great many endearing terms are applied to children in funeral speeches, as “my sweet scented necklet,” “my jewel,” &c. In like manner are men compared with, and addressed as, “the white hawk,” “the totara sapling.”

Some time after the funeral ceremonies are over, perhaps a month after or longer, sometimes a full year, according to inclination and leisure from crop-work, the relatives of the deceased will form a party and proceed to visit other places and other subtribes or tribes as an uhunga, or mourning party.

– 173 –

Their object is to kawe te mate (convey the death) to other divisions of the tribe, to the more distant relatives of the deceased. When they arrive at a village the party will go through the same weeping and lamentation as already described. The speeches also are of a similar nature. Should any member of the people visited have died recently, then he will be included in the tangihanga, or mourning; in fact, such weeping, mourning, and speeches will apply to all persons of the two parties who have died since such parties last met to mourn for their dead.

One occasionally hears of very singular customs connected with mourning for the dead. I insert here descriptions of a few such.

After the defeat of the east coast Natives at Maketu, the following lament was composed as a whakaoriori potaka (song sung to the spinning of tops). The people would collect together, many of them being provided with humming-tops of the old Maori pattern. The people would sing the first verse and then all cry out the words “Hai! Tukua!” The last word was the signal to the top-spinners, who simultaneously started their tops spinning. The moaning or wailing hum of the tops represents the moaning sound made by mourners for the dead. When the tops are run down they are restrung, and another verse of the lament is sung, the top-spinners waiting for the cry “Tukua!” before starting their tops off again. I have seen a party of Natives going through this singular performance.

Toia te roroa o te tangata—e
Ina noa te poto ki te oma i Hunuhunu—e
Hai! Tukua!
Nga morehu ma te kai e patu—e
Ko te paku kai ra mau, E Te Arawa—e
Hai! Tukua!
E ki atu ana Karanama, e noho ki tamaiti nei—e
Takiri ana mai te upoko o te toa—e
Hai! Tukua!
Koro Mokena, huri mai ki te Kuini—e
Koi rawerawe ana ou mea kanu kaka—e
Hai! Tukua!
Na Tamehana ano tona whenua i utu
Ki te maramara taro—e
Waiho te raru ki to wahine—e
Hai! Tukua!

– 174 –

The following is equally as extraordinary as the foregoing. When several men of the Ngati-Tawhaki clan of Tuhoe were killed in the fight at Mana-te-pa, at Rua-tahuna, about 1840, one Tu-kai-rangi evolved the following scheme as a lament for the dead, and to banish the sadness and gloomy feelings of the survivors. This proceeding would be said to avenge, or equalise, the deaths of the friends of the performers. Tu-kai-rangi erected two moari, or swings (giant's strides), one near Mana-te-pa and one at Kiri-tahi. The following song was composed and sung while the swings were used. Grasping the ropes of the swing, the performers sang a verse of the song given below and then swung off round the pole, one after the other. When they stopped another verse was sung, and again the people whirled round the pole, and so on.

Tu-kai-rangi, hangaa he moari
Kia rere au i te taura whakawaho
Kai te pehi Hiri-whakamau
Na wai takahia.
Taku aroha ki a Te Haraki—e
Nga whaiaipo a Te Hiri-whakamau
Na waitakahia.
He taura ti—e
He taura harakeke
Nga taura o Te Hiri-whakamau
Na wai-takahia.

Another token of mourning in former times was the cutting of the hair. One way was to cut off all the hair very short with the exception of one patch, of perhaps 2 in. diameter, on the left side of the head. This was left the original length, of perhaps 2 ft. or less, and was allowed to hang down. It was called a “reureu.” I have seen a woman with her hair so cut when mourning for her dead child. This latter case, however, would probably not have occurred in former times, as Native women appear to have worn their hair short. Men, however, wore their hair long. A widow or widower would have all the hair cut off short. The hair cut off is buried with the corpse.

When a Maori dies, almost always a lament (tangi) is composed by relatives and sung during the period of mourning, usually when speeches are being made. Sometimes several are so composed for a single individual, if a person of consequence. Many old-time laments have been preserved for centuries, and are often extremely interesting, on account of containing allusions to the ancient history of the race. In fact, the laments and lullabies seem to be the most interesting of Native songs, and for a similar reason. Native laments of modern composition

– 175 –

are, as a rule, very inferior, or, if they are not so, owe it to the fact that they are composed by wholesale cribbery from ancient songs.

The higher forms of dirges for the dead are termed “apakura.” They may be called laments of a sacerdotal character, and often contain ancient cryptic phraseology of an old-time cult. The ordinary lament (tangi) for the dead is of quite different composition—in fact, they resemble ordinary songs, and are often so used.

The term “tangi taukuri” seems to apply to a lament wherein the composer bewails his own evil fortune, or that of his tribe. The tangi tikapa and tangi whakakurepe are modes of mourning, lamenting the dead, while going through various motions, such as swaying the bent body from side to side, quivering the hands with arms extended. Sometimes a weapon (patu or mere) is held in the right hand while going through the above genu-flexions.

I will now give two specimens of laments for the dead as illustration. The first was composed about eighteen generations ago, is a good specimen of ancient Maori composition, and contains many allusions to, and fragments of, old-time myths and history. My readers will regret to hear that it is incomplete, which accounts for its shortness. The second lament given is a modern one, composed about 1901 for a Native woman who died at Galatea.

He Tangi Mo Rangi-Uia, Na Te Matorohanga. (A Lament For Rangiuia, Composed By Te Matorohanga.)

E moe ana ahau i taku moe reka
Ka maranga kai runga i te po roa—e, o
I kukume tonu nei kia ngata te kanohi
Tena ra i a Tutapa-kahurangi
Puritia mai ra i te apai o te whare
Ka titiro iho koe, ka moe te kanohi
Ka tangi mai tona ihu, ka ngongoro tera
Ka waiho hai atua, ka tangi mai ki muri
Mauria atu ra e te au whakapeke a Tama-tukurangi
Ka paoa ki waho ra ki te Kopani—e,
Ki Te Kahu-o-te-rangi
Ko Te Ata-kaihia, ko Te Ata-hapara
Te ata ka pakaru, ka rere mai i te ra
Whiti ana i roto ra hai ohomauri hine
Ka tu mai te takahi ki a Tama-uru-rangi
Tomo atu, e hika! te tai o nui no rangi
I au e whiwhi—e, i au e nangara
Kauaka te rangi tapu taupurua iho
Ko te rangi tihore, ko te rangi waruhia
Kia marama koe ki te kete a Tane
I mauria mai nei hai tohu mo tona matua

– 176 –

Tataitia ra, tiwhaia i runga ra
Ki a Autahi, ki a Puanga raia
Ki a Takurua ra. Ringihia i te kete
Ko te Ika o te rangi ka ngako i runga nei
Ma Pua-hahana ra, ma Rauru, ma Wera
Tupatia iho ki te tihi o Tane
Ka mate i reira i a Tahu-kunia, i a Tahu-maero
Ko Tahu-aitu—e.
Ko koe ra tera, e hika !—e—i.

Whiti Tuarua (Second Verse).

Aue ! E hika ! Ki ou takanga nei
Ki nga marae ra
E kata haere ana ki te whatitoka nei
Hai atua kai ake mo roto i ahau
Ka tomo mai na koe te po tuauki
E ara ki runga ra, korero ki au
Kei noho puku koe te whare tahu
Ka maaha noa atu e roto i ahau
Akuanei, e hika! Te wetewete ai
Kia puta ra koe i te rangi tuatahi
He uri au no Tane
I hangahanga noa ra i a Hine-ahu-one
Ka tu te ringa, ka tu te waewae
Ka tu te mahunga,
Ka toro mai tona ure ki runga ki te tipuaki
Koia te tota—e—i.
Ka tapotu ki roto te kanohi
Ko te karu tena
Ki te pongaihu, ko te kea tena
Ki te waha ra, ko te mare tena
Ki te keke ra, ko te riko werawera
Ka hangai ki te tara
Me ko Hine-manuhiri, nana te kahurangi
Ko Hine-kapua-rangi, nana te kohatu
Ko Hine-a-tauira, ko Uru-rata—na—i.
Ko ngangara tana ka waiho ki te rangi
Ko te Ao-tu—e, ko te Ao-hore ra
Te Ao-taru-aitu, te Ao-mata-kaka
Mo-uriuri—e, Mo-rekareka ra
Mo-hiku-tu—e, Mo-hiku-tohe ra
Ko Whiro-te-tipua-manatu
Ko Tawakewake, ko Tawhangawhanga
Me ko Tama-ki-te-hau, ko Tama-ki-te-kapua
Te haerenga awatea ko Toi-te-huatahi
Ko ou tangata i te kai rakau
I te ponga, i te ti—e—i.
Ko Rauru tena ka tukua e koe
Ki Awa-tiko-kino
Kia mau, e hika ! Ki a Whatonga—e
Ki a Ruarangi—e
Ki a Pou-tiri-ao, ko Te Manu-tohi-kura
Ko Tane-hua-rangi, ka noho ko Rongomai-taha-nui
Ko Tama, ko Paikea
He tahuna akonga no te whenua

– 177 –

Ka whitia ki a Kahutia—e
Peka mai, e hika ! Ki a Pouheni—e
Ki a Tara-whakatu
Ko Tara-a-punga, ko Tara-paea-ra
Ko Rakai-te-uru, matua papaki—e
Ko Te Rangi-tautahi, me ko Tamakimaki
Ka waiho mo te nuinga te pito i a koe
Ki te po—na—i.

Whiti Tuatoru (Third Verse).

Ko wai ra, e hika!
To mata i haere ai koe ki te Po?
Ko Turanga-wahine, ko Turanga-tane
Te mata tena o to tupuna
O Te Ao-ariki i te Manu-tukutuku
Ka hinga tona puta ko Wai-o-tira—e
I oma atu ra ki a Papa raia
I hurihia atu ra e Tane ki raro
Ka puta atu ki waho ko Ruaumoko—e
Tarewa i tona puta ko te Raukape ra
Ko Tama-reo-rangi ka kume i a tini
E waitohu ake ana ki te ao marama
Ka ngarue te whenua, ka ngaoko te moana
Ko te tumu o te rangi, ko te take o te rangi
Ko Maru-i-tauira, ko Maru-i-torohanga
Ko Maru-i-taura, ko Maru-i-tawai
Ko Maru-i-taketake, ko Maru-whakatupua
Ka ea ki runga ra, ko te Tumoremore
Ko te Tuhaha
Ko Rua-kapanga—e, te Manu-nui ra
Ko Rua-te-hohonu, ko U-wawe-ki-uta
Ko Manawa-pou—e
Ko Kourunga ra, ko Tu-mauri-rere
Me ko Rongo-whakaata, ko Rongomai-hikau
Ko Rua-whetuki—e
Ko Hitamu-rira, ko Turourou ra
Ko te Ika-whakatu ki roto o Turanga
E he mai na koe ki to hou matua
I tipu ai ki te ao, i wehi mai na koe
Kati ra, e hika ! Hoki mai i kona
Pokaitia ra ki a Moetai—e
Kia rongo kau au ki a Kahukura-iti
Ki tenei tini ra, e taka i waho ra—e
Ko koutou tena, e tama ma e !

Whiti Tuawha (Fourth Verse).

Moe mori, e hika !
I roto i te whare kino, i te whare pouri
He uea ake ra ka he to manawa
Ka titiro ki waho ra
Ki te waka hoehoe ki Wai-roro ra—e
Ka puta te parakipa kai to ihu
Mau i moe po, no muri i mate ai
I tukua mai nei ko te tonga hawai
Ko te tonga taupuru
Ka pupuru te atua ki roto ki a koe
Ka whaia atu na koe
I a te Ao-matangi, i a Katakata—e

– 178 –

I a Wheruru—e, i a Kiwa raia
Nana nei te moana, nana nei ngaru nui
Nana nei ngaru roa
Ka wawae i te peka kia maranga ia
Kia tiko whare ra
Ki a Honuhonu—e, ki a Kekerepo
Ka taka mai ki muri
Hai autu tangi, hai autu pawa ra
Ka mamao ki te rangi, taku rangi pea
Ka tau ki raro ra ki Waianiu ra
Hai to matua—e, hai a Te Hau-ori—e
Hai a Ngapata ra
Ma te Hiakai koe, ma Hine-te-ariki
Ko Pikihoro pea, ko Hine-uru anc
Ko Tama-uia—e
Koutou ra tena, e koro ma!—e—i.

Below will be found a modern lament for the dead, although, as now is usual, it is modelled upon ancient forms—or, rather, it was composed by wholesale “cribbing” from old-time songs. The Maori poet of to-day seems to depend to a very great extent upon plagiarism, and seems to have lost the art of composing such fine pieces as the above. Observe, in the above, the pathos of the opening lines of the second verse, where the composer mourns the loss of his daughter: “Alas, O maid, for your playings in the village—running laughing to the door! These memories remain to commsume me.”

A Lament For Pare, Of Ngati-Manawa.

He ao mauru e rere pokai ra
He mihi ra naku ki toku nei taina
Kua wehe i nga iwi
Kua wehe i taku tinana
Kua wehe i nga tau
Kua wehe i nga nohoanga.
Ka tahuri mai, E Pare!
Kei te mihi atu koe,
Ka tu ai te aroha
Taraia i te tangi ki a Mariri
Ka noho taua nga paeroa kai Rangitahi
Kia whakarongo koe nga tai o Whirinaki
E ngunguru nei
Ehara koe i te wahine,
He kuru tongarerewa
He uri koe no Rangitihi,
He uri koe no Tangi-haruru,
He uri koe no Apa,
He uri koe no Tuhoe-potiki
Tenei, e hoa! Te mamae
Kai te tau o taku ate
Ki a taua kura
Kua mahue i a koe—i.”

The Whare Potae (The House Of Mourning)

The name “whare potae” and “whare taua” both mean “house of mourning,” or “mourning-house” (whare, house;

– 179 –

taua, mourning). The word “potae” means, as a noun, a hat, or any covering for the head; as a verb, “to put over or on the head.”

The term “whare potae,” which is the form used by the Tuhoe Tribe, is derived from the potae taua, or mourning-cap (perhaps more correctly a fillet or chaplet, inasmuch as it possessed no crown). This was an article of mourning attire, a token of mourning for the dead. It was in former times by a near relative of the deceased, as a widow, during the period of mourning. It is composed of a band or fillet woven from some fibre usually, and which is put round the head and tied at the back. It has no crown whatever. Attached to this band would be a quantity of black, dried seaweed, or the epidermis of a water plant or rush known as “kutakuta,” prepared as for a maro kuta,* and dyed black and brown, or left its natural colour of white and pale-yellow. These were attached by one end to the band and hung down, thus concealing the face and head of the wearer. Sometimes the tail-feathers (with skin attached) of the native pigeon, and those of the koko bird, were used to attach to the band. They swayed about when the wearer walked, or when affected by the wind. Chaplets of leaves of the parapara tree (syn., puahou and houhou—Panax arboreum) were also sometimes worn by relatives of the dead while in the whare potae—that is to say, during the period of mourning. The potae taua, with a crown, and no pendant strips, fibre, weed, or feathers, as figured on page 329 of Hamilton's “Maori Art,” is an unknown article to the Tuhoe peoples.

The expression “house of mourning” must not be taken too literally, like unto many other expressions of the Maori. Albeit a Native will ever say, speaking of relatives of a person recently dead, “They are within the whare potae,” yet he means that they are mourning for the dead. Although such mourners may be travelling, they are still spoken of as being within the whare potae. The term must be taken as implying the state or period of mourning.

Windows mourned their husbands for perhaps a year before marrying again. (Ka tae pea ki te tau e whare taua ana te pouaru.)

Bereaved persons, as a husband who has lost his wife, sometimes travel about for some time in order to forget their troubles. Thus a man may go and dwell among distant tribes for a year, or several years.

While mourners are within the whare potae—i.e., during the period of mourning, which may continue perhaps for a week or longer—these dwellers within the house of mourning are very

[Footnote] * Trans. N. Z. Inst., vol. xxxi, p. 647.

– 180 –

careful in regard to taking food. As a rule they do not partake of food in the daytime, but only at night, and even then they eat in secret by going into some secluded hut by themselves, or at least where they cannot be seen by the people. Always they take their food under shelter, never in the open. If when travelling while an inmate of the house of mourning a person be overcome by hunger, and so compelled to eat in the daytime, be will go a space aside, break a branch off a tree, and stick the butt thereof in the ground. He will then sit under the branch while eating his food, thus likening the shade cast by the branch to the shades of night.

Tenei karanga, te whare potae, ehara i te tino whare, he kupu whakarite. Ko nga tangata kai roto i te whare potae, kaore e kai ao, engari kua pa rawa, katahi ratau ka kai. He kai ao, ara he kai awatea, hai heuenga mo te whare potae. Ka haere te tangata ki te wai, horoi atu ai i te aroha; na, kua kai ao.” (“This name, ‘whare potae’ it is not a real house, it is a figurative expression. Persons in the whare potae do not eat in the daytime, but only when quite dark; then they eat. Eating in the daytime—that is in daylight—means the dispersing of the mourners. A person will go to the waterside and, by means of a certain rite, wash away his grief. Then he will eat in the daytime.”)

It was not until the tapu had been taken off these mourners by means of a rite performed by the priest that they became noa, or free from tapu, and could take food in the daytime, or mix freely with the people. Cases are quoted where persons have so mourned for months. While persons are mourning they do not remain in a house, but move about, although not free from restraint, as the tapu is upon them.

There is a place in the Okahu Valley, at Te Whaiti, named Nag Wahine-kai-awatea (the daylight-eating women), which name originated in this manner: When Te Wharau, of the Ngati-Whare Tribe, died, his widow (and other female relatives apparently) was cleansed from the tapu of the whare potae at that place by laving her body with the waters of the stream and having the whakanoa rite performed over her. Then she (and her companions) first ate food in the daytime since the death of Te Wharau. Hence the above name. Observe how place-names change in Maoriland. When the road was being constructed to Rua-tahuna in 1896,

– 181 –

the precipitous rock cliffs at Nga Wahine-kai-awatea proved a difficult place for the roadmen to work at—so much so, indeed, that it was found necessary to use life-lines (ropes secured at the top of the cliff and allowed to trail down the rock-face) for the security of the workmen. At once the Natives renamed the place Taura-tukutuku (the trailing ropes), and the original name seems to have been discarded.

A koangaumu, or human sacrifice, was sometimes made in olden times in order to take the tapu of the whare potae (i.e., off the mourning) and its inmates the mourners. The act of so sacrificing a person would not break up the tapu, but such a sacrifice was always with the idea of imparting force, prestige, effectiveness to a religious function.

When Taupoki died at Te Whaiti a slave named Tapuku was slam as a koangaumu for the mourners. The body was cut up, a portion thereof sent to the Whirinaki people as a present, and the rest was cooked at Wai-kotikoti, just where the policeman's cottage now stands.

Ka mate te tupapaku, ka patua he tangata hai koangaumu mo taua tupapaku, ka kainga e nga whanaunga o te tupapaku. Ko taua patunga tapu hai heuenga mo te whare potae. Kaore e tangi te tangata i a ia e noho ana i roto i te whare taua. Kia koangaumutia te tupapaku; katahi ia ka puta ki waho, ka tangi, Ko te koangaumu hai whakanoa.” (“When a person dies, a man is slain as a koangaumu for the deceased, and is eaten by the relatives of the dead. That sacrifice is for the purpose of dispersing the mourners. A person does not wail for the dead while he is staying within the house of mourning. When the sacrifice has been made, then he will come forth and lament. The sacrifice lifts the tapu.”) Here is an allusion to the fact that practically no crying or wailing for the dead is indulged in by mourners while in seclusion, but only when they are surrounded by others, and have an audience. The Maori believes in public grief, he cares not to weep in private.

The person slain as a human sacrifice for the lifting of the tapu from the whare potae would be taken from another hapu or subtribe. After this rite was over the mourners emerged from the house of mourning and returned to their usual avocations. Although usually merely a metaphorical or figurative expression, yet it would appear that sometimes a mourner nearly related to the dead would remain within the “house of mourning” (by staying in his own hut) during the period of mourning. In the legend of Pou-rangahua it is stated that Kanioro his wife so mourned for Pou when he was thought to be dead, and on his return he found her still secluded within their house, which had become overgrown with mawhai.

– 182 –

Sometimes a brother or sister of the dead would so seclude himself or herself for a time. Then it would be said, “Such a person in the whare potae.” “This action,” said a cynical old Native to me, “was hai whakananaha i tona ingoa” (to get himself talked about). He said also that people often did such things for the brief fame that it brought them.

The ritual act of lifting the tapu from mourners is similar to that performed over any person who is tapu from any other cause. The person or persons accompany the priest to a stream, pond, or spring set aside for such sacred rites, where they divest themselves of their clothing, and, clad in nought save a scanty girdle of green-leaved twigs, they are sprinkled with water by the officiating priest, who then repeats over them a karakua whakanoa, or invocation to free from tapu. one authority states that the mourners had their hair cut at this function, which is probable, as haircutting was often performed as a sacerdotal rite.

The apakura, or dirge, sung by mourners is usually an ancient composition. It derives its name from a famous ancestor, one Apakura, a woman, who dwelt in the isles of Polynesia in about the ninth century of the present era.* She is looked upon by the Maoris of New Zealand as a kind of “parent.” or teacher, of the art of mourning for the dead.

Pakipaki Mahunga

The custom of the preserving of heads (pakipaki mahunga) of the dead by their living relatives has been alluded to. This was done out of a feeling of affection for the dead. The head was severed from the body, the latter being buried, while the former was dried and kept by relatives for some time before being deposited with the bones of the body in the cave or tree used for the purpose.

Pio, of Awa, speaks—he who has been caught in the snare of Hine-nui-te-Po, and has lifted the dread curtain which conceals the realm of Miru: “The great token of affection in old times was to cut off the head of a dead relative and preserve it, which was done by the priest. The head was shaken in order to cause the brains to drop out; the body was buried in the ground. The priest would carry the head about with him, sometimes exposing it to the view of living relatives, that they might greet and wail over it. This might continue for months, or even years. When unable to carry it about any longer, on account of other matters, the head would be taken to the burial-cave and left there. It was Christianity that put a stop to this custom. While

[Footnote] * “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. viii, p. 15.

– 183 –

the head was kept, it was sometimes placed on a wooden peg (turuturu) stuck in the ground, and people would mourn over it. Near relatives would spread on the ground before it a kakahuwaero (cloak covered with dogs’ tails), upon which they would kneel before the head and chaunt an old-time dirge of the Maori people.”

These dried heads were also exhibited at any important function or meeting of the people. They were stuck on stakes on the plaza, where meetings took places. Some had the lips stitched together, which, if neatly done, would elicit the remark, “Me te kuku ka kopi” (“Like the neat closing of a mussel-shell”). Some were left with the lips not fastened, hence the lips contracted during the drying or curing process, and the teeth became prominent. If the teeth were white and sightly it was remarked. “me te niho kokota” (“Like kokota teeth”). “Kokota” is the name of a shellfish.

Heads of enemies were also preserved in a similar manner, but for a different purpose. They would so preserve the head of an enemy of the chieftain class that they might revile it, and subject it to all indignities the fertile brain of the Maori might conceive. Such heads would be placed in cooking-sheds and near ovens, a fearful thing to the Maori. They would be exposed to view on the plaza of the village, and reviled by passer-by. Women would place them near where they worked at weaving, &c., and occasionally turn to and curse them with great gusto, heaping opprobrious epithets upon them, jeering and taunting them, as though in the flesh. This would be when such women had lost husbands or other relatives at the hands of the dead or of his tribe.

The method of embalming or preserving human heads was a singular one. A steam-oven, similar to the ovens for cooking food,* was made in the ground. This was covered over save a small orifice left on the top and through which the hot stream escaped. Over this the head was placed, the base thereof being over the hole in the top of the oven (umu). The hot stream caused the brains to melt, when they were easily got rid of. The eyes were taken out, and the eyelids fastened down. The skin was stripped off down to the shoulders to allow for contraction; it was then brought under the neck and there tied. The Maori was very particular in preserving the heads of his relatives to render them sightly when exposed to people for crying over. He liked to see the lips closed so that the teeth were not exposed. He was not so particular with the heads of his enemies.

[Footnote] * See Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xxxv, p. 88.

– 184 –

The expression “pakipaki mahunga” means “to preserve heads by drying.” They were dried after the steaming process by means of placing them in the smoke of a wood-fire. The hair was retained, and was dressed and decorated with plumes when brought out to be wept over.

A description of this head-drying, with many notes, may be found at page 610 of the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” vol. xxvii, though the statement there made that in preserving the head of an enemy “no dishonour whatever was intended to the owner of the head” must be taken cum grano salis, for that is exactly what was intended. The quotation given from Marsden— “It is gratifying to the vanquished to know that the heads of their chiefs are preserved by the enemy”—is also very extraordinary, and absolutely incorrect. In the same article (p. 611) is seen the statement that “those [heads] of the enemy were usually placed on the tops of the houses, or on poles by the wayside, where they were exposed to the contemptuous taunts of the passers-by.” This is certainly more correct, though how it could be “gratifying to the vanquished” is a somewhat obscure point.

The last case of head-preserving known to myself as having occurred in this district was in 1865, when Ngati-Manawa and some of Te Arawa were defeated at Te Tapiri, driven out of their fort at that place and forced to fly, leaving their dead behind them. The heads of two of these, Eru and Enoka, of Ngati-Manawa, were cut off and preserved, Kereopa swallowing the eyes. These heads were taken by Te Whakatohea to their home on the coast.

When, on a war-expedition in an enemy's country, the invaders lost some killed, the bodies were usually cremated, so that they should not be eaten by enemies. Sometimes the head would be cut off, preserved, and carried back home. When Ngapuhi returned from their famous raid to the Wellington District they brought back many heads of those who had fallen.

When Makawe, of Te Whakatohea, was slain at Te Papuni (see ante) his head was thus preserved by his people and carried with them on their raid to the Wairoa, where they fought at Tara-mahiti, after which they returned home to O-potiki, still bearing the head of their chief.

When Te Ika-poto's daughter died at Heipipi her body was buried there, but her head was preserved and taken to Maungapohatu, her permanent home.

The preserved heads of many former chiefs of the Tuhoe Tribe are lying in a cave at Te Tahora, among them being those of Te Arohana and of Te Mai-taranui.

– 185 –

Mortuaryy Memorials

Memorial structures were not an important feature in Maori-land. Burial-mounds were never constructed, nor were graves marked by stones or posts. Two reasons may be given for this omission. In the first place, no burial in the earth was in any way permanent, save in such cases as when a body was buried in a swamp—trampled down into the mud and so left—or in a a sandhill. Bodies buried in the ground were merely left there for a few years, when the bones were exhumed and placed in a tribal burial cave or tree. This custom has certainly obtained among the Maori people for centuries—i.e., for so long as intertribal warfare has been general. It is possible that there was a period when the dead of the New Zealand Natives were buried in the ground and never exhumed, judging from certain discoveries made of skeletons in various parts. However, this may never have been a general custom. If it was so, then such dead were probably those of the original people of these isles, who seem to have been much less warlike that the later comers of the fourteenth century. The second reason to account for the absence of mortuary structures is this: On account of the savagely vindictive nature of Maori warfare, their eating the bodies of their enemies, and the delight they look in treating such bodies with every foul indignity, as also the custom of utilising the skull and other bones of the such bodies wherefrom to manufacture various implements, it was necessary for every tribe to bury their dead in secrecy, and to take every precaution that enemies should not discover the resting-place of the bodies or bones of their dead. Hence nothing was done to mark a grave where a person had been buried. Perhaps the only marked resting-places of the dead to be seen about a settlement in former times were those constructed within the pa, fortified village.

In regard to cannibalism, and the fierce lust for revenge which so often animated the Native mind, a dreadful illustration is that of the kai pirau —namely, the ghoulish custom which formerly obtained of exhuming the body of a buried enemy, cooking the devouring the same, even though decomposition had set in.

Little wonder that the Maori erected no gravestones. But they often so marked the spot where a man died, or fell in battle, as also a place where a sick man had lain. There were two methods of marking the place where a person had died or been slain. One was to set up a wooden post or place a stone on the spot; the other was to dig a hole (termed. “pokapoka”). Such a post would probably be smeared with red ochre, red being

– 186 –

a favoured and also practically a sacred colour among the Natives. The pokapoka method was often employed whereby to mark places where men had fallen on a battlefield. Relatives of the dead person would make the pit or hole. Te Pokapoka o Taua-ahi-kawai is a place-name at Tara-pounamu. It is where the pokapoka for one Taua-ahi-kawai, of Ngati-Pukeko, was dug. But, observe, Te Pokapoka a Te Umu-tiri-rau, near Karioi, is a very different thing, for it is simply a hole dug as a landmark by Te Umu—hence the active “a”. It is well to be cautions when dealing with the Maori tongue.

The pokapoka for the dead are respected by all members of the tribe. Some tribes term these pits “whakaumu.” The battle-ground of Puke-kai-kaahu, at Rere-whakaitu, had numerous pits on it to mark places where the dead fell during that Homeric combat.

A saying of old, “E kore e pai kia tuwhera te pokapoka ki tahaki, engari me tuwhera tonu ki te papa o te huarahi,” was often heard formerly when the war-trumpets boomed forth their doleful sound. It would be made by warriors in the course of their speeches before going to battle. its meanings is, “It is not well that the pokapoka should be made in a non-conspicuous place, but let it be dug on a path”; by which the speaker implies that if he fall in the fray he wishes the sign to be made in a conspicusous place. The pit for a plebeian would be dug anywhere. These holes were about 1 ft. deep by 2 ft. in diameter.

I will now illustrate another custom of old. When a Maori is taken ill away from his permanent home and ancestral lands, should it be thought that his end is near he will be borne on a litter (amo) back to his home, in order that he may die among his own people and on his own land. In the rugged wilds of Tuhoeland I have known most arduous journeys of this nature made by Natives bearing upon their shoulders a litter or stretcher on which lay a dying person. Over rough country, up and down steep rough ranges, by narrow forest-tracks, and following up or down the beds of swift rivers, the bearers plod on for days, until their destination be reached. Te Puehu, of Tuhoe, lay sick unto death at Te Umu-roa. Then the thought came that he should be carried to Matatua, there to take leave of his people and lift the trail of death. So the bearers of the old chief bore their burden down the terrace lands above the rushing waters of wai-hui, until they came to the steep descent to the Ruatahuna Creek. Here they rested awhile, setting down their burden by the wayside. In like manner when they had ascended the opposite side of the gully they again set down

– 187 –

the litter by the wayside, near Te Whakatakanga-o-Te-Piki, and again rested. At both these resting-places where a person with the tapu of death upon him had lain a carved post or small pillar was set up to mark the spot, which remains tapu. Not only did these posts mark tapu spots, but they also served the purpose of a tuapa, and as a warning to passers-by not to trespass on the place. The post at the second resting-place was destroyed (burned) by the Native Contingent during Whitmore's raid on Tuhoeland, but the first one still stands, as I myself have seen. It is known as “Te Pou o Te Puehu” (the pillar of Te Puehu). These carved posts were usually sheltered by having a roof built over them, which would occasionally be renewed. The posts would also be smeared with red ochre. This Pou o Te Puehu was, for years after its erection, adorned by the Natives, who hung thereon any bright-coloured articles obtained from the coast tribes by barter, such as handkerchiefs, pieces of figured prints, &c. In like manner any tree where the severed umbilical cords of infants were deposited in former times was similarly adorned. This sort of thing would, presumably, be described as a fetish by travellers, and possibly as an evidence of tree-worship.

In regard to the tuapa: This name is applied to a post or slab of wood which had been hewn out of a log with an adze and was erected at the place where a person of rank had died, or in some cases where or near where or near where he was buried. In some cases it seems to have been set up at or near the village where the person died. It would be erected after the burial. This slab seems to have in some way represented the Wairua (spirit) of the deceased. The object was to lay the ghost of the dead person, to prevent his spirit from returning to afflict the living. Such a spirit of the dead is termed a “kehua,” or “kikokiko” or “whakahaehae.” Among the Tuhoe Tribe the first and last of these terms is applied to a ghost (spirit of the dead) as a ghost, but kikokio is applied to those spirits of the dead that afflict the living and are said to often cause death.

Certain rites were performed by a priest over these tuapa* in order to prevent the spirits' return to afflict people, or crops, or other food products. The priest recites an incantation with this object. He then repeats the karakia (spell, charm, invocation, incantation) termed “ahi,” at the same time rubbing a stick upon the ground as if generating fire, but he really kindles no fire. Thus are the evil designs of the wairua, or spirit, abolished or rendered innocuous. To give force, power,

[Footnote] * The general meaning of this word is, “something that obstructs, wards off, prevents contact with.” It is also used as a verb.

– 188 –

to his incantation the priest then, by means of other old-time ritual, raises the tribal hau, or wind, that of the Tama-kai-moana clan being tutakangahau, and that of Te Ure-wera clan urukaraerae. In some cases he will cause thunder to roll by reciting the oho rangi invocation. Having thus shown his power over the elements, he and the local ruahine, or wise woman, take the tapu off himself, and the function is over.

In some cases a stone might be placed to mark a grave—i.e., an unworked stone, a boulder. It would be placed above the head of the body. These would probably be cases where the bodies were buried within or near a village, or in some remote spot where it was not likely to be found by enemies. For the Maori of yore was essentially a necrophagous animal, a ghoul of the first water.


The Maori terms for burial are “tapuketanga” and “nehunga,” derived from the verbs tapuke and nehu = to bury. Exhumation he styles “hahunga”, from hahu = to disinter. Cremation he has no distinctive term for, but simply states that certain persons were “burned with fire.”

We have already seen the mythical origin of the burial of the dead, when the Earth Mother said, “Leave me the dead. Let them return within me. I brought them forth to the light of day, let them return to me [when dead]. Mine shall be the care of the dead.” Hence man is buried in the ground; he returns to the bosom of the ancient Earth Mother.

A single word: Ever bear in mind that the elaborate ceremonies and sacred rites described in this paper applied to persons of good birth only, not to people of low social status or to slaves. But little ceremony was wasted on common people, and as for slaves, their bodies would be thrown anywhere out of the way.

The general scheme of burial among the Maori people was—first the burial, or other disposal of the body, until the flesh had disappeared; and secondly the disposal of the bones of the dead in a permanent manner.

Among the Tuhoe Tribe the mode usually adopted was either to bury the body or place it on a covered stage or in a hollow tree until the flesh had disappeared, when, with great ceremony, the bones were for ever disposed of by placing them in certain burial-caves or in hollow trees, or concealed among parasitic plants on tree-tops. In the case of swamp and sandhill burial only was the body and its bones left in its first burial-place— in the first place on account of the difficulty of disinterring the bones, and also for the reason that they were safe from tribal enemies, seek they ever so closely.

– 189 –

Understand that Maoris think much of their dead, as becomes a people who have practised necrolatry for untold centuries. In like manner they think much of the places where their dead lie. Observe the evidence given in Native Land Courts, where two important points in support of a claim to land are that the claimant's ancestors died or were buried on the land. Note the pathetic laments composed and sung by tribes who were forced to migrate from lands where their dead lay. Think of the numberless cases where a captive has asked permission to sing a farewell to his tribal lands and his dead are he be slain by his captors.

It has been stated by some writers, anent the discovery in several places in New Zealand of skeletons buried in a sitting position, that this mode of burial was not practised by the Maori, hence a “prior race” theory is set up. But the Maori did bury bodies in a sitting position, though not invariably so. When one considers the way in which the bodies of the dead were frequently “trussed” for burial, then the sitting position in burial appears to be quite feasible and also natural. Years ago I heard of skeletons being found in such a position in the sandhills on the coast at Ohau, near Otaki. The Tuhoe Tribe sometimes buried their dead in a sitting position, which they term “tapuke whakanoho.” (For other evidence concerning sitting-burial, see “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” vol. vii, pp. 67, 68, 88; vol. xxxiv, p. 126 (Moriori), 129; vol. xviii, p. 24: vol, i, p. 20, of Colenso's second essay. Also, at p. 20 of vol. i of these Transactions is a reference which reads thus: “In a circular pit in the Waikato a number of human skeletons were found in an erect position, each with a block of wood on its head.”)

The graves used by Natives are by no means deep—about 3 ft. or 4 ft. in depth, as a rule. As the bones are to be taken up in a few years it is perhaps better not to bury deeply, inasmuch as decomposition would be delayed thereby.

Tree Burial

Tree burial has always been much practised by the Tuhoe Tribe, certainly since the time of one Tama-tuhi-rae, alias Tama-a-mutu, who flourished some thirteen generations ago, and to whom the Tuhoe tribe attribute the originating of the custom. Tama-a-mutu instituted the custom of tree burial, it is said, because he considered it wrong to bury the dead in the earth, as the earth is for producing food. Even so, when Tama drew near his end he told his son that he did not wish his body buried in the earth, but wanted it placed in a tree. Hence, after his death his son constructed a wooden box, in which he placed the body of his sire. This box or coffin was placed up in a tree

– 190 –

and there left. This is said to have been the first occasion on which a coffin was used in this district.

Tama-a-mutu obtained the name of Tama-tuhi-rae (Tama the brow-marked) from the fact that he used to ornament his brow in ancient fashion by marking it with red ochre (horu). It was also a custom to so mark the skulls of chief when the bones were disinterred and deposited in a burial cave or tree. There were two ways of so marking—the tuhi korae, or tuhi marei kura, consisted of horizontal stripes smeared across the forehead; while the tuhi kohuru was a series of red stripes running diagonally from the upper corner of the forehead downwards over the eye to the cheek. The descendants of Tama-tuhi-rae are known as the Nagi-Tama-tuhi-rae clan, generally abbreviated to Ngai-Tama. Their principal living chiefs are Te Whiu Maraki (he who caputered Kereopa, the eye-swallower, at Ohaua) and Tamaikoha. This clan of Tuhoe resides at Te Waimana. I submit a genealogy from Tama-a-mutu:—

In the following song we observe a reference to Tama-a-mutu and his institution of the custom of tree burial. This composition is termed a “tangi tawhite,” a singular class of chaunts by which persons are said to have been bewitched and done to death at a distance. It was composed and utilised by one Piki near a hundred years ago:—

– 191 –

E hine! Maru-nui i te tapu
Ka taka i o tuakana
Tu ake hoki, e hine!
I te tu wharariki
Hai whakakakara mo hine ki te moenga
Te moenga te whita, te moenga te au
Oti tonu atu koe ki ràro—e—e.
Taupae atu ra i tua o Te Wharau, e hine!
Ka wehe ko te po
Ka wehe ko te ao i a koe
Tokona atu ra ki tawhiti
He toko-uri, he toko-tea
He mapuna, he kai ure
Kai ure noa ana, e hine!
Nga tohunga i nga atua kia mate
Koi tonu nga mho ki te ngau
Na Maw i hangarau, e hine!
Tana ika tapu
Ko te whenua nui e noho nei taua
I tikina ki raro wheuriuri
Ki a Hine-nui-te-Po
Hai nagki i te mate
I tukua mai nei ki ana karere
Ki te waeroa, ki te namu poto
Hai kakati i te rae
I te mata o te hurupiki, e hine!
Ko ta paua, ka ea te mate
O te hiku rekareka nei
O te tuna—e—i.
Takoto mai ra, e hine!
I roto i te whare papa
Ko te whare ra tena
O to tipuna, o Tama-a-mutu
I tuhia ai—e, ki te tuhi marei kura
Koia a Ngai-Tama-tuhi-rae
I whakairi ai—e
Ki runga ki te rakau
Koia te kauhau i to papa
I a Maui, e hine!
Tera ia te rua o tini raua ko mano
I karia ki te oneone ika nui, e hine
Hurihuritia iho ra, e hoa ma-e!
Ta tatau mahuri totara
No te wao tapu nui o Tane
No te awa—e, i Oatua
No runga—e, i Okarakia
No nga pinga—e, i roto i Te Kopua
Taku totara haemata
Te rite ai, e hine! ki a koe—i—a.

And ever since the time of Tama-tuhi-rae have the dead of the Nagi-Tama clan been placed in trees, and never in the earth. A tree is selected which has masses of a parasitic plant known as kowharawhara (an Astelia) growing on its branches. Among these thick masses are concealed the remains of the children of Tama.

– 192 –

In the above song (lament) will be noted a reference to the contest between Maui and Hine-nui-te-Po. The whare papa mentioned is an allusion to the coffin in which the body of Tama was placed. The expression “mahuri totara” (totara sapling) is one of many such often applied to young people recently dead. It often appears in laments. It likens the lost one to a young totara tree, a tree highly prized by the Maori.

In some cases the dead were placed in hollow trees, the body being wrapped up in a cloak. We have seen that the Ngai-Tama clan disposed of their dead by placing the bodies in or on trees. Other clans also did the same, but the system usually followed was that of burying bodies in the earth, or placing them on a stage, and then, when the hahunga or disinterment took place, the bones were deposited in a cave or chasm, or rock shelter, or in a hollow tree, or among the parasitic plants which grow on the branches of forest-trees. The pukatea tree, which when it attains a large size is generally hollow, is often used as a last resting-place for the bones of the dead in Tuhoeland. There are many such burial-trees at Rua-toki, one of which stands within 2 chains of my present camp at Hau-Kapua. While exploring the gulch one day I espied several skulls at the base of a pukatea tree, and thought that I might have some trouble with the local Natives for camping at a tapu spot. I quickly found out, however, that there was no need for uneasiness, as the Natives were quite ignorant of the place as a burial-ground, and denied that the remains were those of any of their people. They advanced the opimon that the bones were a toenga—that is, the bones of bodies that had been eaten in former times. It is however, highly improbable that the bones of a body that had been eaten would have been treated with such respect. Rather would they have been simply thrown out on the kitchenmidden of the settlement. On the spur immediately above the burial-tree stand the earthworks of two old Native forts—HauKapua and Titoko-rangi. The remains, I opine, are either those of plebeians, of whom but little notice was taken, or they belong to some other tribe. The last supposition is probable, inasmuch as Rua-toki is not ancestral land of the Tuhoe Tribe, but was gained by conquest, and Tuhoe have several times been driven off the land.

In placing bones of the dead in a hollow tree they were sometimes inserted at the base of the tree, should an opening there exist. If not, one was often found up the trunk of the tree, sometimes 40 ft. or 50 ft. from the ground. In such cases the bones would be carried up, thrust into the hole, and allowed to fall down inside the tree. Some of these trees contain great quantities of human remains. In one that fell and split

– 193 –

open near O-potiki Captain Mair counted over three hundred skulls.

A rata tree at Raorao, on the Wai-riko Block, was formerly used as a burial-tree. The bodies were placed among masses of Astelia with which the leaning trunk was covered on the upper side.

The bones of the dead of the Ngai-Te-Kapo clan, of Rua-toki, were placed in a hollow pukatea tree (Atherosperma movce-zealandiae).

A kahikatea tree at Nag-whakahiwawa, in the Horomanga Valley, was an old-time burial-place, as also was a similar tree at Raro-po.

When some of the Tuhoe Tribe were living at Anini, near Te Pa-puni, their dead were not buried in the ground, but placed in trees.

It is said that the remains of Mura-kareke and Tama-pokai, two famous chiefs of Tuhoe, were concealed in a hollow rata tree at Owhakatoro.

When Te Korowhiti died at Te Kohuru his body was placed on a platform or staging constructed among the branches of a tawhero tree. This making of a platform in a tree-top, on which to place a dead body, was by no means an uncommon occurrence.

Swamp Burial

As observed above, it was a Native custom to place bodies in swamps and lagoons or ponds, the body being usually thrust down into the mud, and the water-plants, rushes, &c., would soon grow up and so obliterate all sigs of disturbance. There are several such swamp burial-places at Te Whaiti—indeed, they exist in most parts of the Matatua district, being perhaps more numerous in the open country where no forest existed in which the dead might be concealed. Te Korokoro, Wai-pokere, and Te Kowhai are three of these burial-swamps at Te Whaiti. In a good many cases dead were buried near a settlement (where the graves could be protected from enemies), and when the bones were exhumed they would be conveyed to a swamp and there trampled into themud for concealment. This method was common among the Nagti-awa and Ngati-Pukeko Tribes, who inhabit open country.

A small lagoon named Te Roto-tapu (the sacred pond), at Kaka-tarahae, near Rua-toki, has been used as a burial-place by Tuhoe for the past fourteen generations, hence it is a very tapu place. It is said that Toi, a famous ancestor of the Bay of Plenty Natives on the aboriginal side, was the first to be buried in a swamp, at a place called Marae-totara, at O-hope.

When Ngati-Rongo, under Pa-i-te-rangi, attacked Te Kea

– 194 –

(who dwelt in the Titoko-rangi Fort at Rua-toki) they made a slight error, for Te Kea defeated the party and slew their leader, who was buried in a swamp.

Perhaps you are weary of swamp burial, but I want to draw your attention to a singular use of the word “rumaki”. My informant, an old Native, said, “Ka rumakina a Pa-i-te-rangi ki roto ki te repo.” Here rumaki = to bury, a meaning not given to the word in our dictionaries. The Tuhoe people often use it in that sense.

Use of Coffins and Small Elevated Huts.

We have seen that the remains of Tama-a-mutu were placed in a box or coffin for burial. This custom was sometimes practised in former times. Bodies of the dead were put in a rough wooden box or coffin made of slabs of timber hewn out with stone axes. This would be placed on the top of a high post near the settlement, and when the flesh was decayed the bones would be taken to a burial tree or cave. Perhaps the most common method was a small erection, like a miniature house, built on the top of a high post. These were often erected within the fortified settlements of the Natives in Pre-European days. We notice them in illustrations of such villages as left us by early travellers and settlers. These places within the village seem to have been used to place the bones of the dead in. The keeping of the decomposing bodies in their midst in such a manner would be somewhat too much, even for a Maori.

Coffins were sometimes constructed in the form of a canoe, from perhaps 3 ft. to 6 ft. in length. These were hewn out of wood, and were ofttimes ornamented with carving. Lids, neatly fitting, were made for them. Some very interesting and ancient specimens may be seen in the Auckland Museum. These singular coffins were used as receptacles for the bones of the dead after disinterment. They were usually placed in burial-caves, situate in secluded places. These coffins would usually be daubed with red ochre. The discoverer of the coffins above mentioned states, “The first cave contained some tons of skeletons, and several wooden images of different sizes engraved from head to toe. The largest image is about 6 ft. in length, the head and legs taking up no more than 2 ft. of the length. Each image has a hollow body with a lid for the back, and had previously been filled with bones, the lid being tied on with a kind of forest-creeper.”

William's “Maori Dictionary” gives “pouraka”, receptacle for a dead body, in shape like a square box, thatched over the top.”

– 195 –

An illustration of one of these bone-coffins is given in Hamilton's “Maori Art,” p. 159, where may also be seen illustrations of the handsomely carved slabs of wood erected over a chief's grave. Some fine carved slabs of totara wood, about 3 ft. in width, are still standing in the old fort of Mana-te-pa, at Rua-tahuna. They were erected over the graves of those Natives who were shot there about the year 1842.

House Burial

It sometimes occurred that a person would be buried in his own house, with the inevitable result that such house would become tapu, and would no longer be occupied, but allowed to decay.

When the inter-clan fight occurred at Mana-te-pa, as mentioned above, several of the Ngati-Ta-whaki clan were slain, including Te Whatu. The latter's body was carried to his permanent home at Oputao and there buried in his own house, which of course became tapu, and could no longer be used by the living. Shortly afterwards his name was given to a newly born child, who in after-years assumed the name of Paratene, which in later life was abandoned and the name of Paitni assumed. The above pa (fort) was abandoned after the fight, on account of human blood having been shed there. The other dead were buried within the fort, as we have seen, and the place has ever since been tapu.

The bones of persons buried in houses would in after-years be exhumed and placed in a burial cave or tree.

In late times, since fighting has ceased, bodies are buried in the ground, and either the grave is fenced in with a picket fence, or, as is generally the case among the Tuhoe Tribe, an old fort (pa maioro) is set aside for the purpose of a graveyard. Graves made in these old forts are often not fenced, as the old earthen walls and ditches prevent the entrance of stock. In some cases the body, enclosed in a coffin of rough boards, is placed on the surface of the ground and an oblong mound of earth built over it. Over this a small wooden house is erected and painted in bright colours; red and blue is a favoured combination, or white and red. At other times the coffin is buried beneath the surface and the little house built over the grave.

Colenso states in his admirable essay* that in former times corpses were sometimes placed in such little houses or huts in a sitting posture, having been tied, dressed as in life, and with its greenstone mere or cutting-club.

Wohlers speaks of house burial as having occurred among the South Island Natives: “The body, having been bent

[Footnote] * Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. i.

– 196 –

together in a roundish ball (the knees under the chin, as the Maori formerly handled their corpses), was adorned, and put into a box made for the purpose, and buried in the house near the wall.* Also see “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” vol. xxxiv, p. 574, for a similar case which occurred among the Arawa Tribe in 1882.

Old canoes were sometimes cut up to form coffin in former times. When the famous chief Te Whare-pouri died at Wellingtion, a part of this canoe was set up at Nga-uranga, near Wellington, as a mortuary memorial, although the body was not buried at that place.

Speaking of funeral ceremonies in ancient Greece, Max Muller says, “It is supposed that in ancient times the Greeks deposited the remains of the dead in their own houses, near the hearth, which was the primitive altar of the family.

Articles buried with Body.

A singular custom, and a widespread one, noted the world over, and even seen among civilised peoples, is the depositing of articles in the grave. I have not been able to obtain from Maoris any corroboration of the opinion expressed by most writers on primitive eschatology—viz., that such articles were intended for the use of the departed in the spirit-world—but rather that such offerings are a sign of affection for the lost one. I have never heard that food was placed in the grave by the Maori, but the dying person was fed for the death journey, as we have seen.

It often occurs, even in these times, that cherished possessions are placed in the grave of a loved relative. I give a few instances as illustrations:—

When the child Haere-huka, a descendant of Maru-wahia, died, the body was buried at Whiria, on the Hikurangi Block, and a prized greenstone ornament was placed in the grave.

Somewhere about 1850 a party of the Ngati-Manawa Tribe, of the Galatea district, went to Hauraki in order to obtain muskets and ammunition. When they left to return home, the grandfather of Harehare Aterea stole an axe which had been placed on a grave of the Ngati-Maru people. On it becoming known to Ngati-Maru that their visitors had desecrated their burial place they raised an armed force, which, under Taraia, marched to Whirinaki, on the Rangitaiki River, to teach the children of Manawa better manners; and it was only by sending to Tuhoe and Taupo for armed assistance that Ngati-Manawa escaped a severe drubbing. But they had to pay for that axe.

[Footnote] * Trans N.Z. Inst., vol. viii, p. 115.

[Footnote] † “Anthroplogical Religion,” p. 264.

– 197 –

We have noted that when a body was lying in state, relatives of the dead would produce their finest garments and prized greenstone weapons and ornaments, which were exhibited near the corpse. It was a token of respect to the deceased. When the burial took place most of these articles would be reclaimed by the owners, but some were buried with the body, or placed by the side thereof in the cave or tree. These also might be reclaimed later on, as when a tribal meeting took place, or a distinguished visitor arrived, or other occasion equally important m Maori eyes.

A child who died at Waikare-moana was buried with her favourite ornament, a brooch made from a crown piece, on her breast. Hence her little sister was given the name of Karauna, the Native rendering of the English word “crown”.

Articles buried with a body are often recovered when the bones are exhumed, but sometimes they are placed with the bones in the burial cave or tree and allowed to remain there. These latter—weapons, greenstone implements or ornaments, &c. —were often the property of the deceased, and would not be reclaimed. “Na te ngakau mamae tena mahi” (“Grief was the origin of such acts”).

When old Puke-tapu, of the Waikare-moana district, died, his son buried with his body a manuscript book in which were written the ancient history, genealogies, &c., of his tribe, and which was thought much of, yet it was sacrificed, and much interesting lore that it contained is now lost for ever. Max Muller quotes a similar case as having occurred in modern times, when an English poet placed the manuscripts of his own unpublished poems in his wife's grave.

Suicides were buried as any person would be who died a natural death. Wives were not buried in the same grave as their husbands, even though buried at the same time, as would occur when a wife committed suicide at her husband's death, a frequent occurrence in former times. The custom of exhuming the bones would tend to single burial, in order that the bones might not get mixed. A child is sometimes buried in the same grave as a parent or grandparent.

Male relatives of the dead prepare the grave and bury the body. They are tapu while so engaged, and the whakanoa rite is afterwards performed over them in order to remove the tapu.

The Tuhoe Tribe do not seem to have had any burial-grounds in former times—i.e. where a number of persons would be buried—for reasons already stated. Matters are very different now that parties of armed ghouls no longer roam the land seeking whom they may devour. Hence, also, the custom of exhuming the bones of the dead is falling into desuetude.

– 198 –

Bodies of the dead were carried to the grave on a litter or bier formed of poles. They were borne head first, whereas in so carrying a living person the head is always kept up-hill.

Among coast-dwelling tribes, more especially where no forest is near, it was a common thing for sandhills to be utilised as burial-grounds. Where dunes of pure sand exist, devoid of vegetable growth, the disturbance of such would leave no traces longer than a few hours, especially so were a wind blowing at the time. Such a burial-place is the ancient one at O-pihi, among the sandhills near the beach, and just across the river from Whakatane Township. This place has been used as a burial ground for centuries past. The saying “O-pihi whanaunga kore” (O-pihi the relationless) is applied to it. “Our ancestors Tama-ki-Hukurangi and Rakei-ora were buried at O-pihi. That was the permanent burial-place of our ancestor from ancient days down to the present times. Afterwards Putauaki (Mount Edge-cumbe) became a famed burial-place. In later times the dead were buried in swamps, in lagoons, on hills, in valleys. Hence burial-places became much more numerous.”

In ancient times no large burial-grounds existed anywhere near Native settlements, but when disastrous epidemics were introduced by Europeans, then such great number of people died that they were buried near the village homes, and many were never exhumed. Sometimes the death-rate was so appalling that the survivors fled in terror to seek a new home, often leaving many dead unburied behind them.

Burial-grounds are tapu and are avoided by Natives. They do not like passing such places after dark, for they have an idea that the spirits (waurua) of the dead are abroad at such a time. How they reconcile this belief with another that spirits of the dead descend to the underworld they are not able to explain.

When a young Native workman was killed by a rolling log on the roadworks at Ruatahuna, Natives disliked passing the spot where the accident occurred, after dark, for some time afterwards, for fear of encountering the ghost-spirit of the dead. Any who so passed after nightfall would sing lustily a Native song while so passing. His companions objected to returned to work at that spot, whereat the deceased man's grandfather proposed to huki te toto—i.e., to remove a portion of the dead man's blood on a stick and, by an incantation or charm, to remove the tapu from the spot.

A burying-place is termed “urupa” or “toma”. A burialcave where exhumed bones of the dead are deposited, is called a “whara,” or “rua koiwn,” or “ana korotu”. The expression “whara” is sometimes applied to hollow trees in which bones are deposited. At Te Tawa-a-Wairoto, near Rua-toki, is a burial

– 199 –

cave where lie many of the dead of Tuhoe. On some of the skulls the tuhi marei kura (see ante) may be seen, marked with red ochre.

The burial-places of enemies, or of a conquered or vassal people, received but scant respect at Maori hands. When the Rua-wahia Block case was before the Native Land Court, Mikaere stated in his evidence that “The Ngai-Tuaraitaua people came from Waitaha, from O-tama-rakau, and settled at O-kataina and at Rua-wahia. they put their dead in a cave named Rau-piha. We used to play there as children, breaking the skulls with stones. That burial-cave was not of our people. Ngai-Tuarai-taua were slain by the descendants of Apu-moana.”

How different the case when the burying-ground contains your own dead! “A thing much dreaded by the Maori people is a burial-cave. No one trespasses there, no person trespass on that place, severe affliction will affect him sorely. Although the person may deride danger from such an action, yet he will not survive. I say, though he seek the priest in order to be saved, yet he will not survive. Those bones are destroying him.”

The tapu from touching a dead body was extremely strong and prohibitory. It rendered the person unclean, and unable to mix with his family or fellows until he had been purified—the tapu taken off him. As a source of such defilement the touching or handling of corpses was pre-eminent, as it is among the Parsis. The special class of Nessusalar, or “unclean” bearers of the dead, among the latter people were also represented among some tribes of Maoriland, where certain persons had assigned to them the task of handling dead bodies (usually one such person in each village), and these persons were continually “unclean” (tapu), so much so that they were forced to live as outcasts from tribal society; shunned by all were they, compelled to gnaw their food as dogs do, on the ground, not being able to touch it with their thrice tapu hands.

Whakanoa (Removing the Tapu).

Near every Native village in former times a pond, spring, or brook was utilised as a place where sacred rites were performed, and set aside for that purpose. These waters would not be used for domestic purposes. It was known as the “wan tapu” (scared waters), or “wai whakaika.” Lifting the tapu from persons was often done at such places. This custom still obtains among the Tahoe Tribe. When taking the tapu off bearers and burial parties, the person who officiates as tohunga (priest, shaman) conducts the party to the waterside and bids them take off their

– 200 –

clothing and immerse their bodies in the water, after which he recites a karakia (charm, incantation, spell, invocation) in order to lift or dispel the tapu, and gives the parties a cooked potato to eat. The persons are then noa, or free from tapu, and may partake of food and mix with their fellows. Cooked food, it may be observed, is a most polluting thing, the direct anti-thesis of tapu, hence it is used in these rites to destroy or overcome the tapu, (uncleanness or sacredness). To smoke a pipe of tobacco has the same effect, tobacco being termed food (kai) by the Maori, hence it is sometimes used in that way, generally perhaps in rites of minor importance. This rite of whakanoa, however, was performed with more ceremony in former times.

A portion of the food cooked for the ceremonial funeral feasts—i.e., at the burial of the dead, and at the exhumation of the bones—was specially sacred. It was for the chief officiating priest, and perhaps the first-born son of the chief (ariki) line of descent of the tribe, such a person being termed a “matamua” (first-born); also, perhaps, the food reserved for those who handled the dead body or bones was called by the same name—viz., “popoa.”

The whakanoa, or making-common rite, performed over those who handled a corpse, or bones of the dead, was termed “pure.” It dispelled the tapu and purified the operators.

A portion of the popar or sacred food was offered (whangaia) to the dead body by the priest (tohunga), who placed it to the mouth of the corpse and withdrew it. The dead person was supposed to absorb the ahua (semblance) or aria (likeness, resemblance, imaginary presence, form of incarnation, &c.) of the food. One authority states that the priest merely waved the food in the direction of the mouth of the corpse (“Ka poia te kai ki te waha o te tupapaku”), repeating as he did so,—

Tuputuputu atua
Ka eke mal l te rangi
E roa e
Whangainga iho
Kl te mata o te tau
E roa e.

Now, this is a singular thing: The above is a portion of an invocation to the stars, which was repeated at the “first fruits” ceremony in former times. Tuputuputu is, I believe, one of the Magellan clouds. All the principal stars are mentioned in a similar manner in the full version of the above. As it was an invocation to cause the stars to provide a plentiful supply of foods, I fail to see its connection with burial rites. My informant may have been in error in giving it in the above connection, yet he is the most learned of the Tuhoe Tribe in their ancient

– 201 –

history and ritual, and has taken part in the pure ceremony. The only point of light visible to me is this: The invocation was to induce the stars to send bounteous crops, as also to cause birds, &c., to be plentiful, but likewise to prevent food-products being afflicted by any disease, &c. The old-time priests may have endeavoured to ward off disease or death from the living at such rites as the above. It is certain that at many different functions in ancient times priests performed the tira ora rite, whereby to protect and retain the health, prosperity, welfare—physical, mental, and spiritual—of the tribe.

At the pure ceremony the chief mourner had his hair cut by a priest with a flake of obsidian. This was done at the wai kotikoti or wai whakaika, a sacred stream, spring, or pond where-at religious rites were performed.

The term “horohoro” is also used to denote a removal of tapu, or a portion of the rite. “Horonga” is applied to food eaten by the priest during the above ceremony.*Horohoro” in the Paumotuan dialect signifies “soul, spirit.”

I have heard it stated by a Native that bodies of persons of low social position were sometimes not buried, but simply thrown aside, with the added remark, “Nohea ra e rongo nga tupuna i te haunga” (“Our ancestors would not mind the stench thereof”)


Cremation was frequently practised by the Maori in former times. It was practised by those tribes that lived in open country where they had difficulty in concealing the bones of their dead from enemies; also by war-parties traversing hostile territory, who would cremate their dead, but often preserved the heads and carried them back home. At least one case is on record where a war-party, reduced to desperate straits during a foray, burned their wounded to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy.

An interesting article on cremation amongst the Maori people will be found in the “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. iii, p. 134.

In the Matatua district cremation was performed in some secluded spot, which remained tapu. The ashes were not preserved in any other way.

When Tu-korehu raided Rua-tahuna he lost Te Tiroa, a chief of his party, who was slain by Ngati-Tawhaki. The body of the slain man was cremated lest it be found and eaten by the Tuhoe people. As a relic of the good old days we have still among us in Tuhoeland two old men who have taken part in

[Footnote] * Williams's “Maori Dictionary.”

– 202 –

cannibal feasts. Even when a war-party was victorious they often were compelled to burn their dead on account of the difficulty of carrying the bodies home.

Those persons who died of kai-uaua (? consumption) were cremated by the Ngati-Awa Tribe of the Bay of Plenty district, and the ashes buried, in order to prevent any other person being affected by the disease.

The Maori has a belief that the priests of former times held wonderful powers. Observe the description of the whakanoho manawa rite, as given by the Tuhoe people, and included in the late Dr. Goldie's paper on “Maori Medical Lore,” in vol. xxxvii of the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute.”

The following incident was given to me by Himiona Tikitu, of Ngati-Awa, as having occurred two generations ago: “There was a large meeting of Te Awa-a-te-atua. All surrounding peoples attended it. Tawharau, of Nga-maihi, was there. The daughter of Rangi-takina saw him and deemed him handsome above all other men. She strove to gain him as a husband. He declined, saying, ‘You are far above me in social position.’ However, the woman overcame his scruples. Then things became interesting for Tawharau. Rangi-takaina and his people objected to the union, and put an end to it by slaying poor Tawharau. Nga-maihi heard of it. They went and dug up the buried body to the recited charms of the priests. They bore it to the Kupenga Fort (situated on the bank of the Rangi-taiki River, at Te Teko). They deposited it at the tuahu (sacred place where religious rites were performed). Then the priests gathered to challenged or incite the spirit of the dead man to turn and avenge the death of its body. Then the dead returned to life for a brief space, the magic spells were worked, the spirit rose to its dread work. Then the body returned to the clutches of death and was buried. Ere long Rangitakina and the other slayers of Tawharau were no more. The body of Rangi was placed in a European goods-case used as a coffin, and taken to Mount Edgecumbe for burial. People gathered to drag the coffin up the steep side of the mountain Nga-maihi were there. One of the latter, Meremere by name, rose to chaunt a time song for the hauling. It was a tauwaka:

Te hiwi
Te maunga e tu mai nei
E tupa
Hoi eke!
E tupa
Hoi eke!
Hoi eke! &c.

– 203 –

Pukaka, axe in hand, jumped for Meremere, intending to kill him, but Nga-maihi closed in and prevented him. The singing of the canoe-hauling song was in disparagement of Rangi-takina; it likened his body to a canoe. Enough! That party crumbled away, each to his home, each to his home.”

It often occurs that a Native will claim a small piece of ground where a parent or ancestor of his was buried or slain, although he has no real right to such lands, either ancestral or by conquest, and such claims are often agreed to by the Native owners of the block. When the Whaiti-nui-a-Toi Block was before the Court, Parakiri, of Ngati-Manawa, stated in his evidence, “I claimed a small part of Tahu-pango where my ancestor Taupoki was buried. Ngati-Whare had handed over the piece when my father told me that Taupoki's bones had been exhumed and taken away. I then waived my claim.”

There are many singular methods by which the Maori of yore sought to discover the cause of death and to avenge it. The following is another specimen, and the death of the wizard would be compassed by means of magic spells: “Another custom of the Maori people: A person dies and is buried. If it was believed that his death had been caused by witchcraft a stick would be procured, over which magic spells were uttered, and it was stuck in the centre of the grave and left standing there. Now, should that stick descend (of its own accord) into the ground, to the body which lies below, then not one of the persons who caused his death will survive: they will all perish. Such is the method adopted by the Maori people in order to avenge a person destroyed by witchcraft.”

In regard to the Earth taking back her children (man) to her bosom at death, a similar idea may be discerned in the Rig-veda: the earth seems to have been invoked “to receive the dead, as a mother receives her child.” Observe a quotation at page 256 of Max Muller's “Anthropological Religion”; also, at page 254, an account of purification by immersion of the body in water after funeral rites. Note the quotation, “They should not cook food during that night.” This is Maori. Funeral and many other religious rites were performed by the Maori early in the morning, and none were permitted to partake of food until the ceremony was over and the tapu removed. We note in translations of and writings upon these ancient Oriental works, as given by Max Muller, that fire and water were used for purification, just as they were among the Maori. In ancient Greece this custom also obtained: “It was usual at Athens to place a vessel full of water near the door, so that those who had become impure by entering the house [of the dead] might purify themselves.”

– 204 –

I here give a few notes concerning a death and burial which I myself witnessed in these parts some nine years ago. When camped in the sylvan vale of Te Whaiti-nui-a-Toi, in 1896, the Tama-kai-moana clan, of Maunga-pohatu, sent three children to Te Whaiti to attend the Native school at that place. Some time afterwards one of them, a little girl of seven or eight years of age, died at Te Whaiti, and her body was carried back to Maunga-pohatu to be buried with her ancestors. It was in this wise: The old patriarch of the clan accompanied the children, and to a certain extent commended them to my care, hence they spent much of their time at my camp. The fever came to the cañon of Toi, and the brown-skinned children of Toi went down before it. Pepuere, of Ngati-apa, and his wife broke out the trail from Te Whaiti. But a few days and bright-eyed Hara followed them in search of the Hidden Land of Tane. Then little Hineokaia passed out on her journey to the swirling weed of Motau, and, lest they be separated, took with her her infant brother, to leave the descendants of Tamatea the Cannibal wailing on the storm-lashed peak of Tara-pounamu. Timoti, of Marakoko, followed his playmates, and Wairama, of the daughters of Kuri, abandoned the world of life. Scarce passed a day but we heard the gun fire which betokened yet another death, and the world was dark to the people of the great forest of Tane. Then Marewa went down into the dark valley and wrestled for many days with death. The kutukutu ahi came—the delirium of fever, a fatal sign to the Maori—and little Marewa was called by her friends who had gone before.

I was writing in my tent one day when I heard a volley fired just across the river, and I knew that Marewa was about to lift the world-old trail trodden by all the sons of man, even from the days of Tura and of Maui. When I reached the place I found her lying in a tent a little distance from the settlement, her mother by her side, the people collected before the tent. I could see that the child's end was very near. Her father said to me, “Friend, your grandchild has departed.” And then, just before she passed away, he bade her farewell from where he stood outside the tent: “Farewell, O maid! Farewell. Go to your ancestors who await you. Go to your playmates. Return to your mother, to Maunga-pohatu, who brought you forth to the world of light. Go to the world of darkness. Farewell,” &c The mother sat wailing by the child's side. Warned by the guns, the people of adjacent places kept coming to join in the lamentation. Each one as he or she approached would cry out, “Farewell, O maid! Farewell.” The end came soon. As her mother sat with her hand on the child I saw the poor suffering mite draw

– 205 –

her last breath, and pass out over the edge of the rohe potae n search of another world.

Some days before the child's death her parents arrived, and her father began to prepare for carrying the child back to her home at Maunga-pohatu, that she might draw her last breath at her home and on her own tribal lands. Knowing the extreme roughness of the track, and judging that such carrying would cause the child much suffering, I objected strongly, saying that she should be allowed to die or recover where she was. I gained my point, but much offended some of the child's elders by my interference. As the child passed away an old woman sitting near raised the mournful long-drawn wail for the dead, and then many voices were raised to bewail the loss of Marewa-i-te-rangi. It was principally a wordless wail, but every now and then one or another would give a few lines of some old dirge.

The people of Te Whaiti wished the child to be buried at that place, but her people objected. Therefore a coffin was made of rough boards, the body placed in it, and the coffin tied on to a bier for carrying. Young men of the district offered their services as carriers, two carrying the bier, bearers changing every mile or two. The parents of the child asked me to accompany them to their home and see the last of their child. I could not leave with them, but knew that it would take them three days to carry the child home, whereas I could walk the distance in a day and a half. So I delayed starting until they had covered half the distance. The party stayed a night at three different Native villages, and at each place the mournful wailing was indulged in, as also speech-making. And the people of each place asked that the child be buried in their urupa (burialground), but the father objected. The family with whom the child had stayed at Te Whaiti accompanied the party, at, I think, the parents' request.

The last night on the road was passed at Rahitiroa, and I caught up to the party just before they arrived at that isolated hamlet. As we wended our way along the forest range, about three-quarters of a mile away, our party fired two guns to let the village people know we were near. They had before been apprised of the probable date of the arrival of the party. As we passed down the bush-covered spur leading down to the hamlet I saw old Hopa, of Hamua, cut a stick and hand it to one of the women of our party. As we approached the plaza we saw the people of the village assembled thereon, while men were firing guns frequently, some standing on the roofs of outhouses as they fired. As we halted about 30 yards from the collected people the coffin was placed on the ground and the wailing for the dead was proceeded with. After this was over our party sat down,

– 206 –

and the leading men of the place rose one by one and made speeches anent the death of the child and death in general. Then the principal men of our party did the same thing.

Now, when we marched on to the plaza the chief man of the place was standing in the ranks opposite. At once the woman of our party who had been provided with a stick walked up to him and struck him sharply across the shoulders several times. He took not the slightest notice, but stolidly continued his wailing. The cause of this was the fact that this man had proposed that Marewa be treated by a local tohunga (shaman), a crazy man who treated patients as being afflicted by kehua, or spirits of the dead. Although the child was not treated by this ruffian, yet the proposal for him to do so was deemed by some Natives to be the cause of her death. Also, the beaten man's own daughter had died but a few days before our arrival, and it was thought by some that she had been bewitched by the same old humbug. Had not the long-armed law of the white man been reaching out across the wild forests of Tuhoeland at that time, it is highly probable that the old warlock would have died suddenly of lead-poisoning.

At this forest hamlet we were treated to an illustration of the ancient custom of muru, or kai taonga—i.e., the taking forcibly or demanding payment for some injury or loss sustained by the person or persons from whom such payment is demanded. A girl of this place had been assaulted some days previously, hence our party demanded compensation. Why a people should pay for the privilege of being afflicted by some trouble is a somewhat difficult problem for the European mind to solve, though it appears to be clear enough to the Maor: Possibly it was looked upon as a punishment for them not having looked after the child better. It is a custom that, presumably, could only obtain among a communistic people. Anyhow, the visitors left the richer by two horses, two rolls of print, some new clothing, several greenstone ornaments, and 5s. in silver. Apparently the latter represented the amount of ready money in possession of the subclan.

A considerable amount of speech-making was indulged in. In the course of his speech one of the village people said, “Welcome, O maid! There are none here to welcome [beckon] you to the plaza. All your Maori people are dead. Your lands have become digging-places for the white man” [alluding to the Government road-works then in progress]. A woman murmured, “Ei! Moumou a Marewa” (“Marewa is wasted”—i.e., reared to no purpose). The old chief of Maunga-pohatu (grandfather of the dead child) rose: “Friends, the shadow of death has again come upon us, the death that came to man in the days of Maui

– 207 –

of old, in the days when man was young upon the earth. It has ever remained with us, even that all men, great and small, are caught in the snare of Hine-nui-te-Po. There is no escape from it. But this dying of our young people is a new thing. In former times our people did not die so—they scarce knew disease; they died on the battlefield or of old age, they knew no other death. These diseases which slay our people were brought by the white man. They brought the epidemics which raged in the days of our fathers, the rewharewha and the kurawaka, which slew many thousands of the Maori people. Now we are afflicted by the whaka-pakoko (fever). Friends, we have prayed long to the God that health and strength be given to the Maori people, that we may retain life. But the scourge never ceases, it continues and continues. Therefore have I ceased to pray for health and vigour for our people; I now pray that we old people may be taken, but that our children be spared. But methinks I see before me the end of the Maori people. They will not survive. For we can see that our people are fast going from the earth,” &c.

Next morning our party started on the last day's march to Maunga-pohatu, over extremely rugged forest country where the work of the bearers of the bier was no sinecure. When we reached the summit of the high, bleak range of Te Whakaumu a halt was made at the old taumata, or resting-place, used by these foot-travellers of the great forest for centuries past. The snow and cold sleet are driving fiercely across the sullen, exposed summit, yet the bier-bearers are stripped to the waist and perspiring profusely. The ascent of Te Whakaumu is no joke. When relieved they wrap blankets round their nude bodies and drop behind the bearers. Through a break in the driving storm we see the great rock bluff of Maunga-pohatu far above and ahead of us. The mournful wail of the lament for the for the dead sounds through the drifting snows. The mother of the dead child is crouched upon a rock near by, and gazing across the forest ranges at the storm-lashed mountain. She is greeting the sacred mountain of the fierce Tama-kai-moana clan, the enchanted mountain of many a wild legend, that, as Maori myth has it, gave birth to the dark-skinned people who dwell beneath it, and gathers them to her stony bosom in death. For she is the mana of the clan—she is the mother of the Children of the Mist.

The mother is in the whare potae. She is mourning for her child, and greeting the landmarks of her home. It is a combination of mother-love and the love of primitive man for his tribal lands. Now the summit of the mountain is suddenly covered with a white pall of mist. An old man said, “The mountain is greeting for her child.” The parents of the child

– 208 –

are a little apart; they have chaunted a lament for their child and greeted their mountain home. Then, as the mountain-brow becomes obscured by the mists the whole of the people give voice together in an ancient dirge of their race The bitter sleet and snow, fierce-driven by the winds, pelt the mourners unmercifully. Through the drifting scud we see the great cliffs far ahead, wherein are the caves of the dead, where l e the bones of many generations of the children of Potiki. And then, with the storm fiends lashing us, we go down into the darkling valley below.

When we reached the narrow valley where, in times long passed away, the men of Tuahau were done to death, we who were not bound by tapu indulged in a meal; but the bearers of the child were not allowed to partake of food until the shades of night should fall, and the bereaved parents, being in the whare potae, were also forced to go foodless. They sat apart from us “common” people, and full well do I remember the indignant refusal of the bereaved mother to partake of a pannikin of tea which I offered her. Mea culpa! Of a verity my sins be many.

When our party emerged from the forest into the clearing and saw, a mile below us, the village of the Tama-kai-moana clan, a few shots were fired to let the people know of our arrival. They fire several shots in return. Then we see the people rapidly collecting in the plaza, and long, wailing cries come to us on the clear mountain air. Descending by rugged ways we reach the stream below, where we halt and form into solid column, the bearers of the bier being in front. In that formation we march slowly up the slope towards the village. When about half-way up the challenger (wero) leaps from cover behind a stump. Naked to the waist, clad but in a scanty kilt, face painted, hair adorned with feathers, and brandishing a double-barrelled gun, he advances towards us, leaping from side to side, making hideous grimaces, lolling out his tongue, and emitting deep-toned grunts as of defiance. When within about 12ft. of the front of the slowly advancing column he rapidly fires both barrels of his gun to right and left, turns to his right, and walks quietly back to the hamlet. The column takes no notice of this exhibition, but marches slowly onward, with guns at the trail, looking straight before them and downward. Meanwhile volley after volley is being fired in our direction from the village, where many of the men are armed with breech-loaders. Loud cries of “Haere mai!” are mingled with a dozen different laments. As the head of our column reaches the fence which encloses the plaza the armed men are crouched behind it. Thrusting their guns through the palisades they fire a final volley over our heads, and then retire to take

– 209 –

their place among the village people who have gathered to receive our party. Then followed a long period of weeping (tangihanga), which we have already described. This lasted for about two hours (a very long tangihanga). After this the village people —i.e., some of the leading men—stood forth and made speeches in a loud voice. One big-framed bushman fiercely denounced the old chief for taking the child away to die through contact with the white people. “I do not stand forth to welcome you, but to blame you for the death of our child. You took her away to bring life to the Maori people! Not so: it was to bring death. We sent her living body forth from here: the semblance alone returns We saw you take her alive and well: you return us a piece of wood [the coffin]. Why do you bring this piece of timber here? I do not want it. Take it away and give me back my grandchild.” So he continued for some time; and then, dropping the fierce tone of voice, he greeted the child as though she were still living: “Come back, O maid! Come back to the home of your fathers. Return here to Maunga-pohatu, to your mother who greets you, greets you by the sign of the drifting mists. The breath of life has departed from you, the personality alone remains. Behold yon mountain!—the mountain that brought you into the world of life, and which greets her child as she returns to rest with her ancestors. Welcome. Come, child, though you be covered with the garment of death which descends upon all mankind, come and sleep with your fathers who await you,” &c.

That night the coffin was placed in a rude shed constructed for the purpose on the plaza. The mother and aunt of the child remained all night with the coffin. Every time I awoke during the night I could hear them wailing for the dead, crooning forth old laments in tones most doleful to hear.

Mourning and speech-making were continued the following day. The parents and aunt (the latter seemed to act as chief mourner—her part was the tangi whakakurepe) took food only after darkness fell. The young men who had carried the child from Te Whaiti had the tapu removed from them at an adjacent stream in the manner already described.

The second night of our stay, two of our party slept in a shed adjoining my own camp. I heard them rise about midnight and leave the place. It appeared that they had heard a whistling sound which frightened them, as they imagined it to be made by the ghost-spirit (kehua or whakahaehae) of the dead. Therefore they took up their blankets and fled to the large sleeping-house, where most of our party were, and there passed the remainder of the night.

On the second morning after our arrival the child was buried

– 210 –

The grave of one of her great-grandfathers, who flourished during the first half of the nineteenth century, and who had been buried at one side of the plaza of the village, was opened and the child laid within. The people were gathered together about 40 yards from the grave. The burial party were, of course, all tapu. When opening up the grave, one of them took out the skull of the old warrior who lay therein and held it up to the view of his descendants, from whom arose a long moaning wail at the sight. After the burial the tapu was taken off the burial party.

That night all the visitors were called to assemble within the meeting-house. On entering we saw that all the dead child's possessions, except her ordinary wearing-apparel, had been collected and displayed in the middle of the room. There were also other articles, presented by her elders. The items comprised beautiful feather cloaks; greenstone—both worked and polished ornaments, and blocks of the rough, unworked stone; cloaks and capes woven from dressed and dyed flax-fibre; as also other articles, together with £10 in money. All these things, as also the horses on which the child had been carried on divers journeys, were presented to the people with whom she had lived while at Te Whaiti, those who had tended her during her illness, and those who had brought her body back home. Farewell speeches were made by the village people that night to our party, who were to leave next morning, with many greetings to those who had been kind to the child.

When the sun climbed over the rugged front of Maungapohatu next morn I lifted the back trail for the cañon of Toi, amid the farewell cries of the bush folk—“Haere. Haere ki a Marewa.” (“Farewell. Return to Marewa”). Although actually leaving the child, yet to the Native mind her semblance and personality were ever with me and at my camp. Looking back from the summit of the range, before entering the forty-mile forest, I saw the mother seated opposite to her child's grave on the cliff-edge, and swiftly came back to me the words of Hopa of Hamua. “Kua riro to tatou kura i toku ringa. Hai konei ra E hine! Hai konei. Hai konei. Hai konei. (“Our treasure has now left my hands. Remain here, O maid! Farewell. Farewell. Farewell.”)

A remark omitted: In these days of the white man the Maori prizes highly a photograph of a deceased relative. Having a good many photographs of Tuhoe Natives in my camp, people come and ask to see a photo. of some relative who has passed away. This they will weep over for a while and then go away apparently satisfied. A Native asked me to photograph his dead daughter as she lay on the bier. When finished, I left it with the parents at their home. They made no sign during

– 211 –

my brief stay, but I had not ridden a quarter of a mile down the track before I heard the mournful wail for the dead raised. The old people here sometimes weep profusely at sight of a photograph of Te Kooti, or “Te Turuki,” as they term him.

The Maori of yore preferred to die in battle. He disliked the idea of perishing slowly of natural decay—“Engari kia mate a ururoa te tangata” (“Rather let man die like the ururoa shark, fighting to the last”).

At the lamenting for a dead man his widow is a prominent mourner. She walks about during the tangihanga weeping and indulging in the tangi tikapa (see ante). Near relatives of the dead, who take charge of the corpse, receive the choicest food, albeit they eat but at night. They are termed the “whare mate,” or “kiri mate.”

The mortuary memorial is occasionally a double one—in this way: When Takua, of the Ngati-Kahungunu Tribe, was slain at Nga-huinga, a wooden post was set up, and a pit (pokapoka) dug at the spot where he fell. Some of the memorials erected for chiefs were carved in a most elaborate manner.

I have heard an old Native say that weeping for the dead was not so common in pre-European days here as it has become since, and that it was principally performed over a person slain by treachery, not so much over those who were slain in fair fight or who died a natural death. It may be so, but I have my doubts.

On the return of a war-party there would be a tangihanga for those who had fallen.

W. Wyatt Gill has recorded the “trussing” of the body for burial in Mangaia (Cook Islands), with many other interesting facts; as also the case of a person who remained in the whare potae for seven years, for an only child.

In some cases members of a war-party would carry home the bones of their dead, as well as the head.

There is among the Maori no feeling against uttering the name of a person lately deceased.

A few weeks ago a Native was taken ill at Rua-toki, and it was thought his end was near, hence the people started to carry him to Matata, thirty miles away, that he might die among his own people and on his tribal lands. On reaching the Rangitaiki River, however, he died, but the bearers took his body on to Matata, where the mourning and burial took place.

Exhumation (Hahunga).

The exhumation of the bones of the dead usually takes place about four years after burial. It, however, often occurs that the dead are allowed to accumulate for years, and then a meeting

– 212 –

of the peoples to whom such dead belong is called for the purpose of taking up the bones and conveying them to burial caves or trees. This ceremony has ever been deemed by the Maori an extremely important one, and those who disentomb the dead or handle their bones are under very heavy tapu until the ceremony is over and the tapu removed by means of the pure rite. It often happens that some of the dead have been buried for a space of time considerably longer than four years. Others, again, may not have been buried for more than half of that time, or even less.

Many people collect at the larger meetings held for this purpose, caused by different clans being related through inter-marriage. and by the fact that Natives enjoy these meetings on account of the facilities they afford for social intercourse. There is much wailing for the dead when the bones are disinterred. At an exhumation which took place in this district some time back there were five men engaged in disinterring the bones, under an elderly man who acted as tohunga (priest, adept). As the delvers took out the bones they were wiped with handfuls of grass by the principal person of the party, and laid aside in little heaps, the bones of each body being kept separate. One of the bodies, that of a child, had only been buried a few months, and many objected to its being disentombed, but they seem to have been silenced. This hahunga was a lengthy one, and continued for some time, hence the working party could not go foodless for the period of the ceremony, hence just before each meal they had to be cleansed from the dread tapu before they could eat. They went down to the riverside and immersed their bodies in the waters thereof each time; the karakia whakanoa, or cleansing invocation or charm, would complete the removal of tapu until they recommenced their task. In days of yore this ceremony was always conducted by the priests, assisted by their pupils (neophytes). The bones of each body were wrapped up and placed on a stage, termed a “whata puaroa,” or “atamira,” where they remained until all were disinterred, and were then taken away and deposited in the burial-cave. This latter task fell to the lot of the relatives of the dead.

The priests erected the stage on which the bones were placed, and also put them on it, repeating as they did so,—

Ka iri ki te whata no Hotu
Hotu tu nuku, Hotu tu rangi
Hotu tu kai tau.
Ka iri ki te whata
Whatu nui, whatu roa
Ka eke ki te whata
Whatu Tangaroa.

– 213 –

The following is a charm used by the Ngati-Awa Tribe at such times:—

Ka iri ki te whata
O Hotu nuku, o Hotu rangi
Hotu tapoa nuku, tapoa rangi
Tu kai ure
Kai ure te po nunui
Kai ure te po roroa
Hikitia mai to manawa o Tane
Are mai te mana o Tane
Kopia mai te mana o Tane
Ka ngau ki tua, ka ngau ki waho
Toro hei!

The following is also from Ngati-Awa:—

Ka iri ki te whata
O Hotu nuku, o Hotu roa
Hotu tatakina te mata o Tunui
Hotu tukua mai te rehu tai moana
Ka whanatutu rangi
Whakapua Tutara-kauika
Te wehenga kauki
Ka iri ki te tarana o Tane-i-te-kapua
I te kapua nui, i te kapua roa
I te kapua matotoru
I te Tatau-o-Rangiriri
Turanga maomao
I tupu ki tua, tupu ki waho
Ka ea nga mahi, ka ora
Ora ki tupua, ora ki tawhito
Toro hei!

These exhumation ceremonies are still conducted among the Tuhoe Tribe with considerable ritual. At one such which took place in this district a few years ago the proceedings lasted for two weeks. This was on account of two children having died at the village while the hahunga was in progress, which prolonged the function. Then might be seen on one side of the plaza a tangihanga, or weeping for the dead, in progress, lamenting the dead with tears and wailing, while just across the open square a number of Natives were enjoying themselves, making merry with song and dance and shrieks of laughter.

Persons of low birth were not allowed to take part in disinterring the bones of the chieftain class. Persons so engaged cannot eat or drink until the tapu is taken off them. The visiting peoples at these exhumation meetings bring presents, termed “taonga kopaki” (see ante), for the relatives of the dead.

Supposing that some Natives of another tribe, say Ngati-Awa, were to die among the Tuhoe Tribe and were buried there, when the proper time came Tuhoe would disinter the bones, and a party of them would carry the bones to the homes of the dead in the Ngati-Awa country. Those of the party who actually

– 214 –

carried the bones would be tapu. Others would be a sort of escort. Some women would probably accompany the party, and would act as cooks on the journey. The party would also take some presents, such as greenstone ornaments (the jewels of Maoridom), &c., for the relatives of the dead. Ngati-Awa would not make any return presents, but would act in a similar manner should any of Tuhoe be buried on their lands. Relatives of the dead retained the taonga kopaki. Some of Ngati-Awa might attend the disentombing of their dead by Tuhoe, or none of them might be present.

Many years ago a party of Ngati-Kahungunu Natives from Te Wairoa, while on a visit to Rua-tahuna, fell victims to an epidemic which ravaged that remote vale. Some years after the Wairoa people asked Tuhoe to disinter the bones and convey them to Te Wairoa. This was done, and the Wairoa Natives collected at one of their villages in order to receive the party. As the latter entered the village and marched on to the plaza, those bearing the bones were in a state of nudity, to show that the tapu was on them. They merely wore a rude maro of green branchlets fastened round the waist. Rumours were abroad that the Wairoa people were armed and were going to fire on the party—a most extraordinary thing to do under the circumstances, but the old-time enmity between the two tribes was still keen at that time. They may have suspected witchcraft (makutu) as the cause of their friends' deaths. Just before the party entered the village, an old woman, who was performing the powhiri (welcome) from a small hill hard by, called out, “Kia tama-tane te haere” (i.e., “Be cautious how you advance”), and Tuhoe thought that things were about to happen. However, nothing untoward occurred.

The funeral feast held at the hahunga (disinterment) of bones of the dead was an important affair to the Maori people, and was accompanied by much ritual, repeating of invocations, incantations, &c. For some time prior to the ceremony the people would be busy at cultivating extra food for the occasion, and also preserving various kinds, as birds and fish. As the time for the hahunga tupapaku drew near, all available kinds of fresh foods would be obtained for the ceremonial feast. These foods would be cooked in different ovens (steam-ovens), each one having its distinctive name, and its contents being for certain persons only. Some of these ovens were intensely tapu, as the small one for the chief priest, and that for the eldest son of the high chief's family. This feast was a part of the pure or tapu- lifting rite. All obtainable vegetable food, as sweet-potatoes, taro, greens, &c., were cooked in these steam-ovens (umu or imu), together with fish, birds, and, as a special luxury, the

– 215 –

fiesh of the Native dog. Rats were often preserved in fat and so eaten.

Among the Tuhoe Tribe there were six different ovens prepared for the pure function—i.e., for the general feast. The function itself was often termed “ahi pure” (pure fire), sacred fires being used in many Maori rites, which often are termed “fires,” as “ahi taitai” (the taitai fire or rite), “ahi rokia,” &c. The term “umu” (oven, steam-oven) is often used in the same manner, as also is its variant form “imu”—e.g., umu pera, umu pongipongi, imu kirihau, imu wa-haroa, &c. The ordinary term for a steam-oven is “hangi,” which, however, Tuhoe never apply to these sacred ovens, or ovens used in connection with their numerous religious rites. Such ovens they invariably term “umu.” The Ngati-Awa Tribe often use the form “imu.”

The following are the ovens used formerly among Tuhoe: (1.) Tuakaha (umu tuakaha): A small oven: it contains food for high priests only. (2.) Potaka (umu potaka): Contains food for the priests of lower standing. (3.) Whangai (umu whangai): For the ariki or high chief of the tribe, the first-born of the principal family, a very tapu individual. The most highly tapu of all the ovens: even the priests could not approach it. (4.) Ruahine (umu ruahine): Contained food for the ruahine only, an elderly woman who was employed in whakanoa, or tapu-lifting rites. (5.) Pera (umu pera): Contained food for the warriors, fighting-men who had been proved in battle, and termed “toa,” “arero-whero,” “ika-a-whiro.” This was a large oven, 10 ft. to 20 ft. in diameter. No women were allowed near it. (6.) Tukupara (umu tukupara): This was a very large oven (or ovens) in which was cooked food for the ordinary people—i.e., the bulk of the people.

A portion of the sacred food was eaten by the priests, and a portion, as we have seen, was offered to the dead. People had to be very careful in regard to the above-mentioned ovens and the foods they contained. They were tapu, and all rights pertaining thereto were jealously guarded. The last-mentioned (No.6) alone might be approached or partaken of by any person. Should a person approach the oven (or its contents) of the priests or ariki (matamua), there was trouble toward of a very serious nature. But to take of such a food and eat it, even the scraps from a meal, was an act of impiety dreadful to think of. If a common person, the offender might be slain, or he might die of fright if the act had been done in ignorance. Anyhow, it would need a priestly rite to save him from the anger of the gods. If eaten in ignorance, and a priest were called in, the latter would perform the diagnostic rite in order to ascertain the cause of the patient's illness. He would then say, “He popoa to mate

– 216 –

Nau i kai i te popoa.” (“Your complaint is caused by your having eaten of the popoa”). This “popoa” is a term applied to the sacred foods set apart for the tapu persons who take part in the disentombing ceremony. For another person to eat such food was a hara, and the act would affect his throat, which would contract, or seem to contain some obstruction. “Popoki” seems to be another name for the popoa—sacred food used at the hahunga tupapaku ceremony, as also that used at the rite to take the tapu off a new-born child and its mother. One authority, and a good one, says, “Mo tenei ingoa, mo te popoki ko te mea tuatahi i te haerenga ki te mahi kai mo te tuatanga—manu ranei, ika ranei, ka kawea ki mua ma te atua” (“In regard to this word ‘popoki,’ it is the first article of food obtained by a party who are collecting food for the tua rite over a child, be it bird or fish; it is taken to the sacred place and offered to the god”).

But we must lift the tapu from the sacred foods of the hahunga feast or black death will be our portion. The tapu is removed by means of a karakia (invocation, charm, &c.) called a “whakau.” This is recited by the priest, who takes a small portion of the food (as a single sweet-potato) and offers it to the ancestral gods, to give power, influence, to his invocation. He then takes a small portion of the food and holds it over the bulk of the foods to be freed from tapu, and repeats,—

To kai ihi, to kai ihi
To kai Rangi, to kai Papa
To kai tapu
To kai rua Koiwi
To kai awe
To kai karu
To kai ure pahore
To kai matamua
To kai rua tupapaku
Whakataha ra koe
E te anewa o te rangi e tu nei
He tawhito to tapu e homai nei
Kei taku ure
Na te tapu ihi, na te tapu mana
Hinga ki mua
Takoto ki raro
Ki to Kauwha

The priest then lifts the piece of food to his mouth and recites,—

E kai tatau, E kai! E kai!
Kai atu tatau ki nga ihi i te rangi
Kai atu tatau ki nga tapu i te rangi
Kai atu tatau ki nga ruanuku
Kai atu tatau ki nga rua Koiwi
Kai atu tatau ki nga ru

– 217 –

Kai atu tatau ki nga atua tapu
Kai atu tatau ki nga mana i te rangi
Mate rouroua tiritiria, makamaka
Kia kai mai te ati tipua
Kia kai mai te ati tawhito
E kai! E kai!
E horo, e horo o tatau kaki
Kia kai nuku tatau
Kia kai rangi tatau
Kia kai matamua tatau
Kia kai wahi tap

Thus is the tapu taken off foods and persons, and the assembled peoples may then eat. Should they eat of the food before the tapu is lifted from it, then such food would turn upon and destroy them—which means that the gods would destroy or afflict them sorely for having been guilty of a hara, or infringement of tapu. The whakau also lifts the excess of tapu from sacred persons, such as priests and ariki. Understand, the whakau is the highest order of such invocations, but it is only repeated over the most highly tapu food, as the above-described, or food which has been carried on the sacred back of a matamua (first-born of a high chief's family). The taumaha is another variety of such karakia, but it is recited over ordinary foods much less tapu than the above. This taumaha also removes the tapu from foods. The whangai is a kind of whakau. It is applied to food “fed” (whangaia) or offered to a god (atua), and over which a charm is repeated by the priest. If persons are going on a journey to places where they fancy they may be bewitched, they cook some food, over which the priest recites his charm. A portion of this food the travellers eat, and a portion of it they thrust into their belts and so carry with them. It will have the effect of warding off the shafts of black magic. When they return from their journey, and before they enter the village, the priest will take the tapu from them, or it might endanger their welfare, or even their lives. They are then free to go to their own homes. The whakau is nowadays often termed a “whakawhetai,” a very misleading expression.

A good authority informs me that, should a person in former days so forget himself as to eat of the umu whangai (No. 3), he would at once be slain.

In ancient times the flesh of the breed of native dogs known as ruarangi was much esteemed for these funeral feasts of the Maori.

A good deal of the above ritual is still retained at these functions among the Tuhoe Tribe.

Among the Ngati-Awa Tribe the following appears to be a list of the ovens used at the hahunga: (1.) Umu kaha: For the priest. (2.) Umu potaka, or umu kirihau, or imu tamaahu:

– 218 –

For matamua (see ante). (3.) Umu waharoa: For the bulk of the people.

The imu pararahi seems to be the same as No. 1. But my notes on Ngati-Awa rites are very meagre. Tutakangahau, of Tuhoe, says that the pararahi was an umu marae—i.e., for the bulk of the people. A Ngati-Awa member states that among that people women were not allowed to partake of the pure foods.

Caves and holes, chasms, &c., where bones of the dead are deposited are called “whara.” They are usually situated in very secluded spots, and are often most difficult of access. Some of these caves, situated in precipitous cliffs, have to be approached by ladders, or by a person being lowered from the summit of the cliff. One at Rua-tahuna can only be gained by climbing a tree, then laying poles from the tree-top to the ledge of the cliff-face where the cave is. Some, with small entrances, are blocked by means of stones. Some, again, are mere rock shelters, not true caves.

As the bearers of the bones of the dead proceeded to the cave or tree where the bones were to be deposited, a priest preceded them repeating the following (E haere atu ana ano, ka timata te karakia waere atu a te tohunga):-

He kimihanga
He rangahautanga
Ka kimi ki hea?
Ka kimi ki uta
Ka kimi ki hea?
Ka kimi ki tai
Ka kimi ki te Po
Ka waere ma kereta
Ka waere ma kereti
Ka kitea mai te hau o te tipua
Te hau o te tawhito mai te rangi tu
Kai te kahui mate i te Po
Kai te kahui ora i te ao nei
Tena ka kitea koe ki tua
Ka kitea koe ki te whai ao
Ki te a

The bones of each person are made into a bundle, and are, or were, often smeared with red ochre (kokowai) before being placed in the cave. The party who carry the bones to the whara have to be whakanoatia, or freed from tapu, before returning home.

Among the Maori people, the elements of fire and water were the recognised purifiers of persons, objects, and places which were tapu (sacred, or unclean). Oriental peoples utilised them for the same purpose. In ancient Rome, on the return of relatives of the dead from the cremation of the corpse and the

– 219 –

Placing of the remains in the sepulchre, they “stepped over a fire and were sprinkled with water.”* Among the followers of Zoroaster water is the great purifier, but the urine of cows is also used for that purpose, and also as a charm against evil spirits. A similar custom to the latter obtained among the Maori, as we will endeavour to show in the days that lie before.

A Native woman died recently at Ruatoki. She was, as is usual, placed in a tent to die, hence the cottage of herself and husband did not become tapu. They had another, a rude hut built of trunks of fern-trees, some distance away, where they lived when working in their maize-field, and in which they kept various cooking-utensils. Riding past the spot this day, I noted that the hut had been burned, with its contents.

Ahi mate (extinguished fire): This term is applied to a place where all the people have died, or are ill, and so cannot keep their fires going, as a place where an epidemic is raging. It is often used as is the “cold hearthstone” of Keltic peoples.

Whare ngaro, or whare mate: This expression implies a lost house—i.e., a lost line of descent, where all members of a family die without issue.

Marua matenga rangatira: The word “marua” is used to denote a land deprived of its protector, safeguard, counsellor, &c.; as when a head chief dies it is remarked, “Marua ana te whenua” (ara, kua kore he tino tangata hai arai i te kino, i te aha, i te aha, i te aha).

When a maori dies his children inherit his property. Weapons, implements, &c., of ordinary kinds would be shared, or all would use them, also clothing. But any specially prized or valuable weapon or garment (e.g., a dogskin cloak) would become the property of the eldest son, who would have the arranging of such matters. Such an article as a canoe would be used by all the children—He waka eke noa (any one can use it).

When Kahu-tatara was slain by Ruru at Pu-kareao the relatives of the dead man felled the trees at the spot where he was killed, as a tohu (sign, or memorial) for his death. When Te Ahuru, of Tuhoe, died at Rua-toki he was buried at Te Tawhero pa (fort). A dog burrowed his way into the grave. It was seen, pursued, and killed in crossing the Whakatane River. Hence that river was tapu for some time, the tapu being finally removed by Kereru te Rua-kari-ata, who drank some of the water during the ceremony.

Among Tuhoe, most ghoulish of cannibals, the body of a

[Footnote] * “Anthropological Religion,” p. 272.

[Footnote] † “The Story of Religions,” by E. D. Price, p.46.

– 220 –

person who died a natural death was sometimes eaten, if he was not a near relative.

When a loved relative, as a favourite child, dies it is a common thing for the child's property, clothing, playthings, &c., to be destroyed or given away. In the case of Marewa, cited above, this was done so completely that no article of hers remained, whereupon her grandfather applied to the master of the Native school that she attended for the child's slate, that her people might have something of hers to greet over and remember her by.

On the death of a chief of importance, one possessed of much mana (influence, prestige, &c.), social, intellectual, and spiritual— a person who would, of course, be highly tapu—a peculiar rite was performed in many cases by the eldest son of the deceased, in order that he might acquire the powers of his father. A part of this ceremony consisted in the son biting the ear, or big toe, of the corpse.

When Mahia, of Tuhoe, was slain by Te Whakatohea at Te Pa-puni those lands were made tapu, on account of a chief's blood having been shed thereon. This of course meant that no one might utilise the food-products of such lands. Some of the people living there did, however, eat of such foods. This being a serious violation of tapu, a party of Tuhoe marched on the Pa-puni and slew many of those erring ones.

When Ngati-Awa defeated Tuhoe at O-tu-kai-marama, near Te Teko, they captured alive both Wahawaha and Tipoka of the latter tribe. Before being slain the captives sang together a song of greeting, affection, and farewell to their tribe and lands. They were then slain by the widows of those of Ngati-Awa who had been slain by Tuhoe.

The Ngai-Tama clan of Te Whakatohea Tribe assisted in defeating Ngapuhi at Motiti Isle. They were under the chief Titoko, who brought to Opotiki a cannon which had been captured from Ngapuhi. This cannon was fired off whenever a chief died, for the Maori delights in making a noise at such times. A Native who had his horse drowned while crossing the creek near my camp at Rua-tahuna returned with his gun and fired several shots over the place where the animal perished.

Plumes of the huia and kotuku birds were used to decorate the heads of deceased chiefs as they lay upon the atamira. The Ngati-Awa people say that fine plumes of the moa were formerly used for this purpose. They were termed the “rau-o-piopio,” and grew under the “armpits” of the moa.

When in former times a man was lost and thought to be dead, the priest would perform a certain rite and repeat a charm to cause the bones of the dead to “resound,” so as to make

– 221 –

known their whereabouts. The bones of a murdered man were collected by a priest, who placed them in a heap before him. He would then proceed to whakatara the same—that is, to recite an incantation over them to cause them to give a sign to show whether or not the death would be avenged. A singular kind of divination this! Should the bones move of their own accord as they lay before the priest, that was deemed a tohu toa, a token of victory—the death would be avenged.

We have seen that lands were rahuitia, or placed under tapu, sometimes at the death of a chief. The same thing was done in regard to rivers, streams, and lakes. When Matiu's sons died, the Okahu Stream at Te Whaiti was put under tapu, as also were the Ngaputahi lands. Hence no fish, birds, or vegetable foods could be taken therefrom until the tapu was lifted.

In the case of an important chief or priest his tapu would be intense. At his death his son, or whoever prepared him for burial, would have to be extremely careful in his speech and actions. Any error made would cause his death—e.g., a mistake made in repeating a charm or invocation. Persons so deeply tapu could not touch food with their hands, and had to be fed by another person, or gnaw at the food on the ground, as a dog would.

A special person, termed a takuahi, was often employed by priests to kindle sacred fires and ovens for them.

For the bones of their dead to fall into the hands of enemies was a dreadful thing to the Maori, for that enemy would heap every indignity on such. Drinking-vessels were formed from skulls. In one such case in this district a man obtained an enemy's skull and grew in it a taro as food for his child.

Infringements of tapu were sometimes punished by a party of the tribe, often of near relatives of the transgressors, coming and forcibly seizing and carrying away the portable property of the latter, as food, &c.

When old Hakopa, of Te Umu-roa, died, which was on the 14th November, 1900, we did not hear of the death at my camp until the next day. But on the afternoon of the 14th my near neighbours, an old Maori couple, living 200 yards from my camp, came to my tent and asked me what I had called out for. On my replying that I had not called them they retired. Next day they came up and said, “We have just heard that Hakopa has died. Now, it was his wairua (spirit) that we heard calling out yesterday, and thought that it was you calling. Spirits of those recently dead often do these things.” When Natives are annoyed by such a spirit of the dead they proceed to banish it by cooking a potato, carrying it round the hut, and then eating it. Even the smoking of a pipe may have the desired effect.

– 222 –

We have noted that a large proportion of deaths were, in former times, ascribed to the gods, who thus punished the violation of tapu. Even those who were said to perish through witchcraft may come under this heading, for the gods imparted the power to such magic spells or charms. But many different causes were given in those days. Here is an example: When discoursing on the history, &c., of the tribe, should a person of the party condemn some statement made as being false, in order to make himself appear important, “two nights,” as my informant put it, “would not pass ere he died. For our ancestors would hear their tribal history condemned, and would slay the person who denied its truth. Such is the power of our ancient knowledge. Thus do our ancestors watch over and guard us.”

Death was not often allowed to interfere with important tribal duties. After Whitmore's raid on Rua-tahuna, Tuhoe gathered at Tahuaroa and decided to send Himiona te Pikikotuku to Roto-rua to sue for peace. He said, “How can I go? My wife is dying.” His wife at once said, “Do not think of me. Think only of the tribe.” So Himiona started for Roto-rua. As he was ascending the range above Pu-kareao he heard across the forest-clad hills the volleys which told him that his wife had passed away. But he trudged on, bearing the greenstone battle-axe “Hau-kapua” as a peace offering to the Government.

An old woman of the Ngati-Manawa Tribe, being near death, caused her people to place her on a sledge and drag her to the base of the range, near Horomanga Creek, dig her grave there and place her in it, where she died. She had told them before as to the day she would die.

When Mawake, of Kawerau, died his bones were placed at Waitaha-nui. Manaia found them and took the jaw-bone, from which he fashioned a fish-hook. When he went a-fishing with this hook all so gay a sign came to him : a fish called “aho” leaped into his canoe. Then the monsters of the deep rose and destroyed Manaia and his fellow-fishermen. Moral. Don't interfere with tapu objects.

The expression “mate a rakau” is sometimes applied to a natural death. It implies decay, or death as a tree dies—of decay, not by violence or magic spells. The terms “mate tara whare” (death by the house-wall) and “mate koeo” (also termed “mate aitu” and “hemo o aitu”) are also used to denote a natural death. “A, roa kau iho ano i muringa iho o taua taua nei, ka mate a Nahu. He tino koroheke a ia, a mate a rakau ai tona mate, ara i tae ano ki te wa e ruhi ai te tinana, a ka mate a ia.” (“Nahu died some time after that war expedition. He was a very old man, and his death was that of a tree—that is

– 223 –

to say, he had arrived at the age when the body becomes very weak, and he then died.”)

When Whitmore's column were marching on Rua-tahuna they attacked the Harema pa at Te Whaiti, slaying some of the inhabitants. Hence the place became tapu—not only the fort, but also the surrounding lands—on account of the blood shed there. Shortly afterwards some of the Ngati-Hine-kura clan settled on those lands, but were turned off by Ngati-Tawhaki because the tapu was still new. “Kaore e tika kia noho he tangata ki kona, engari kia mataotao nga mate” (“It was not right that people should live there until the deaths ‘cooled.’”).

Besides natural decay the Maori recognised three modes of death—mate atua, or death caused by the gods (deaths by witchcraft (makutu) may also be placed under the above heading, for reasons already quoted); mate taua, or death on the battle-field, is a third class; while accidental deaths and suicide may be called a fourth.

Many curious notes pertaining to death may be found in my Tuhoe notes included in the late Dr. Goldie's paper on “Maori Medical Lore,” in the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” vol. xxxvii, as also in vol. xiv of the “Journal of the Polynesian Society.”

Nga taru o Tura” (the weeds of Tura) is a term applied to grey hairs (of genus homo). The singular story of Tura and the coming of death may be found in vol. ii of White's “Ancient History of the Maori.” I have never obtained any version of this peculiar legend from the Tuhoe Tribe. As also the wai ora a Tane (the life- or health-giving waters of Tane) I leave for other pens to describe, my Tuhoean notes on the subject being meagre. Suffice it to say that the moon bathes in those waters of life each month, and so renews her life. Maui desired that man should do the same. Tane, the ubiquitous, appears under many names, as parent, origin, or tutelary deity, &c., of trees, birds, &c. Some Natives speak of Tane-te-wai-ora being a separate person, but it seems probable that there was but one Tane, who, however, assumed many functions under different names, like unto the god Merodach, of Babylonia.

Under the term “ahi parapara” we find some very curious rites and charms or invocations. The expression “parapara” is applied to many things—as remnants of clothing of the dead, the spittle of a living person, &c.—but always, I believe, bearing or implying the sense or state of tapu. Two of these rites were known as “ahi tute” and “ahi rokia.” They were utilised to whakanoa, or make common (to remove tapu, to purify), as, for instance, persons who had become tapu through touching or handling something belonging to the dead. Observe the terms

– 224 –

ahi tute,” or tute fire, “ahi rokia,” or rokia fire: these expressions are really equivalent to “the tute rite” and “the rokia rite.” But in the performance of these rites sacred fires were kindled by the priest—kindled by the friction process, hence they were styled “ahi pahikahika,” or generated fires, for such sacred fires must be so generated by means of the ancient and primitive process of the Maori; they could not be kindled by means of a firebrand or coals from another fire, and to light them by such means from a cooking-fire would spell death for every person concerned. But note how the idea of the purifying effect of fire has been retained in all these Old-World customs and ceremonies.

The word “tute” implies a driving or thrusting away. The following incantation is to thrust away or fend off the hurtful powers of tapu, mana, and parapara—i.e., to make common and render harmless.

The Tute Charm. (Part only.)

I ka ra taku ahi tute
Tute hoki tua, tute
Tute hoki waho, tute
Tute ka mania, tute
Tute ka paheke, tute
Tute ka whati, tute
Tute ka oma, tute
Tute nga tapu nei, tute
Tute nga mana nei, tute
Tute nga parapara nei, tute.

This was all that my informant could remember of this peculiarly worded karakia.

Here follows the rokia charm or incantation. The expression “rokia” or “roki” implies a lulling of the senses, a causing of forgetfulness, a dulling of visual and mental perception. Cf. the terms “rotu,” “roku,” and “roroku.” The rotu is a charm to put a person to sleep.

The Rokia Charm.

Hika ra taku ahi e roki
Rokia i nga parapara nei
Rokia i nga tapu nei
Rokia i nga mana nei
Kia tae koe
Koi ihi, koi nana
Koi naunau (ngaungau) e roki.

“This ceremony is an ahi parapara. The rokia renders the parapara, tapu, &c., harmless—prevents them from turning to afflict man.”

A singular expression, overheard by myself one day: “The stones with which the body of Te Whatu-pe was cooked are

– 225 –

still weeping.” As usual I made inquiries, for you must be keen to catch and follow up such remarks if you wish to acquire the old-time lore and study the mentality of primitive man. Te Whatu-pe, of Tuhoe, was slain by a party of Te Whaka-tohea about five generations ago. His body they cooked in a hangi (steam-oven) and ate. It is said that the stones used to heat the oven are still weeping—that is to say, the fat from the cooked body is still exuding from those stones, but only when the descendants of Te Whatu-pe visit the place.

Peka titoki” : An expression often heard when persons are speaking of death. The branch of a titoki tree (or, presumably, of any other tree) dies, decays, and is seen no more, but the peka tangata (human branch) decays and is seen again in his offspring. So-and-so is dead, but his children survive—apa he peka tutoki (if he were a peka titoki, then indeed he would leave no trace behind). The rendering given by Sir George Grey in his “Maori Proverbs” is different. The term “peka titoki,” he says, is applied to anything difficult to break, or to a people difficult to conquer. The titoki has a very tough, strong timber, resembling hickory.

The Maori was a believer in metempsychosis. When Hineruarangi, daughter of Toi the Wood-eater, of immortal fame, died, her spirit entered upon another earthly life in the form of a cormorant, which bird has since been the tribal banshee of the Ngati-Whare Tribe, of Te Whaiti. Whenever a chief of that people is about to die, or prior to a defeat of the tribe in battle, the bird appears flying above the village of Ngati-Whare at Te Whaiti. Another of their omens of a like nature is the playing of lightning on the mountain-peak of Tuwatawata. Each tribe of this district has its rua koha—principally high ranges or peak, to see lightning playing on which is believed to foretell the death of a tribal chief. Landslips are also looked upon in a similar manner.

Te Tahi and Te Putaanga, two ancestors of the Ngati-Awa Tribe, are said to have both reappeared as sea-demons (marakihau) after their death. They are represented among the carved ancestral figures in the Native meeting-house at Ruatahuna.

Spirits of the dead are said to sometimes return here in the form of butterflies or moths.* The spirit of a stillborn child may enter a bird, or fish, or animal, or insect, when it works havoc as a caco-demon.

Nga-rangihangu, an ancestor of the Ngati-Manawa Tribe, became a taniwha (water-demon) after death, and abode in the Rangi-taiki River at Raepohatu, near Te Houhi.

[Footnote] * Cf. beliefs of the Samoans and Niassans.

– 226 –

Expressions, Proverbs, Aphorisms, etc., Pertaining to Decay and Death.

Nga mate i Kawerau, me tangi mai i Whakatane; nga mate i Whakatane, me tangi atu i Kawerau” (The deaths at Kawerau, mourn for them from Whakatane; those who die at Whakatane, mourn for them from Kawerau). This saying is applied when persons are too busy or are disinclined to attend funeral obsequies at a distant place.

Ka mate he tete kura, ka ora he tete kura” (When a chief dies another is ready to take his place).

Wairoa tapoko rau” (Wairoa engulfs hundreds). Applied to the Wairoa district, Hawke's Bay, on account of so many people being slain there—by witchcraft, according to surrounding tribes.

Tauarai o te Po, titoko o te ao marama” (Screen from Hades, prolonger of life). Applied to those who succour persons in danger.

Mohaka whanaunga kore” (Mohaka the relationless). Applied to the Mohaka River, on account of so many persons having been drowned therein.

Ka pu te ruha, ka hao te rangatahi” (The old net is laid aside, the new net takes up the work). When men become old, feeble, and near to death, young men take up their work.

Puritia to kauri hai o matenga mou” (Keep your kauri as food for your death journey). Kauri=the soot from resinous wood, used for tattooing-pigment. This remark is said to a mean person who will not give something he has been asked for.

Whatu ngarongaro he tangata, toitu he whenua” (Man passes away, but the land remains for ever).

Kua tau nga Taru o Tura” (The weeds of Tura—grey hairs—have appeared, death is approaching).

Kati te tangi, apopo tatau ka tangi ano, apa ko te tangi i te tai, e tangi roa, e ngunguru tonu” (Cease wailing, to-morrow we shall mourn again. We are not like the sea, which ever murmurs, ever rumbles). Said at funeral obsequies when the crying and wailing is prolonged.

Matua pou whare, rokohia ana; matua tangata, e kore e rokohia” (You can always seek and gain shelter in your house, but not always so with a friend—death may take him).

Kei mate a tarakihi koe” (Be careful lest you perish, or suffer, through indolence, dilatoriness, &c.).

Engari kia mate a ururoa te tangata” (Rather let man die as does the ururoa shark, strenuous and fighting to the last).

Na wai te kokomuka-tu-tara-whare i kiia kia haere?” (Who said that the house-wall-growing Veronica should travel?).

– 227 –

Used by an old person, feeble from old age, when asked to leave home. He sticks to the house or house-wall, like the species of Veronica called “kokomuka-tu-tara-whare,” which grows on the earth-covered sleeping-houses.

Kai hea te ua o te rangi hei ua iho i te rae o Tane-nui-a rangi” (How may the rains of the heavens fall from the brow of Tane-nui-a-rangi). Quoted by a person who saves another from death in battle, especially when his power to do so is questioned.

He iti na Tuhoe e kata te Po” (A few of Tuhoe and Hades shall laugh). A saying applied to the Tuhoe Tribe, on account of their valour and ferocity in war.

Ka pa te hau mihi kainga, he hurihanga kaupapa” (When soft, gentle breezes blow, then disaster is nigh). Such winds are deemed an omen of death or disaster.

Ehara i te ti e wana ake” (When man dies he is seen no more, unlike the Cordyline, which when cut down sends forth shoots from its stump).

He ai atu ta te tangata, he huna mai ta Hine-nui-te-Po” (Man begets offspring, while the Goddess of Death destroys them).

Ka mate tino tangata, tena e rewa mai” (When a chief dies plenty of uhunga or mouning parties will come).

He wahine, he whenua, e ngaro ai te tangata” (Through women and land do men perish). These were prolific causes of war.

He toa taua, mate taua; he toa piki pari, mate pari, he toa ngaki kai, ma te huhu tena” (The warrior dies on the battlefield, the cragsman by cliff-side, but the industrious cultivator perishes of natural decay).

I paia koia te Reinga?” (Is the underworld closed?) Be not foolhardy or you will perish.

The term “aroarowhaki” denotes the quivering of the hands, with arms extended, as seen performed by mourners, usually by elderly women.

When Big Jim, the guide, of Taranaki, was killed at Manawahiwi, just where the road from Te Whaiti commences to ascend Tara-pounamu, by an ambush of Tuhoe, the force camped at that place for the night. Major Scannell informs me that the force buried the body of the scout, and lighted a large fire on the grave that it might not be noticed by the enemy when the party moved on.

When the famous Winiata, of the Native Contingent, was slain at Taupo his body was buried in the bed of a stream for a similar reason.

In H. B. Sterndale's writings we find a description of exhuma-

– 228 –

tion as practised in the Caroline Islands, where the bones were cleaned, painted, and preserved, as among the Maori.

A singular rite, the invoking of the dead, the spirits of dead-and-gone ancestors, that they may aid their living descendants in battle. See a description in the “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. viii, p. 217.

In regard to the popoa, or sacred food, above mentioned, we see in Mr. Percy Smith's account of Niue and its people that the word “poa” there means “an offering to the gods.” This is evidently the original meaning of “popoa.”

In the “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. vii, p. 50, is a note from Mr. R. E. M. Campbell, in which he mentions the grave near Kihikihi, Waikato, wherein “the bodies were buried in a circle, the feet toward the centre.” In the same Journal, vol. xii, p. 209, Mr. Percy Smith has a note on the custom of sacrificing slaves at the building of a fort (pa). “In the case of a pa, slaves were often buried in a sitting posture, embracing the base of the main posts of the palisading. Not many years since six skeletons were discovered in such position at the base of the posts of a large pa near O-potiki.”

We have seen that the spirits of the dead sometimes afflict the living. Such complaints are termed “mate kikokiko,” and are said to frequently result in death. An old man explained to me, “The spirits of dead persons are afflicting such sufferers. These kehua control them. If the afflicted person survives, he will be the medium of that [evil] spirit. Some people become demented when so affected.” Natives say that these spirits of the dead are sometimes seen as a flying luminous object at night. They move swiftly, but never far above the earth. The name “tirama-roa” is applied to this phenomena. “Tirama-roa is a (spirit, a ghost) kehua, a whakahaehae, a turehu. It is not a star-name. It looks like a moving torch, and is seen moving along the tops of high ranges. It is a spirit of the dead. I have seen such at Maunga-pohatu, flitting along the range-top. Tunui-a-te-ika is a kehua. It has a big head, and flies through space. It is a sign of death.”

When the Okarea pa (fort) at Wai-a-tiu fell to Ngati-Awa and Tuhoe, the chiefs Te Hauwai and Taha-wai were slain, their bodies falling over the cliff into the Wai-a-tiu Stream, a tributary of the Whirinaki River. Hence this river was long under tapu. In after-years it was Puritia who lifted the tapu and sacrificed a slave named Tamure in order to give force to the rite.

The old custom of muru is rapidly passing away, but in former times it was strictly carried out. It was applied in many ways. For example, should a person meet with some accident or other trouble, a party of the tribe would proceed to despoil

– 229 –

him and his family of their portable personal property. This was also done sometimes at the death of a person; his family would thus lose their food, &c., which would be seized and taken by the plundering party, who often acted in a very rough manner. Colonel Gudgeon attributes this peculiar custom to the communistic mode of life of the Maori. A man's life, energies, knowledge, &c., were tribal property primarily, and his relatives had no right to let him die or be injured.


Te Mauniko, wife of Te Ahuru, shot herself when their son Kawana died.

Mautini committed suicide by jumping into a pool of boiling water at Tikitere, because her husband had deserted her She could not stand the jeers of the people.

Ridicule was a frequent cause of suicide among the Maori. No difference was made as to the burial of suicides.

The Maori Hades. (Maori Ideas Concerning the Spirit-World.)

No paper on Maori eschatology would be worth notice unless it contained some explanation of the Native conception of the spirit, or soul, of man, as well as their ideas concerning the spirit-world. Hence some description of these matters here follows. Lest, however, their briefness cause comment, I may state that they are purposely curtailed, and for two reasons. In the first place, I have already published many notes on these subjects in my paper on “Spiritual Concepts of the Maori,” and also I propose to leave other matter, not yet published, for a paper on “Maori Religion,” should I ever be able to summon courage to attempt to describe such an intricate system. Moreover, methinks this paper is already quite long enough to try the patience of the hapless reader.

As observed, I have already attempted to record the Maori conception of the spiritual nature of man. This has been approached with no preconceived ideas of primitive religions, nor yet with any fanatical leaning towards any religion, primitive or otherwise. I have no pet theory to bolster up, nor do I wish to identify the Maori with the Lost Tribes. I would much rather they remain lost. The world can well spare them. Hence I hope to compile a truthful, if meagre, account of Maori beliefs.

The wairua, or spirit, of man was, according to Maori belief, equivalent to the ka of the ancient Egyptians, the shadowy self which leaves its physical basis (as in dreams) and wanders

– 230 –

afar off. But the ka continued to abide in the body after death, whereas the Maori wairua leaves the body at death and descends to Hades, the underworld, “Te Po,” as the Maori terms it. Po signifies night; po uri = darkness; hence, apparently, “the realm of darkness,” or oblivion; although other evidence seems to support the idea that the underworld is by no means a realm of darkness, and that the dead lead there a life very much like life in the upper world. This world and this life are termed the “ao marama” (world of light), as opposed to the po, or world of death.

The Maori had neither evolved nor borrowed a belief in a soul, or psyche, which is judged after death and punished or rewarded as for evil or good deeds committed in this world. No such distinction exists in the Maori spirit-world. The old-time Maori looked forward to no condition of calm peace and happiness in the next world, nor to any sensual pleasures. On the other hand, however, he was not terrorised by threats of raging hell-fires waiting for him, as are we.

The Maori was ever a firm believer in and practiser of necrolatry, pschomancy, physiolatry, and oneirology.

If when a person's wairua is absent from the body it comes under the effect of spells of black magic it is destroyed, and its physical basis, the body, also perishes. But during such rambles it often discovers some danger threatening the body, and returns to warn it. On awaking from sleep a man might say, “So-and-so is trying to bewitch me, my wairua has warned me.”

A Maori dislikes to awake a person suddenly, as by shaking him. His wairua may be absent on a little jaunt: it is well to give it time to re-enter the body.

Maori religion is essentially polytheistic—very much so. And yet we see, in some very ancient and fragmentary tokens of a former cult, evidence that at some remote period in the history of the race either monotheism or something akin to it must have prevailed. I refer to the cult of Io.

Animistic conceptions teem in Maori myth—they form its most notable feature; and a very interesting monograph might be compiled on this subject. The anima mundi theory is quite Maori.

The wairua (spirit) of man is an intelligent, a sentient spirit. It leaves the body at death, and either descends at once to the underworld, or remains near its physical basis as a kehua, or spirit-ghost. These ghosts are much feared by the Natives, for they can inflict grievous injuries on the living.

Nearly all Maori gods may be termed ancestral, though I have never heard the term applied to Io—he who formed or

– 231 –

was the origin or prototype of all other gods. Unless Io comes under that heading, moral gods are lacking in the Maori pantheon. Rongo and others were gods of peace, but their code of ethics was scarcely pure.

An ancestral god would succour and protect his descendants, unless they violated some law of tapu, when they punished the erring one with severity. But they were powers for evil: they imparted the power to the spells and rites of black magic practised by their descendants. They were also war-gods of great ferocity and of a pitiless nature.

Spirits of the dead were termed “kehua,” or “whakahaehae” (spirit-ghosts), or “kikokiko” (man-assailing evil spirit), or “atua” (demon); sometimes merely “wairua,” a term applied to the spirit of man, whether its physical basis be living or dead. The Maori has not the elaborate system of spirit nomenclature possessed by the old-time Romans, with their “lar,” “lemur,” “larva,” “manes,” and “penates.”

It has been stated that the spirits or souls of the chiefs of the Maori are believed to ascend to heaven at death. This is not an old-time belief among any Maori people I wot of, but is doubtless a modern idea, the result of missionary teachings. In the words of an old Native of Ngati-Awa: “Our ancestors never said that the spirits of the dead ascended to the heaves. Our parent Rangi [the Sky] never said ‘Let my descendants ascend to me.’ But Rangi said unto Papa [the Earth Mother], ‘Our descendants—treat them kindly, conceal them in many places—beyond, seaward, inland, in the realm of darkness.’ Friend, there were two men of my people, Ngati-Awa, who died. Their spirits descended to the reinga (spririt-land). Their parents sent them back to this world. They said that when they arrived at the rerenga-wairua they stood on the beach by the waterside until the waters receded and exposed a hole in the rocks. By this way they descended to the underworld. They came to a fence which was guarded by several persons, who told them not to pass under the fence, but to clamber over it. They did so, and went on. They saw great numbers of people, but they were all spirits. They at last came to their relatives and parents, and all wept together for some time, after which they were returned to this world of life. I have told you this to show you that spirits of the dead do not ascend to the heavens. The names of those two persons were Kukia and Toihau. They said that the spirit-world is a very good sort of place, and not shrouded in darkness, but light like unto this world. The spirit-world is divided into ten different divisions, according to the teachings of our ancestors. The spirits of the dead abide in the tenth division (Ko te ao tuangahuru te ao nohoanga o nga wairua).”

– 232 –

“Now, when a Maori dies, his wairua (spirit, or soul) leaves and goes to the rerenga-wairua (spirit's leaping-place). On arriving at the resting-place on the last ridge (the taumata i Haumu) the spirit halts and laments, weeping, the world it is leaving. It also lacerates itself, in grief, with obsidian, of which there is much lying there. When the mourning and weeping are over, the wairua descends the cliff by means of the roots which are there, to the beach below. It goes on, and passes out on to the rocks. Gaping there is the hole by which the spirit descends to the reinga. The ocean-waters surge upwards through this chasm, the seaweeds are swirled round by the waters. Then the waters recede and leave exposed the abyss. Down into this the spirit leaps, and finds itself in the spirit-world. There the sun is shining, there is no darkness. It is just like this world. The spirit proceeds onward until it comes to the fence. Should it pass over the fence, that spirit will return to this world. But if it passes under the fence it is gone for all time, it will never-more return to this world. When the spirit reaches those of its relatives and is offered food, should it eat of that food it will never return to this world.”

Here in this narrative we see the spirit-world described as a place where no darkness prevails, a world lightened by the sun. This is the result of persons dreaming of having descended to the underworld, as in the case of the two persons quoted above. A person recovering from a trance would be said by the Maori to have returned from the spirit-world. In the case of Toihau, above quoted, another authority stated that he died, and that the spirit of an ancestor, one Te Nahu, came and led his spirit to the underworld, and also warned him that if he ate of proffered food in the spirit-world his spirit or soul would be lost for ever, and return no more to the world of life. So Toihau refused the food offered by the spirits of Hades, hence he (his spirit) was returned to this world, the ao marama. It was conducted back by the spirit of Te Nahu, who drove it forth from Hades with scourging. Back to this world came Toihau's spirit, and entered his body; so that, after being dead for three days, Toihau of the Children of Awa rose from the dead and lived again. This was evidently a case of trance.

The wife of Te Puke-nui was carried off by spirits, say the local Natives, and she saw the spirits of all the dead-and-gone people ere she returned here. This was evidently a case of dreaming.

Another case, quoted locally, is that of a woman who died, after which her husband married again. Then the spirit of the dead wife appeared and carried off the living wife, and had nearly succeeded in slaying her when rescued by her husband. But

– 233 –

enough of these childish tales: they are most numerous among the Natives.

I have no notes as concerning the names of the different divisions of the reinga, or spirit-world. The following extract is from “Nga Moteatea,” p. 419:—

… ‘I te Reinga tuarua
Te whare i a Miru
Ko te otinga atu o te wairua
Kei wheau ake ki te ao.

(The second reinga, the abode of Miru, where for ever disappears the soul, lest it rise again to this world.)

The usual term applied to the spirit-world is “te reinga,” literally “the leaping-place.” Strictly speaking this is the name of the departing-place of spirits for the underworld, the entrance thereof. This entrance is often termed “te rerenga wairua” (the spirit's leaping-place). It is situated at the north-western extremity of the North Island of New Zealand. The spirits of all Natives who die in these isles are said to pass along the ranges until they reach the above place, whence they pass down to the underworld as described. It is said that Natives residing in the northern peninsula often see the spirits of the dead wending their way to the rerenga wairua, and that they know which are spirits of chiefs and those of common people. The spirits of chiefs always go on one side of food-stores, so as to avoid them, while those of plebeians pass underneath such stores.

Throughout Polynesia these departing-places of spirits of the dead are situated on the western or north-western side of each island or group of islands. As we have seen, the spirits of the dead are supposed to return to Hawaiki, the fatherland of the race, which lies far to the west of Polynesia. This seems to discredit the Native belief in the underworld of spirits, but still both beliefs obtain among the Maori. Probably the under-world is the most ancient of these beliefs, while the idea of the dead returning to Hawaiki is a sentimental growth of later times, since the arrival of the race in the many-isled sea.

No information can be obtained from the Maori to show any ancient belief in different realms set apart for the souls of good and evil persons when death has claimed the body. In vol. ii of the Monthly Review (Wellington, 1890), in an article by R. H. Gibson on “Mourning Customs,” occur these words: “It is clear that the Hebrew people maintained for many centuries the belief that the abode of the dead lay beneath the surface of the earth, and beneath the bottom of the sea; that it was a land of darkness and of shade like death itself; a land of destruction and of confusion; a land of no action and of no knowledge, where existed alike the evil and the good,” &c. Here we

– 234 –

have the old-time Maori conception of the reinga, or po, a gloomy underworld. At the time spoken of in the above quotation the Hebrews do not appear to have yet evolved, or borrowed, the idea of resurrection of the dead.

The Maori idea seems to have been that the dead met and abode with their kindred in the underworld, where-they lived on sweet-potatoes, fish, &c., but that there was no fighting there. It was probably the lack of any belief in the judgment of the soul, resurrection, punishment, &c., that caused the Maori to die without fear of the spirit-world, or the second life therein. However, we have now provided him with a somewhat warmer underworld Let us hope that he will enjoy it.

The Maori does not appear to have ever had much interest in his spirit-world, hence the description of it, even though given by old men, is vague and unsatisfactory to the ethnographer. Some say that spirits pass a certain time in each of the ten divisions of the underworld, until they reach the tenth. Some spirits are said to return to this world, the upper world, in the form of moths.

The name “mori-a-nuku,” or “moria-nuku,” is sometimes applied to the reinga, or the entrance thereto :—

Me ruku ware au te reinga tupapaku
Kei whakamau kau k

“The taumata i Haumu,” says a Native friend, “is the ridge where the spirit leaves its clothing, and so descends naked to the reinga, jumps into the ocean, and henceforward lives as a spirit.

Rukuhia, e tama! Nga rimu e mawe
I raro

Te rimu ki motau” signifies the seaweed through which the spirit passes in its descent. It often appears in Native songs :—

Ka rere whakaaitu ki te reinga
Te rimu ki motau—e.

There are two other expressions applied to the entrance to the underworld, but which appear only in songs, I believe. These are “pua reinga” and “tawa mutu.” I have never obtained any satisfactory explanation of these expressions from New Zealand Natives, but Mr. Percy Smith has traced them both to Rarotonga: “At the reinga wairua at Rarotonga, near the west end of the island, is the place where departed spirits go to join the great majority. There grows a pua tree, a species of Gardenia, and into its branches the spirits on their way to Miru climb. Those who climb on the rara mata, or live branches, return to life—i.e., they were only in a swoon, not dead. Those who climb on the rara mate, or dead branches, fall off into the clutches of Miru (called there Muru), and die for ever in the clutches of Muru and Akaanga.”

– 235 –

In regard to the tawa mutu, as in the case of the pua reinga, the explanation comes from Rarotonga. Tawa (“tava” in Rarotongan) is the gulf or abyss below the pua tree into which the spirits of the dead descend. “Kua mate io [iho] ra a Kuiono, kua aere [haere] atu ra tona vairua [wairua], ka kake i te pua; ko te rere ra i tava [tawa]” (“When Kui-ono died his spirit left him and went and ascended the pua, whence it leaped into tawa”).

Here we have the origin of these two terms, preserved in song by the Maori of New Zealand for centuries. Tawa is known to the Maori as the tawa mutu, or last chasm.

Ka tuku tenei au ki te reinga
Ki te tawa mutu.

The explanation given by Paitini, of Tuhoe, is the nearest one to being correct that I have obtained locally. He said, “The tawa mutu is connected with the rimu ki motau at the reinga. It means the end of the spirit's journey.”

Kia tuku-pototia te tinana
Te pua reinga ki taku matua.

And from another song,—

Heoti taku tatari ki te ope taua
I a te rama
Kia wawe taku iti te iria te pua reinga
Ki taku matua
Kai noho au i te ao
Whakaraukotetia e te ngutu.


Ka rumaki au ki te pua ki te reinga

As also,—

E noho ana i te ao marama
Te rumakina ai ki te pua ki te reinga
Ki oku hoa ka wehe i rau rangi.

And lastly,—

Peke ana au i te taingariu o Kanapanapa [a canoe]
Hai kawe i a au te pua ki te reinga.

All these are extracts from local songs, laments, &c.

Another expression sometimes noted is that of “te tatau-o-te-po,” or door of Hades—the gates of death.* One Apatari is said to be the keeper of the door or entrance to the reinga. Miru is said to be the ruler of the po, or world of darkness, the spirit-world. It is singular that two names are given to the underworld—the po and the reinga; as also two rulers of the realm of spirits—Miru and Hine-nui-te-Po. Possibly there is some distinction between them—perhaps two spirit-worlds. We

[Footnote] * “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. vii, p. 55.

[Footnote] † “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. v, p. 116.

– 236 –

have seen that there are ten divisions of the reinga, or underworld, and in like manner there are ten different heavens.

Paerau” is yet another name that is applied apparently to the spirit-world. It may be one of the divisions of the under-world, or perhaps the name of some land where the ancestors of the Maori dwelt in the days of the long-ago, and is now confused, as is Hawaiki, with the spirit-world. We have seen that “Go to Paerau!” “Go to Hawaiki!” are expressions often used towards the dead in funeral speeches.

That species of lizard known as a kaweau (probably the same as the kueo) is a creature of evil omen. Should you see fresh signs of it in your house, or on a path you are travelling over, you may prepare to start for the underworld without delay. For that reptile was sent by your dead-and-gone relatives as a sign for you to join them in the reinga or spirit-land.

We were camped at Te Whaiti-nui-a-Toi. Our cook, a Native woman, got up one morning and proceeded to the messtent to prepare breakfast. There she saw fresh signs of the dreaded kaweau. She was taken ill and went to Rotorua, where she was treated by various Natives, ringa-tu ruffians of the shamanistic type. She said, “Cease your efforts, for I am going to die. You cannot cure me.” And they could not; but a white doctor could, and did, to the old lady's great amazement.

The same old lady once said to me, “I am inclined to believe that old persons who die regain their youth in the reinga. Because I went to the reinga last night [i.e., she had a dream] and I saw Kiriwera [an old woman recently dead], and she appeared quite young and nice-looking.”

When a Native says that he was at the reinga he means that he has been dreaming. An old man said to me, “I was at the reinga last night and saw my old friend—, who has long been dead. I could tell from his appearance and actions that it will be a fine day to-morrow.”

Again, “Kai te reinga koe e whakarongo ake ana; na, ka whakaororua mai tetahi mea e haruru ana, a ka oho ake koe i te moe.” (“You are at the reinga litening. You hear a distant noise resounding, then you wake up.”)

The expression “awhi-reinga” means “to embrace in the spirit-world,” as when a man dreams of meeting his dead wife. The term “mariko” or “po-mariko” appears to have some similar meaning, but it is not clear to me.

When a defeated war-party returned home there was a tangihanga on the village plaza, weeping and lamentation for the dead. After which, a party of the village people of both sexes, dressed in their oldest and most repulsive garments, would appear before the defeated warriors and perform that sort of haka (posture

– 237 –

dance) known as manawa wera (seared heart), or whakatea. The performers indulge in much grimacing at the survivors, with other tokens of contempt, vexation, and indignation, on account of those slain. The following is a specimen of the words of the haka:—

Te kotiritiri, te kotaratara
O tai, o huki, o hope—e
Whakatitaha rawa te waha o te kupenga
Kia tairi
Hoki mai, hoki mai—e
Kia kawea koi ki tera whenua
Ki era tangata
Nana i ki mai
Uhi, uhi—e—e

In regard to the Maui myths, one of which—that relating to the mythical origin of death—we have already given: There can be no doubt but that the date at which this popular hero flourished must be placed much further back than that usually allotted to him by the Maori—about thirty-five generations —that is, if there ever was such a person. Max Muller held that Maui was a personification of the sun. If so, then his contest with Hine-nui-te-Po resolves itself into a struggle for mastery between Light and Darkness, between Life and Death. The sun entered the womb of Night to obtain life eternal.

Now observe, in a paper by Mr. Tregear on “Asiatic Gods in the Pacific,”* speaking of the ancient Egyptians, he says, “One of their gods was Moui … and this Moui had also the name of Ao, which we have seen is the Maori word for ‘daylight,’ &c. But turning to page 66 of the same volume we find that “moui” is a Polynesian word (Niue dialect) meaning “life, living,” and evidently connected with New Zealand “mauri” and “mouri” = “seat of life.” In volume ii of the same journal, page 77, we see that Taranga, parent of Maui among New Zealand Natives, is in the Hawaiian isles the name of Paradise, or Eden, home of the first parents. Hence “Maui” may be, or originally have been, a synonym for or personification of life or eternal life, which strove with the personification of death (Hine-nui-te-Po) for mastery.

In the Rarotongan genealogy given at page 48, “Journal of Polynesian Society,” volume viii, we see Maui given a place seventy-two generations back from the present time.

In some Polynesian myths Maui is said to have married

[Footnote] * “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. ii, pp. 139–140.

[Footnote] † The letters “o” and “u” are interchangeable in the Polynesian dialects, as mau = mou and pou = pau.

– 238 –

Hina, the Moon Goddess; in others Hina was his sister. Maui's full name was Mauitikitiki. In Tahitian folk-lore Hina marries Ti'i (Maori “Tiki”) the first man, who ruthlessly slew people, while Hina resuscitated them.*

It appears highly probable that the story of Maui is a very ancient myth of a contest between Life and Death, evolved by a primitive people in times long past away; that it has been moved down the changing centuries by oral tradition, and the hero thereof localised in many lands.

We have seen that the world of death is termed the po. This expression is also applied to the period when the universe was in a state of chaos and darkness, before the appearance of man. In lengthy genealogies of an anthropogenic nature we observe more or less names which are said by the Natives to belong to the po, or period before man appeared, after which came the names of human beigns. For instance, Tiki was of the po, not a person of this world. He married Ea, who was the first woman of the ao marama, or world of light-i.e., of this world. They had Kurawaka, who married Tane and so produced the genus homo.

It is said that residents of the northern extremity of New Zealand often see the spirits of the dead passing northwards on their way to the rerenga wairua, or departing-place of spirits. They recognise the spirits of persons who were slain in battle by their being covered with bloodstains. Also that houses in those parts are built facing east or west, so that spirits wending their way northwards will not enter by the door.

In regard to the name of Ea: This is the name of the king of the underworld in Babylonian mythology. His son was Merodach, who, with the goddess Aruru, was the creator of all existing things. Ea was also god of reproduction and of canals, but appeared under different names in his various functions, like unto Tane of the Maori.

When wending my way homewards one day last week I met an old Native woman, who saluted me with “Tena koe! Te mata o Te Unupo.” By which she probably meant that the sight of me recalled to her the memory of her friend Te Unupo, who died some months ago, and who was a frequent visitor at my camp. “Mata” means “the face” and also “eye.”

In Humboldt's account of his travels on the Orinoco he mentions a burial-cave of the Natives which he visited, and in which the exhumed bones of the tribe were deposited. “The Indians related to us that the corpse is first placed in the humid earth, that the flesh may be consumed by degrees. Some months

[Footnote] * “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” vol. x, p. 52.

[Footnote] † “The Religious Ideas of the Babylonians,” by T. G. Pinches.

– 239 –

after it is taken out, and the flesh that remains on the bones is scraped off.” Many of the bones, he states, were painted red. This amiable Teuton was careful to rifle the cave tomb and carry off a mule-load of the human remains it contained.

It is with regret that I now bring this paper to a close and lay aside my pen, inasmuch as the article goes forward in very incomplete state. I have many notes on the subject which remain to be written up, but have not been able to obtain the assistance of any of the few men of knowledge left to verify and explain such items. They must be forwarded at some future time. “Kati te tangi; apopo tatou ka tangi ano.”

We have now at various times and in divers journals ushered the Maori into the world, and noted the quaint rites pertaining to reproduction. We have told of his origin, his religion, his myths and folk-lore. We have described his food-supplies, his amusements, his arts, and superstitions. His woodcraft and war-customs, his mentality and ideality, have been reviewed. We have married him, and watched him in his last hours. We have despatched his soul to the underworld, and cried him fare-well to the dim shores of Hawaiki. And I do not think that we can do much more for him. Nothing remains save the mate-mate-a-one.

Art. XXVI.—Additional Notes on the Earthworms of the North Island of New Zealand.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 10th October, 1905.]

Plate XL.

During the last twelve months I have received a few additional gatherings of earthworms from the North Island, for which I have to thank my correspondents, Messrs. Elsdon Best, H. Suter, and C. Cooper. No new area has been tapped, though I hope to obtain worms from the southern part of the Island next year. I find amongst them three new species, two of which belong to the genera Tokea, and Rhododrilus, to which the common native worms of this portion of the colony belong; a third belongs to a genus (Dinodrilus) the only other species of which has been obtained from the South Island.

1. Tokea sapida, Benham, P.Z.S., 1904 (ii), p. 245.

Of these species I only possessed a single individual at the time I wrote the account of its structure. I am now able to

– 240 –

amplify that account. Seven individuals were received from Mr. Best.

Colour.—Alive it is dark-brown; preserved in formol, purplish-red. Some are marbled with paler streaks and patches towards the hinder end.

Dimensions.—The specimens range from 135mm. by 6mm. up to 290mm. by 9mm. A medium-sized individual contains 192 segments; the largest, 210 segments.

The clitellum, which was not fully developed in the type, covers segments (13) 14–18 (19)—that is, the dorsal surface of either or both the 13th and 19th may be glandular, but the segments are separated by a furrow from the rest of the organ. It completely surrounds the body, except on the ventral surface of segment 18, where a transverse depression surrounded by a ridge extends from chæta b to b. In the type this ridge has, by contraction of the body, closed over the depression.

There are no other tubercula pubertatis.

The prostates are larger than in the type, which was not fully mature; they extend back to the 26th segment. The duct is short, narrow, curved, and confined to the 18th segment.

Loc.—Ruatoki; some twenty miles inland, in the County of Whakatane. Mr. Best writes: “The worms were obtained in the foothills, where the soil is principally volcanic—pumice, &c., with a covering of humus, and a few beds of clay.”

2. Tokea maorica, Benham, P.Z.S., 1904 (ii), p. 252.

Under this title I have confused two species, which are evidently closely allied, but which I believe are distinct. The account and figures of the external features were taken from a small species, which should, I suppose, retain this name; whereas the internal anatomy was studied on a larger species, to which a new name must be given.

I drew attention to the fact that there was a considerable range in size, in contrast to the constant number of segments. But I now find that the smaller ones possess two tubercula pubertatis, the larger ones only that in segment 18.

The characters of T. maorica, thus amended, are as follows:—

Colour.—Very dark purplish-brown, extending far down the sides of the body and along the whole length.

Dimensions.—25–35mm. by 2mm.; or, in soft, ill preserved specimens, 50mm.

The chœtal formula is ab=aa; bc=cd > ab; dd=2ab.

The clitellum occupies segments (13) 14–17, complete.

There are two median tubercula pubertatis, having the disposition shown in text-figure 80 (loc. cit.).

The spermathecal pores are in segments 7/8 (not, as is stated

– 241 –

on p. 254, by a slip of the pen, 8/9), about midway between the chætæ a and the hinder border of the segment.

Internal Anatomy.—The last heart is in the 12th segment.

The gizzard, in segment 5. There are no œsophageal glands.

The prostates reach into segment 24; the duct is long, narrow, curved in a sigmoid fashion (? due to contraction of the worm), and occupies two segments.

The spermatheca is an ovoid sac, with a duct of about half its diameter and length. The pyriform diverticulum opens into the duct about half-way along its course.

Loc.—Auckland: Nikau Palm Bush; Wartakerei (H. Suter); also “from the sheaths of nikau and Astelia leaves, Auckland” (C. Cooper).

3. Tokea decipiens, n. sp.

This name I propose for larger, paler, brown worms with only a single tuberculum pubertatis, of which I have some half-dozen specimens.

Dimensions.—55–75mm. by 2mm., with 75–90 segments.

The chœtal formula is apparently ab < bc < cd; aa=bc; dd=3ab. I write “apparently,” for the body-wall is soft and therefore extensible, and the measurements made on different individuals do not give precisely the same figures.

The clitellum covers segments (13) 14—17 (18)—that is, in one or two individuals the dorsal surface of part of the 13th and 18th segments are glandular.

The genital pores as in the previous species, but there is only a single tuberculum pubertatis, on the 18th segment; none of these larger worms present any trace of one on the 14th segment.

The spermathecal pores, near the hinder margins of segments 7/8, behind the chætæ a.

Internal anatomy as described in loc. cit.

Loc.—Waitakerei Bush, near Auckland (H. Suter).

4. Rhododrilus besti, Benham, P.Z.S., 1904 (ii), p. 235.

The specimen from which this account was written was the sole individual in my possession at the time; since then I have received half a dozen worms that fit closely with that account.

Colour.—Mr. Best writes: “Light-coloured worms with reddish band [i.e., clitellum] near head.” When preserved the worms are white and the clitellum is yellow-brown to reddish-brown.

Dimensions.—They range in size from 110mm. by 4mm. to 220mm. by 5mm.; the former with 182, the latter with 226, segments.

The chœtal formula is ab=cd < bc; aa = bc = 1½ab; dd= about 3ab.

– 242 –

The clitellum is usually on segments 14–17, though occasionally half 13 and half 18 may be glandular.

The tubercula pubertatis are not always so numerous as in the type: thus, in addition to a pregenital pair on segment 12 (or, as in type, on segment 11), I find three individuals with pairs on the hinder margin of segments 20,21; two with them on 20, 21, and 22; one with them on 20, 21, 22, and 23; one with only a single pair on 20; while the type has them on segments 19, 20, 21, and 22. It is well known that these tubercles are somewhat variable, and it is not quite certain that degree of maturity is necessarily correlated with the number of tubercles, for in two of the above instances three or four pairs are present in worms in which the clitellum is not at its maximum of development.

I felt inclined to differentiate these new individuals from the type owing to the difference in the position of the pregenital tubercles, but I can detect no other important distinction.

Loc.—Ruatoki (E. Best).

5. Rhododrilus similis, n. sp.

In general appearance this worm might readily be mistaken, at least in the preserved condition, for R. besti, from which, however, it presents certain well-marked differences. I received about twenty specimens.

Colour.—White, with pale yellow-brown clitellum.

Dimensions.—Mature worms measure from 140–165mm. by 5mm, with about 200 segments, which, with the exception of the first six or seven, are annulated, whereas in R. besti the annulation commences on the 5th segment.

Chœtœ.—In the midbody ab = bc = cd, approximately (but just behind the clitellum bc is about 2ab); aa > bc; and dd = 6ab.

As is usual in the genus, the two chætæ a, b begin to approach one another at about the 25th segment, so that in the region of the male pores the couple are quite close together, but they separate again anteriorly.

The clitellum, (half 13) 14–17, is complete only across 14.

Genital Pores, &c.—The male pores, in line with ab, are on slight papillæ.

The tubercula pubertatis have rather an unusual appearance: each is a transverse group or series of glands, visible under a dissecting-lens as a series of translucent dots set on a slightly raised ridge. These tubercula are in the following groups:—

(1.) A pair on the intersegmental furrow 10/11, in line with ab.

– 243 –

(2.) Two transverse series, 14/15, 15/16, extending from the line a to a.

(3) Two to four post-clitellar transverse intersegmental series, 19/20, 20/21, 21/22, 22/23.

Of these the most anterior extends from b-b, the last from a-a.

Of the seven mature individuals examined, one specimen alone had four post-chtellar tubercles, three had three, and three had only two tubercles.

There is a single pair of spermathecal pores nearly in line b, between segments 8/9.

Internal Anatomy.—The last heart is in segment 12.

The gizzard is in segment 5. The intestine commences in the 16th There are no œsophageal glands.

The sperm-sacs are, as usual, in segments 11/12.

The prostates extend along the sides of the body to segment 21 or 22, being sharply undulating in the last two segments. The duct is very narrow, quite short and straight.

The penial chætæ (and the sacs containing them) are very short, and confined to the 17th segment. The chætæ measure only 2mm., which is a great contrast to the length of 6mm. attained by them in R. besti. Each chæta is simply curved, ending in an apparently flexible recurved tip. The shaft for some distance below the tip is “ornamented” in a very characteristic fashion; under a low power it appears serrated along each edge, but under a higher power it is seen to be pitted all round. The pits are oblique, with openings distally directed, leaving distally directed proximal edges.

The spermatheca, in segment 9, consists of a short ovoid sac lying on the outer side, and a long cylindrical portion, curved in a semicircle, towards the median line.

Loc.—Ruatoki (E. Best).

6. Dinodrilus suteri, n. sp.

Of this interesting worm three individuals were sent to me by Mr. Suter.

Colour.—Uniform dark purplish-brown (in alcohol).

Dimensions.—The largest is 40mm. by 2mm., with 110 segments.

The prostomium is half epilobic, without a transverse furrow.

Chœtœ.—The peculiarity of this genus is, of course, the possession of twelve chætæ in each segment; these are almost equidistant, and their arrangement differs slightly from that given for D. benhami: bc = cd = de = ef; ab < bc < aa; aa = 1½ab; ef = 2ab.

Clitellum.—Unfortunately the worms are immature, and

– 244 –

present no trace of a clitellum, but the ventral surface of segments 17–19 is rather paler than elsewhere.

Spermathecal Pores.—Two pairs, 7/8, 8/9.

Dorsal pores commence at 10/11.

Internal Anatomy.—The dorsal vessel is double, uniting at the septa. They are not enclosed in a common perivascular tube such as Beddard described for D. benhami.

The last heart is in segment 13.

There is a small gizzard in segment 5. Œsophageal glands are in 16/17, and the intestine begins in the 18th segment.

There [ unclear: ] s but a single pair of testes visible in sections, and these lie in segment 10; but in addition to the sperm-funnels in this segment there is a second and very minute pair in the 11th segment, rather larger than a nephridial funnel. It is possible that the absence of the testes in this segment is due to immaturity.

No sperm-sacs are developed.

The two pairs of prostates are, of course, quite small, in segments 17/19.

The two pairs of spermathecæ are in segments 8/9. Each is a subspherical sac, with a small pyriform diverticulum opening into the duct, close to the body-wall.

Loc.—Swanson, about fifteen miles from Auckland, in rotten logs.

Remarks.—The only previous record of this genus is the account given by Beddard,* in 1888, of D benhami, which was obtained near Lake Brunner, in Westland. This new species differs from it in its much smaller size, in position of the gizzard, the absence of the second pairs of testes, and form of the spermathecæ.

Explanation of Plate XL

The illustrations of the external anatomy of the earthworms described in this article are purely diagrammatic, indicating only the segmental position of the various organs, the worm being supposed to be slit up along the dorsal line and the body-wall pinned aside.

The location of the various genital pores is represented as round black dots (if on a papilla this is left white), the chtellum is obliquely shaded, the tubercula pubertatis are vertically shaded.

In addition, the arrangement of the chætæ—labelled a, b, c, d—is indicated in segments 5 to 23 on one side; they are omitted on the other side for clearness' sake. The true relative spacing of the chætæ is shown.

No attempt is made to give the relative sizes of the worms or of the various organs.

[Footnote] * Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci., xxix, p. 105.

– 245 –
  • Fig. 1. Tokea maorica.

  • Fig. 2. Tokea decipiens.

  • Fig. 3. Rhododrilus similis.

  • Fig 4. Rhododrilus similis. Ventral view of the segments 19–21, showing the character of the tubercula pubertatis as seen under a dissecting-lens.

  • Fig 5 Rh. similis. The end of a penial chæta; × 480.

  • Fig. 6. The same, much enlarged, showing the pittings on the surface.

  • Fig. 7. Rh. similis. A spermatheca. d, diverticulum.

  • Fig. 8. Tokea maorica. Spermatheca.

  • Fig 9. T. maorica Proximal end of the prostate, showing relative size of the duct.

  • Fig. 10. Dinodrilus suteri. A spermatheca.

Art. XXVII.—On a Large Pterotrachœid from the Pacific Ocean.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 10th October, 1905.]

Plate XLIII.

Hitherto only a single species of the pelagic group of Gastropods, the Heteropoda, has been recorded from the seas that wash our coasts. This is Carinaria australis,* Q. and G., which was obtained in 1827, during the voyage of the “Astrolabe,” between Australia and New Zealand. We may now add Firola (Pterotrachea) coronata, Forskål, to our marine fauna.

The specimen upon which this identification rests was washed ashore during January, 1905, at Long Beach, a few miles north of the Otago Harbour. Luckily for zoology, it was observed lying on the sandy shore and secured by Mr. W. Fels, of Dunedin, who transmitted it to me at the Museum. Unfortunately, it had been somewhat damaged by the tossing of the surf and by rolling on the sandy beach; thus the epidermis and underlying tissue was in great part rubbed off. The posterior end (metapodium) had been broken away behind the visceral hump. The visceral mass itself was a good deal damaged—only three or four gill-filaments remamed of the gill—and part of the male copulatory organ was broken away. The ventral fin (or mesopodium) is also a good deal damaged, at least half of it being absent; but I believe that so much as remains suffices to establish the specific identity with F. coronata.

An examination of the literature available showed me that the specimen is much larger than the majority of species of Pterotrachea (Firola), though P. adamastor, Lesson, from the

[Footnote] * Quoy and Gaimard, Voy. de l'Astrolabe, vol. ii, p. 394.

– 246 –

Cape of Good Hope, attains a length of 15in.* But this species differs from mine in the proportions of the parts.

The “Report of the ‘Challenger’” Heteropods did not enable me to carry the matter further; but my friend Mr. Charles Hedley, of the Australian Museum, to whom I applied for information on the matter, most kindly loaned me his copy of Vayssiére's “Mollusques Heteropodes.” From a comparison of the account and figures of F. coronata contained therein I think there is little doubt but that the present specimen is either that or a closely allied species. My only reason for doubt is a small difference in the detailed structure of the median teeth of the radula. Vayssiére remarks (p. 37) that the form of the median teeth constitutes the most reliable character for distinguishing the different species of the genus. But, in spite of the small difference to which I refer, I refrain, in the absence of an entire specimen, from creating a new species.

In the Mediterranean specimens of F. coronata the median denticle of the median tooth of the radula is trifid; in the Pacific specimen this denticle is, throughout the radula, single-pointed (see Plate XLIII, fig. 2). I note the same asymmetry of the smaller denticulations as he figures (pl. iii, fig. 36), though these are rather fewer in number than he gives; and in all other respects—such as shape, proportions of median tooth and of its denticulated area—this tooth agrees with Vayssiére's account and figures, as do the other teeth.

There are twenty-one or twenty-two rows of teeth (Vayssiére gives twenty-three). Possibly the tip of the radula was torn in my specimen, as the buccal mass was ruptured, and protruded from the head, and probably for this reason I was unable to find the “palatal chitinous hooklets” which Vayssiére describes. Although there are no “thorn-like” processes remaining on the body, as in F. coronata, yet they persist on the head, where there are two parallel rows of four, as described for that species, and below the gills.

The following measurements were taken shortly after the animal had been placed in formalin.

Body.—Total length, probably 320mm.; length from preocular “thorns” to broken surface of visceral hump, 230mm.; vertical diameter about midway between ventral fin and base of snout, 30mm.; circumference of ditto, 90mm.; distance from base of fin to base of snout, 100mm.; distance from base of fin to level of genital pore, 60mm.

[Footnote] * Voy. de Coquille, p. 249, pl. ui, fig. 1.

[Footnote] † Vayssiére, Moll. Heteropodes, 1904 (pt 26 of “Les Resultats des Campaignes Scientifiques, par Albert ler, Prince Souverame de Monaco”).

– 247 –

Snout.—Length from preocular “thorns” to mouth, 110mm.; diameter at base, 20mm.; diameter just above buccal swelling, 10mm.

Ventral Fin.—Length of base, 45mm.

A comparison of proportionate sizes in my specimen and that figured by Vayssiére, which measures 260mm., shows a close agreement. In the Pacific specimen the length of the snout is contained two and a half times in the distance from preocular thorns to genital fin, and in the Mediterranean specimen twice. In the Pacific specimen the base of sucker is contained twice in distance between it and snout, and in the Mediterranean specimen twice. In the Pacific specimen the snout-diameter to length is one-fifth, and in the Mediterranean specimen one-fourth.

Since these proportions agree pretty well, we may estimate the total length of the uninjured specimen. Vayssiére states that the distance from the visceral hump to the tip of the “tail” (metapodium) is about twice the length of the finbase. Applying this to our specimen we should add 2x45=90mm. to the above figure of 230mm., giving a total length of 320mm. In the same way we may estimate the size of the uninjured fin. Vayssiére's figure shows the length to be rather more than twice the base-length, and height one and a half times the base-length. So that the fin in our specimen was probably about 90mm. in length (i.e., a quarter of the total length of the body), and 67 mm. in height.

I have been unable to find any statistics as to the size of the different species of Firola (Pterotrachea); neither in Bronn's “Thierreichs” nor in the “Cambridge Natural History” do any data exist. The “‘Challenger’ Report” gives only a list of hitherto-described species, without details; and, as I have remarked above, the only species to a description of which I can refer that approaches this one in size is P. adamastor, with its 15 in., which measurement includes the length of the snout.

As figures of the genus are not readily accessible in ordinary text-books, I have deemed it advisable to give an outline of my specimen, but with the missing portions represented in dotted outline, copied from Vayssiére. I hope that people interested in natural history will keep a look-out for this and other unusual marine animals, and forward them, preserved in formol, to me at the Otago University Museum. Formol is obtainable at any chemist's, and should be used in a diluted condition, by adding ten volumes of water to one volume of formol. Animals placed in a bottle filled with this fluid, carefully corked, and packed in a small wooden box, or in shavings, &c., and properly wrapped up, can be sent for a few pence by

– 248 –

sample post. Each such sending should be accompanied by the name and address of finder, and the locality at which the specimen was obtained.

Explanation of Plate XLIII.

  • Fig. 1. Outline of a damaged specimen of a male Firola coronata; x½: the missing parts added from Vayssiére's drawing, in a broken line.

  • Fig. 2. A median tooth of the radula; × 60.

  • Fig. 3. The base of the snout, viewed from in front, showing the eight preocular “thorns.” a, anus; f, ventral fin; g, gemtal pore; m, mouth; v, visceral hump.

Art. XXVIII.—An Account of some Earthworms from Little Barrier Island.

[Read before the Otago Institute, 10th October, 1905.]

Plates XLI and XLII.

Since the discovery that the earthworms inhabiting the North Island are so different from those of the South Island, I have endeavoured to obtain material from outlying islands, and I was successful in interesting Mr. Robert Shakespear in the matter. To him I owe the specimens with which this paper is concerned, and to him I beg to tender my thanks.

Little Barrier Island is a small outlier due west of Great Barrier Island, which is itself due north of the Coromandel Peninsula, with which it appears to have been at some previous age in continuity.

Little Barrier Island is at present a sanctuary for native birds, and is uninhabited except by the family of Mr. Shakespear, who acts as conservator of the island.

The four species which I have received are—(1) Rhododrilus parvus, n. sp.; (2) Dinodriloides annectens, n. sp.; (3) Diporochœta gigantea, n. sp.; (4) Diporochœta shakespeari, n. sp.

Although these are characteristically New Zealand, they are not definitely North Island, forms, for, with the exception of Dinodriloides, species of the other two genera are known from the South Island: while Diporochœta has not hitherto been found on the North Island itself, though it belongs to the subfamily Megascolecinœ, to which the characteristic North Island worms (Tokea) belong. Rhododrilus has been obtained from the Kermadecs, the Chathams, the Campbell

– 249 –

and Auckland Islands, as well as on both the main islands of this area.

It is too early at present to draw any conclusions, for we must wait for further supplies of worms from elsewhere in the North Island. I may, however, remark that, so far as our knowledge goes, Rhododrilus is a commoner genus in the North Island than in the South, where it has only been met with once (Rh. minutus). It is surprising that no species of Tokea have been received from the Little Barrier Island.

I am endeavouring to trace out the line of junction between the northern and southern fauna, and am satisfied that it lies somewhere towards the south of the North Island; and, so far as my observations have gone, this line coincides in a most remarkable manner with the line recognised by Dr. L. Cockayne separating a northern and more southern flora. that line being the parallel 38° S. “The northern region is specially characterized by Malayan and Australian elements, which we may term ‘subtropical’” (letter from Dr. Cockayne).

Thanks to the kindness of Messrs. Gibbs, Buchanan, and others, I have received a fairly representative supply of worms from Nelson: they all belong to the genera Maoridrilus, Plagiochœta, Octochœtus, and Dinodrilus. Further, from Stephen Island, in Cook Strait, I have obtained species of Maoridrilus and Octochœtus. The specific identifications of these worms I have not yet worked out, but the genera are all characteristic of the South Island. From the neighbourhood of Wellington I have received a species of Maoridrilus and of Neodrilus from Professor H. B. Kirk, in addition to the Octochœtus michaelseni described by me in the “Proceedings of the Zoological Society” (1904, vol. ii, p. 225).

1. Rhododrilus parvus, n. sp.

I received three specimens, which reached me alive, packed in damp moss. Only one of them is mature.

Colour.—When alive the thin body-wall is translucent, and, except for the blood-vessels, without colour, so that the opaque white cœlomic fluid is visible. When preserved the worm is, of course, white.

Dimensions.—In comparison with the other members of the genus recently examined by me this is a small form. These three individuals measure from 55mm. by 3mm. (in alcohol) to 65mm. by 2mm. (in formol). The latter contains 120 segments, which are annulated.

The chœtal formula is ab = cd < bc; aa = bc; dd = 2ab.

The clitellum occupies segments 14—17.

The male pores are in small papillæ in line of b.

– 250 –

The tubercula pubertatis are paired, in line with a, and, as in some other species, are in considerable numbers, namely, 10/11, 13/14, 14/15, 15/16, 18/19, 19/20, 20/21, 21/22. Each of these appears as a smooth rounded swelling, joined across the middle line by a slight ridge.

A single pair of spermathecal pores lies in line b, at 8/9.

Nephridiopores are also in line b.

Internal Anatomy.—There is nothing characteristic in regard to the alimentary system.

The testes and funnels and sperm-sacs are in the usual segments, but the anterior pair of each is smaller than the posterior pair.

The prostates extend to segment 23, and the penial sac into the 24th.

The penial chætæ are thus of considerable length, as in R. besti, but in form recall those of R. leptomerus. The chæta is delicate, curved, and terminates in a simple point, which appears to be flexible; at any rate it is sharply recurved in the specimens mounted.

The single pair of spermathecæ lies in the 9th segment; the main sac is ovoid; the diverticulum cylindrical, not quite so long as the sac, and opens into the upper part of the short duct.

Loc.—In banks of streams in dense bush.

2. Dinodriloides annectens, n. sp.

I was very interested to meet with this genus again, as the type was the solitary individual obtained.

This second species is rather larger than the first, measuring 90mm. by 3mm. for 102 segments.

Colour.—When alive the worm is dark sienna-brown, so dark anteriorly to the clitellum as to appear nearly black. The whole dorsal surface of the body is pigmented down as far as chæta d—i.e., the whole upper half of the body. The ventral surface is, of course, paler than the dorsal. The clitellum is much lighter brown, and the areas round the genital pores and the tubercula pubertatis are yellow; the chætæ arise from pale spots. After being in alcohol for longer than a year the colour has changed to bluish-grey, as described in the case of the previous species, D. beddardi,* which probably when alive is coloured dark-brown.

There is so close a resemblance between the two that for some time I supposed this new species to be merely a second specimen of the previous one. But there are one or two points of external anatomy in which this specimen differs from the type, though I can detect no differences in internal structure,

[Footnote] * Proc. Zool. Soc., 1904, vol. n., p. 226.

– 251 –

so far as may be seen by dissection merely. Nevertheless, I believe that these external differences (which concern the position of genital pores, &c.) are sufficient to justify the bestowal of a new specific name, on the analogy of the differences between species of the European genera Eisenia, Lumbricus, &c.

Genital Pores.—The male pores, on porophores, are outside chæta b. Each porophore is sunk in a pit (due perhaps to mode of preservation, but suggestive of mobility in life).

There are two circular tubercula pubertatis on segment 16, one behind chætæ a, which touch mesially. A second pair on the 18th segment are in line a-b, and do not touch. A comparison with the arrangement in D. beddardi will show that considerable differences exist in regard to the position of these and the following structures in relation to the chætæ. Further, a well-marked ridge (? due to contraction or shrinkage of the gland), pale in colour, surrounds these four glands and the porophores. This ridge has a somewhat hexagonal form. It is transverse on the hinder margin of 15, extending from b-b; then, at each end, bends rather sharply backwards to the outer side of the porophores in 17, passing at the level of c; thence curving inwards between the chætæ c and b on segment 18 to meet its corresponding half on the hinder margin of this segment.*

The oviducal pores are immediately in front of chætæ a, whereas in the type they lie in front of the gap ab.

The spermathecal pores, at 8/9, are in line with b (instead of with the gap bc), and behind it is a tubercula pubertatis, on segment 9, in line with a.

Loc.—Bank of stream in dense bush.

3. Diporochæta gigantea, n. sp.

A single specimen of this titanic worm was forwarded to me.

Colour.—White (when preserved in formol), with the anterior end purplish-grey, and a narrow band of the same colour running along the dorsal surface about as far as the middle of its length.

Dimensions.—When measured after preservation its length is 990mm. by 11mm., but Mr. Shakespear writes me that it measured 4ft. 6in. when extended alive. This is a great size for an earthworm, though larger ones are known—e.g., Megascolides australis attains a length of 6ft. when alive, though its average size is said to be 4ft. There is a large

[Footnote] * In the case of D. beddardi, a re-examination of the type shows that I overlooked three medium tubercula on segments 11, 12, and 13, of which I find no evidence in the present species

– 252 –

worm, Glossoscolex giganteus, in Brazil which when preserved measures 4ft., and Microchœtus microchœtus from South Africa attains nearly the same length. Naturally the length of a preserved worm depends a great deal on the method of preservation and on the preservative. The present specimen was preserved in strong formol, and is much contracted.

There are about 450 segments, perhaps more. I counted 200 in less than half the length, and then estimated the total; but, as the hinder ones are smaller, this number is only approximate. The segments are much annulated, and those at the anterior end are traversed by longitudinal furrows, cutting up the surface into small rectangular areas.

Prostomium.—The prostomium and 1st segment are so much furrowed that the limits of the former are not recognisable.

Chœtœ.—There are from 56–60 chætæ per segment in the 16th segment and backwards, but in front of the clitellum the number is less; about 35 were counted on the 10th segment. I was unable to detect any chætæ anterior to the 5th segment under a lens; possibly they are entirely retracted. There is a dorsal and a ventral gap along the whole length of the body, wider anteriorly; thus, on segment 16 the dorsal gap measures 4mm. and the ventral 2mm., but before the midbody is reached each gap is reduced to 1·5mm., a width which is retained throughout the rest of the body.

The clitellum covers segments 13 to half 18 (i.e., five segments and a half).

Gemtal Pores, &c.—The male pores, on the 18th segment, are at either end of a transverse glandular slightly prominent area which extends from chæta e to e. The pore itself is small, inconspicuous, about in line with c.

Copulatory glands (tubercula pubertatis) are three in number, in the form of short, transverse, glandular areas, median, intersegmental, extending from c to c, and situated at 16/17, 17/18, and 19/20.

There are two pairs of spermathecal pores, at 7/8 and 8/9. I did not note their position in regard to the chætæ.

Dorsal pores are present behind the clitellum.

Internal Anatomy.—There are much thickened septa behind segments 7–13.

The dorsal vessel is double from the 15th segment forwards to the 8th. The last of the three pairs of hearts is in segment 12. The hearts in 11/12 are connected with the dorsal and with the supra-œsophageal vessel; those in 10 are smaller, and open out of the latter vessel only.

The gizzard, in 5, is long. The œsophagus is dilated m 12

– 253 –

and 13; the lining is papillose, and there are no definite glands. The intestine commences in 16, and is without a typhlosote.

The intestine contained pieces of rotten wood measuring as much as ¼ 3/16 in. in length.

Reproductive Organs.—There are two pairs of testes and funnels, in the usual positions, but those in segment 10 are much the smaller, and perhaps functionless, as there is only a single pair of sperm-sacs, which lies in segment 12.

The prostates are straight,* subcylindrical, and occupy three segments. In this particular specimen the apex is directed forwards and lies in segment 16, but perhaps this is merely an individual peculiarity.

There is no definite duct. The gland retains nearly the same diameter up to the body-wall, when it suddenly diminishes as it dips into the muscles. Bundles of muscular fibres pass up from the body-wall and spread over the surface of the gland to form an imperfect sheath round its lower end.

No penial chætæ are recognisable.

There are two pairs of spermathecæ, in segments 8 and 9. Each is an ovoid pouch with a very short duct, not distinctly marked off from the sac. A small pyriform diverticulum opens into the duct close to the body-wall. The sac presents a peculiarity that I do not remember noticing in any other worm. Along both the mesial and lateral surface of the sac is a distinct muscular ridge; that on the lateral surface is larger and longer, extending right up to the apex, whereas the other one only reaches about half-way up. At the lower end these longitudinal muscle-bands spread out on the body-wall. These two ridges are very pronounced structures.

Excretory System.—The worm is micronephric, and herein differs from the majority of species of Diporochœta. In the genital segments the close-set little loops give a velvety appearance to the inner surface of the body-wall; but posterior to the 18th segment they become limited to a single row of small tubules running along the middle of the segment. But, although the nephridia are thus minute and multiple, the remains of a meganephric condition persist throughout the worm in the form of a pair of large funnels which project forwards from each septum. Each funnel is nearly as long as a segment —i.e., in the contracted condition of the worm it reaches the preceding septum; it is thus readily visible. This funnel is V-shaped, with long parallel limbs, each consisting of an axis of vascular connective tissue, around which is arranged a single row of ciliated columnar epithelial cells, in a spiral fashion.

[Footnote] * In the type of the genus, D. intermedia, they are coiled

– 254 –

There is a general resemblance to the funnel of the “brown tubes” of Echiurus unicinctus.

Loc.—Bush-covered plateau, 600ft. above sea-level.

Mr., Shakespear writes, “The curious thing about these large worms is that we never see any castings about. With this one a slight crack in the soil was noticed, as when a mushroom is coming through, but there was no hole coming to the surface. My daughters dug down about 2ft. before they came upon the worm, the passage winding horizontally, but slowly going downwards. The soil is decomposed volcanic breccia, and fairly stiff.”

Remarks.—I have included this worm in the genus Diporochœta, for it only differs from it in being micronephric. The genus was founded in 1890 by Mr. Beddard* for meganephric worms with many chætæ and cylindrical prostates, and D. intermedia, from New Zealand, is the type; but since that time a number of other species have been described from Australia and Tasmania. Amongst these Spencer has included two worms having micronephridia—viz., D. notablis and D. maplestoni, from Victoria, both of which, however, differ from the present species.

These certainly agree more closely with the typical Diporochœta than they do with either of the other Megascolecine genera in which many chætæ form a continuous series round each segment—viz., Pheretima, Megascolex, Plionogaster, and Perionyx. The first three are micronephric, but it is only to Megascolex that our species show any close resemblance, from which, however, it differs in the cylindrical character of the prostate.

I have already pointed out that within the Acanthrodriline genus Plagiochœta, which is normally meganephric, species (e.g., Pl. rossi) with small and multiple nephridia occur; and the presence of large nephrostomes in D. gigantea (and in the following species, D. shakespeari) indicates that the micronephric condition has only recently been evolved.

4. Diporochæta shakespeari, n. sp.

This new species is founded upon the results of a study of about a dozen individuals.

Colour.—The living worm is pale-red—i.e., it is without pigment in the body-wall, so that the blood shows through. The clitellum is yellowish. When preserved either in alcohol or in formol the colour is opaque-white and the clitellum yellow.

Dimensions.—The formol specimens measure from 115mm. by 4mm. to 120mm. by 5mm., the latter having 195 segments.

[Footnote] * Proc. Zool. Soc., 1890, p. 56.

– 255 –

Some of those preserved in alcohol, not being so much contracted, have a length of 130mm., but this contains only 111 segments.

The prostomium is about a quarter epilobic.

Chœtœ.—There are about fifty chætæ in each segment; thus, both on the 9th and 26th segments the number was forty-eight; in the mid-body and in one of the posterior segments I counted fifty-two and fifty respectively.

A distinct ventral gap is present throughout the body, but a dorsal gap only in the anterior region. Anteriorly to segment 20 the dorsal gap equals the ventral gap, but from this segment backwards the former decreases till it has disappeared before the mid-body is reached.

The ventral gap a-a = four interchætal gaps (ab), both in mid-body and on segment 9.

The clitellum occupies segments half 13–17, and is complete.

Genital Pores, &c.—The male pores in segment 18 are carried on slight papillæ, each of which, in the formol specimen, rises from a well-defined pit about in line with bc.

There are two tubercula pubertatis, in the form of transverse glands, one near the anterior margin of segment 17, a second intersegmental at 19/20; each extends from about c-c. In the formol specimens these glands are well-marked transversely oval pits, with fairly well-marked margin, but in those preserved in alcohol they are much shallower depressions.

All the individuals, even those in which the clitellum is undeveloped, exhibit precisely the same arrangement—neither more nor fewer—of tubercula.

There are two pairs of spermathecal pores, at 7/8 and 8/9.

Internal Anatomy.—The septa behind segments 6 to 11 are thick.

The dorsal vessel is single, and the last heart is in 13.

The gizzard, long and cylindrical, in 5. The œsophagus is dilated in 11, 12, and 13; it is here thick-walled with lamellæ within, but there is no constriction from the main tube. The lamellæ, however, are similar to those in such glands as occur in Maoridrilus, and I think we may regard this dilated region as a gland.

The intestine commences in segment 16.

Reproductive System.—The testes and funnels are in the normal position. The sperm-sacs, two pairs, in segments 9 and 12.

The prostates—straight, tubular, with a roughened surface—extend through segments 18–24. The duct is long, straight, and narrow.

– 256 –

The spermathecæ, in 8 and 9, have a form common in the family; each is a pyriform sac with an ill-defined duct, into which opens a small pyriform diverticulum.

Excretory System.—Like the preceding species, this one is micronephric, but a fairly large funnel is present in each segment, of an elongated crescentic form, intermediate in form between the normal funnel and the long V-shaped funnel of D. gigantea.

Both this and the preceding species are provided with a pair of peptonephridia anteriorly.

Loc.—Bank of stream in dense bush.

Explanation of Plates XLI and XLII.

Plate XLI.

The illustrations of the anatomy of the earthworms are purely diagrammatic, indicating only the segmental position of the various organs, the worm being supposed to be slit up along the dorsal line and the body-wall pinned aside A group of three diagrams refers to each worm herein described.

The left-hand diagram in each of the groups referring to a species represents the external features The location of the various genital pores is represented as round black dots (if on a papilla this is left white), the clitellum is obliquely shaded, the tubercula pubertatis are vertically shaded.

In addition, the arrangement of the chætæ is indicated in segments 5 to 23 on one side; they are omitted on the other side for clearness' sake. But only about half the true number of chætæ are indicated.

The middle figure represents the alimentary canal and so much of the vascular system as is diagnostic. The latter is black. The gizzard is indicated by vertical shading, the œsophageal glands by more or less horizontal lines. The intestine is not represented as being constricted, which is, however, the case in most worms.

The right-hand figure shows the reproductive system. The gonads are in black The sperm-sacs are dotted The muscular duct of the spermiducal gland is transversely striped.

No attempt is made to give the relative sizes of the worms or of the various organs.

Plate XLII.
  • Figs 1, 2, 3 are diagrammatic representations of the external anatomy of R parvus, D. annectens, and D. beddardi respectively.

  • The location of the gemtal pores, clitellum, and tubercula pubertatis is represented, and the true relative spacing of the chætæ on one side, which are labelled a, b, c, d, &c.

  • The nephridiopores in R parvus are indicated by the small circles on the right side of the figure.

  • Fig. 4. Rhododrilus parvus. Spermatheca.

  • Fig 5. R parvus. A pemal chætæ; × 80

  • Fig 6. The same, tip enlarged; × 480.

  • Fig. 7. Diporochœta shakespeari. A spermatheca

  • Fig. 8. D. gigantea. Spermatheca r, å, the two muscular ridges along the main sac.

  • Fig. 9 The same in transverse section, showing muscular ridge at each end

– 257 –

Art. XXIX.—On the Anatomy of Hyla aurea.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 6th December, 1905.]

Plate XLV.
Part I.—Venous System.

Hyla aurea is the common frog now found in many parts of New Zealand, where it has become plentiful since its introduction from Australia some thirty years ago. As it is one of the types put down for dissection in the University's biological laboratories, a description of its anatomy, illustrated by original drawings, will, I hope, prove acceptable.

The practical books* used in Australasia to-day all describe, as far as I can ascertain, the European form Rana; and though I have searched through the Transactions and Proceedings of the learned societies of Australasia, with the exception of Miss Sweet's paper I have found nothing on the above subject. If Hyla aurea corresponded closely in its anatomy to Rana, this absence of literature on the former would not be of much consequence; but in many ways, and especially in the veins, the difference is so marked as to make the description of Rana more or less useless in a dissection of Hyla aurea.

The veins in Hyla aurea not only differ from those of Rana, but they also vary greatly in the different specimens; and in order to obtain as correct a description as possible some fifty frogs have been dissected, besides many notes have been taken from the specimens used in the biology classes.

The description here appended, though not applicable in detail to every specimen, will, I think, be found correct if a number of frogs be dissected and the most general arrangement of the veins be taken.

The following are some of the more common variations:-

  • 1. The arrangement and size of the veins supplying the skin.

  • 2. The size, number, and direction of the smaller branches of the external jugulars.

  • 3. The size and branching of the lingual veins. (Out of fifteen frogs, five had these veins showing well, but they were

[Footnote] * “The Frog,” A. Milnes Marshall, 6th edition; “Anatomy of the Frog,” Ecker (Eng. trans., Haslem). 1889; “Practical Zoology,” Parker and Parker; “Atlas of Zoology,” Howes.

[Footnote] † “Variation of the Spinal Nerves of Hyla aurea,” P.R.S. Vic., vol. ix, new series, p. 264.

– 258 –
  • much thicker than usual; in six they were about normal; and in four they were almost if not quite invisible.)

  • 4. The size, direction, and division of the external jugulars, which may become very much looped along their courses.

  • 5. The division of the subclavian into its two branches. (Out of fifteen frogs, seven had the division near or at the shoulder, six about half-way between the shoulder and the vena cava, and two near the vena cava.)

  • 6. The number of the renal veins. (These seem to vary between five and seven.)

  • 7. The division of the anterior abdominal vein as it breaks up into the lobes of the liver. (Out of fifteen frogs, five had a large branch running into the left lobe, and the other ten had no large branch, but each lobe was supplied by several smaller branches.)

  • 8. The size of the lumbar veins. (Out of fifteen frogs, twelve had them distinct, and in three they were very small.)

  • 9. The size of the ileo-lumbar veins. (In some specimens they were large and distinct, while in others they were very small and indistinct.)

The lumbar and ileo-lumbar veins are often united by a connecting vein. (Out of fifteen frogs, five had a distinct and good connection, in seven a fair connection, and in three there was no connection at all visible.)

Veins from the Skin.

If fig. 1 be compared with Ecker's* it will be seen that the veins coming from the skin differ widely in the two frogs. According to Ecker, with the exception of three pairs of parietal veins near the posterior end of the abdomen, all the blood from the skin is returned through the large cutaneous veins.

Now, in Hyla aurea there are four centres from which the blood from the skin is returned, and this is done by four distinct pairs of veins—namely, the external jugulars, the cutaneous, the parietals, and the pelvico-cutaneous—the first three being especially noticeable.

1. The external jugular veins (e.j.) are a pair of very large and often much-twisted vessels running across the body from the angles of the jaws towards the median line just above the pectoral girdle and then disappearing through the body-wall. Some of their branches—namely, the mandibular and several other large veins—bring in the blood from the skin around the head and shoulders.

[Footnote] * Ecker's “Anatomy of the Frog,” Eng. trans., p. 244, fig. 161.

– 259 –

2. The cutaneous veins (c.) are a pair of medium-sized vessels bringing blood from the skin for a short distance posterior to the arms. Each vein is composed of a number of small branches, which arise from the skin; they unite and form the large vessel which, after running for a short distance across the ventral body-wall, disappears just below the pectoral girdle.

3. The parietal veins (p.) are a pair of veins often as large as the cutaneous, and they bring blood from the skin about half-way down the abdomen. They, like the cutaneous veins, are much branched, and the main trunk runs across the ventral body-wall and soon disappears into the body-cavity. Their course as they run to meet the anterior abdominal vein can often be traced through the body-wall.

4. The pelvico-cutaneous veins (p.c.) are a pair of veins bringing blood in from the skin around the pelvic girdle. Each vein is composed of several branches, and these uniting run through the body-wall near the junction of the legs to the trunk. If the body-wall be opened it will be seen that they connect with the renal portal veins just after the bifurcation of the femoral veins. Near the mid-ventral line and just anterior to the pelvic girdle there are often one or two very small, short veins running out to the skin.

Venous System Proper.

If the ventral body-wall be cut up a little to one side of the middle line, and the flaps laid back after the anterior abdominal vein has been dissected off, the following veins can be seen. Pin the heart back so that the ventricle is pointing towards the snout.

The sinus venosus (fig. 2, s.v.) is a thin-walled sac lying on the dorsal wall of the heart. It is more or less triangular in shape, and is made up by the union of the posterior vena cava, which enters it from the lower end, and the right and left venæ cavæ, which enter it from the right and left corners respectively.

Veins opening into the Sinus Venosus.

I. Left Anterior Vena Cava (fig. 1, v.c.).

This is a large, short vein opening into the sinus venosus at its left side, and returns blood from the left side of the head and left fore-limb. It is made up by the union of three veins—namely, the external jugular, the innominate, and subclavian—about 5 mm. from the heart, whence it runs upwards and inwards to the sinus venosus.

Veins that unite to form the Left Anterior Vena Cava.

1. External Jugular Vein (figs. 2 and 3, e.j.; and fig. 1, e.j.).

This is by far the largest and most important vein of the three.,

– 260 –

and, beside returning blood from the lower jaw and tongue, it also returns it from the muscles of the shoulder, tympanic membrane, eye, nose, and the left side of the head generally. This latter group of organs is in Rana* drained by a large branch of the subclavian vein, called the cutaneous, but in Hyla aurea the cutaneous (fig. 1, c.) does not reach much above the forelimb.

It may also be noticed that the external jugular is not, as in Rana, wholly made up by the mandibular and lingual veins, but these are merely small branches joining on the main vein as it comes from the side of the head. If the skin from the side of the head be dissected off as in fig. 3 the small veins about the head that unite to form the external jugular can be seen.

The nasal vein (fig. 3, n.) runs from the external nares, near the edge of the upper jaw, and unites with the main trunk of the external jugular just at the angle of the jaws.

The orbital veins (fig. 3, o.) join the nasal as it passes the eye. They are usually two in number.

The tympanic vein (fig. 3, t.) is a vein bringing blood from the tympanic membrane.

There is a vein bringing blood from the dorsal muscles of the shoulder, and one bringing blood from the skin around the shoulder and head, which also join the external jugular near the angle of the jaws (fig. 3).

2. The Innominate Vein (fig. 2, in.).—This is the second and middle vein of the three that make up the left anterior vena cava. It is a very short vein, and is made up of two main branches—(a) internal jugular vein (fig. 2, i.j.), returning blood from the interior of the skull and the eyeball, and leaving the skull near the posterior border of the orbit; (b) subscapular vein (fig. 2, sa.) is a smaller vein than the former, and returns blood from the region of the scapular bone.

3. The Subclavian Vein (fig. 2, sub.).—This is larger than the innominate, but much smaller than the external jugular. It returns blood from the muscles of the shoulder and the forelimb. It is made up of the (a) brachial vein (fig. 1, br.), which returns blood from the arm, and, after entering the bodycavity, runs direct to join with the subclavian; (b) the musculocutaneous vein (fig. 2, m. and c., and fig. 1, c.) returns blood from the skin posterior to the arms, and some of the muscles of the shoulder. It does not, as in Rana, have anything to do with skin anterior to the fore-limbs or the head. The musculo vein returns blood from the muscles, and the cutaneous from the skin, as before described.

[Footnote] * Ecker's “Anatomy of the Frog,” p. 244, fig. 161.

– 261 –

II. Right Anterior Vena Cava.

This vein and its branches correspond to the left.

III. Posterior Vena Cava (fig. 2, p.v.c.).

This is a large median vein, returning blood from the kidneys and reproductive organs. It is formed by five or more pairs of renal veins, and then runs forward amongst the viscera, through the liver, on to the sinus venosus. Just after emerging from the liver a pair of hepatic veins join it.

The pulmonary veins are a pair of small veins, and are often very difficult to see. They return blood from the lungs, and run along its inner side to the heart, where they unite, and open into the left auricle.

Portal Systems.

A. Renal Portal System.

The large femoral vein (fig. 2, f.), which comes up the leg, bifurcates as it enters the body-cavity. The ventral branch forms a portion of the hepatic portal system—namely, the left pelvic vein. The dorsal branch runs along the dorsal body-wall to the lower end of the kidney and joins it on its outer margin. This branch is the left renal portal vein (fig. 2, r.p.), and on its way is joined by two smaller veins. The left sciatic vein (fig. 2, sc.) brings blood from the back of the thigh, and, coming in from the inner side of the leg, joins the renal portal about half-way between its commencement and its junction with the kidney.

The left ileo-lumbar (fig. 2, i.l.) is the name I have given to a medium-sized vein bringing blood from the dorsal body-wall. It commences up near the arms, and runs down more or less parallel with the backbone, and about 10mm. away from it, until it is near the lower end of the kidney, when it turns in and joins the renal portal just after it leaves the femoral.

The left lumbar vein (fig. 2, lum.) is a vein bringing blood from the dorsal body-wall by several branches, and after uniting to form a single vein it joins the renal portal vein about halfway along its length, and on its outer margin.

The right side of the renal portal system is similar to the left.

B. Hepatic Portal System.

The anterior abdominal (fig. 1, a.a.v., and fig. 2, a.a.v.) is a median vein running on the under-surface of the ventral body-wall from the pelvic girdle to the liver. It is made by the union of the pelvic veins (fig. 2, pel.), which are the ventral branches of the femoral veins. It runs forward along the ventral body-wall until over the liver, where it runs down and breaks up into

– 262 –

the liver at the junction of its lobes. On its way it receives the vesical vein (fig. 2, v.) from the bladder, also two small veins from the skin above the bladder.

The right parietal vein (fig. 1, p., and fig. 2, p.), coming from the skin as before described, runs in at right angles and joins the anterior abdominal vein about half-way along its course.

The hepatic portal vein is rather difficult to see owing to it being obscured by the pancreas, through which it runs. It is made up of gastric vein from the stomach, intestinal and spleenic veins from the intestines and spleen respectively. The two latter form the hepatic portal by uniting at the lower end of the pancreas, and after running towards the liver it is joined by the gastric vein. The hepatic portal then runs on and joins with a large branch of the anterior abdominal vein, the ramus descendens,* which runs down from where the anterior abdominal vein breaks up into the liver for a short distance between the lobes to meet the hepatic portal. Finally it runs into the liver.

Part II.—Arterial System.

The arterial system of Hyla aurea corresponds pretty closely to that of Rana, though there are several differences. Unlike the veins the arteries do not vary much in the different specimens.

The differences peculiar to the Hyla aurea are as follows:—

1. The carotid artery, before running to the head, bends back so as to overlap the systemic arch.

2. The cœliaco-mesenteric artery (fig. 4, c.m.) comes off from the dorsal aorta almost at right angles, while in Rana it appears to come off at an angle of 45°.

3. The occipito-vertebral artery (fig. 4, oc.) seems to be very different in its divisions from what it is in Rana. In the European frog it divides into two branches soon after it leaves the systemic arch. The occipital branch supplies the back and sides of the head, while the vertebral branch runs down the back on the dorsal surface of the transverse processes of the vertebræ. In Hyla aurea the occipital branch is much the same as in Rana, but I have so far found no vertebral artery, though I have examined many fresh as well as injected specimens. The vertebral artery seems to be replaced in function by several small arteries running from the dorsal aorta and renal arteries. They are short, and supply the muscles, &c., around the vertebral column.

[Footnote] * “Anatomy of the Frog,” Ecker, Eng. trans., 1889, p. 248, fig.164 (b).

[Footnote] † “Anatomy of the Frog,” Ecker, Eng. trans., 1889, p. 223, fig. 143 (j). “Atlas of Practical Elementary Zootomy,” G. B. Howes, 1st ed., pl. iii, fig. xxx (cœ).

– 263 –

Arterial System of Hyla Aurea.

The truncus arteriosus (fig. 4, t.) comes from the ventricle of the heart and divides almost immediately into two main branches. After running for a short distance each half divides into three branches, known as the “aortic arches.” (For the sake of simplification, one side only—namely, the left side—will be described.)

A. Carotid Arch (fig. 4, i).—This is the upper of the three arches, and after running for a short distance it divides into two branches—viz., the lingual artery (fig. 4, l.), which comes off just in front of a swelling in the carotid, known as the “carotid gland,” and runs forward along the muscles of the lower jaw towards the snout, breaking up into smaller branches as it proceeds; and the carotid artery (fig. 4, c.), which runs round the œsophagus, then, after bending backwards so as to overlap the systemic arch, runs forwards and downwards and enters the skull a little to the left of the median line. I have not been able to make out very clearly the course of the carotid artery after it enters the head, but it appears to divide up into internal and external carotids.

B. Systemic Arch (fig. 4, ii).—This is the middle of the three arches, and runs round and down over the œsophagus to the dorsal body-wall. It then continues on as a large artery and joins with its fellow on the other side, just anterior to the kidneys, to form the dorsal aorta. When opposite the arm this arch gives off two arteries, viz.:—

(a.) The occipito-vertebral (fig. 4, oc.): This is seen as a very short, thick artery running downwards and forwards, and disappears into the muscles of the dorsal body-wall. In Rana this divides into two branches—namely, the occipital and the vertebral—but in Hyla I have only been able to make out the occipital (fig. 4, oc.), which runs up to the muscles on the side of the head and also to the orbit.

(b.) The subclavian artery (fig. 4, s.) branches off from the systemic arch near the origin of the occipital vertebral. It runs out as a large artery to supply the arm.

C. Pulmo-cutaneous Arch (fig. 4, iii).—This is the third of the aortic arches, and just before it reaches the lung it divides into two, viz.:—

(a.) The cutaneous artery (fig. 4, cu.) runs outwards and downwards, and disappears in the muscles at the angle of the jaws. It can be traced to the dorsal surface, where it runs as a large vein along the skin from the pectoral down to the pelvic girdle. It has a number of small branches which supply the skin.

– 264 –

(b.) The pulmonary artery (fig. 4, pl.) bends round and runs down the outer side of the lung, through which it ramifies.

The dorsal aorta (fig. 4, d.a.), as stated before, is made up by the union of the right and left systemic arches. It runs down close to the vertebral column, and just below the kidneys it divides into the two iliac arteries (fig. 4, il.), which supply the legs.

Just where the two systemic arches unite, a large median artery, the cœliaco-mesenteric (fig. 4, c.m.), is given off to the viscera. This divides into two smaller arteries—viz. (a) Cœliac artery (fig. 4, cœ.), which breaks up again into (1) the hepatic artery, running to the gall-bladder and liver, and (2) the gastric artery, supplying the stomach; (b) mesenteric artery (fig. 4, m.), which breaks up again into (1) the anterior mesenteric, supplying the duodenum and the proximal end of the intestine, and (2) the posterior mesenteric, supplying the distal end.

Just as the iliac artery passes the pelvic girdle it gives off two or three branches that supply the body-wall and some of the muscles of the thigh; these seem to be what Marshall* calls the “lumbar” (fig. 4, lm.), and Ecker† the “external iliae arteries.”

Explanation of Plate XLV.

fig. 1. Venous system of Hyla aurea (enlarged). (Ventral surface with the skin laid back on one side, showing the veins of the skin. Dotted lines indicate the position of the veins that can often be seen through the body-wall.)

  • e.j. External jugular.

  • m. Mandibular.

  • p.c. Pelvico-cutaneous.

  • a.a.v. Anterior abdominal.

  • p. Parietal.

  • c. Cutaneous.

fig. 2. General view of the venous system of Hyla aurea (partly diagrammatic). (Portal systems in black.) (Enlarged.)

  • s.v. Sinus venosus.

  • r. Renal veins.

  • v.c. Left anterior vena cava.

  • h. Hepatic

  • p.v.c. Posterior vena cava.

  • a.a.v. Anterior abdominal vein.

  • e.j. External jugular.

  • pel. Pelvic.

  • in. Innominate.

  • f. Femoral.

  • sub. Subclavian

  • p. Parietal.

  • l. Lingual.

  • lum. Lumbar.

  • m. Mandibular.

  • i.l. Ileo-lumbar.

  • i.j. Internal jugular.

  • r.p. Renal portal.

  • sa. Subscapular.

  • sc. Sciatic.

  • br. Brachial.

  • v. Vesical.

  • m. Musculo.

  • h. Heart.

  • c. Cutaneous.

  • liv. Liver (diagrammatic).

[Footnote] * “The Frog,” A. Milnes Marshall, 7th ed, p. 31 (b, 3).

– 265 –

Fig. 3. Side view of the head with the skin laid back, showing the branches of the external jugular vein.

  • n. Nasal

  • t. Tympanic.

  • o. Orbital.

  • e.j. External jugular.

Fig. 4. The arterial system of Hyla aurea (partly diagrammatic). (The dotted lines indicate the position of arteries that are hidden by muscles, &c. The carotid artery is made not to overlap the systemic arch, so to avoid confusing the diagram.)

  • h. Heart.

  • cu. Cutaneous artery.

  • t. Truncus arteriosus.

  • c.m. Cœliaco-mesenteric.

  • i. Carotid arch.

  • d.a. Dorsal aorta.

  • ii. Systemic arch.

  • il. Iliac artery.

  • iii. Pulmo-cutaneous arch.

  • lm. Lumbar artery.

  • l. Lingual artery.

  • cœ. Cœliac artery.

  • c. Carotid artery.

  • m. Mesenteric artery.

  • s. Subclavian artery.

  • g. Gastric artery.

  • oc. Occipital artery.

  • r. Renal arteries.

  • o.c. Occipito-vertebral artery.

  • gl. Carotid gland.

  • pl. Pulmonary artery.

Art. XXX.—Report of some Crustacea dredged off the Coast of Auckland.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 6th December, 1905.]

Shortly after the Dunedin meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, some dredging was done off the coast of Auckland by Messrs. Hedley, Suter, and others. The small number of Crustacea that were taken were kindly handed over to me for identification by Mr. H. Suter, and the following report is the result. I have included one or two specimens sent to me later on by Mr. Suter, and some dredged early in 1905 off the Poor Knights Islands by Captain Bollons of the “Hinemoa.” Most of the specimens were taken in the Hauraki Gulf at a depth of 25 fathoms, and there were only four taken outside Great Barrier Island in 120 fathoms—viz., a Callianassid, not identifiable; Lyreidus tridentatus, De Haan; Cirolana rossii, Miers; and Ampelisca chiltoni, Stebbing.

None of the species given below are new, though one or two of the Sphæromidœ, which I am unable to identify satisfactorily at present, may prove to be new species. There are, however, one or two interesting additions to our knowledge of the distribution of species already known, the most important being that of Lyreidus tridentatus, De Haan, which is now recorded from New Zealand for the first time, and belongs to a group of the Anomura—the Raninidea—hitherto unrepresented in the New Zealand fauna.

– 266 –


Paramithrax peronii, M.-Edwards. Miers, Cat. N.Z. Crust., p. 5; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 247.

Several specimens from Channel Island, 25 fathoms, and one from 30 fathoms, appear to belong to this species, but they are very small, the largest having the carapace not more than 15 mm. long.

Pinnotheres pisum, Linnæus. Miers, Cat. N.Z. Crust., p. 48; Index Fauné N.Z., p. 250.

One small male specimen from Channel Island, Hauraki Gulf, 30 fathoms, appears to agree well with the description. As is frequently the case with males, this specimen was found free and not in a bivalve shell.

It is perhaps worthy of note that Heller's “Novara” specimens, which he identified with the P.pisum of Europe, were from Auckland, found in Mytilus.

Ebalia lévis, Bell. Miers, Cat. N.Z. Crust., p. 56; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 251.

Three specimens from Channel Island, 25 fathoms. I have also two specimens dredged off the Poor Knights Islands in 60 fathoms by Captain Bollons early in 1905.

Through the kindness of Mr. F. E. Grant I have been able to compare this species with specimens of E. tuberculosa (Milne-Edwards) taken off Sydney at the depth of 300 fathoms; from these E. lævis may be distinguished by the smoother carapace, and by having the posterior margin produced so as to give the appearance of three obtuse teeth. Mr. G. M. Thomson has recorded E. tuberculosa from Dusky Sound, 40 fathoms. It was taken by the “Challenger” at station 167, about a hundred and fifty miles west of New Plymouth, in 150 fathoms.*


Lyreidus tridentatus, De Haan. Haswell, Cat. Aust. Crust., p. 144; and Henderson, “Challenger,” Anomura, p. 33.

One specimen was taken outside Great Barrier Island in 120 fathoms. This agrees well with the description given by Haswell. The prominent dorsal elevations on the 3rd and 4th abdominal segments are present as described by Henderson, except that the one on the 3rd is almost acute, though much smaller than the one on the 4th.

The species was originally described from Japan, and was taken by the “Challenger” off Port Jackson and also near the Fiji Islands, but is has not been previously recorded from New Zealand.

[Footnote] * Annals and Mag. Nat. Hist., 7, x, p. 462.

– 267 –

Eupagurus edwardsi, Filhol. G. M. Thomson, Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxi, p. 182; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 251.

Two specimens, from Channel Island, Hauraki Gulf, 25 fathoms. These agree very well with the descriptions given by Thomson and Filhol. One is a fairly large specimen, with carapace about 15 mm. long; the other has the carapace not more than 10 mm. long. In the latter the propodos of the right chelipede bears few tubercles on its outer surface, and those present are small and somewhat spiny.

In some points this species shows a marked resemblance to Ė. spinulimanus, Miers, and I should not be surprised if the two prove to be identical. I have two or three small specimens from Auckland, collected by Dr. Cockayne in 1905, which also belong to this species, and are almost more like E. spinulimanus.

Stratiotes setosus, Filhol. G. M. Thomson, Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxi, p. 185; Index Faunæ N.Z., p.252.

Several specimens from Channel Island, 25 fathoms. These are much smaller than the specimen in the Canterbury Museum that was examined and named as above by Mr. Thomson, but they agree closely with his description.

Petrolisthes novæ-zealandiæ, Filhol. Thomson, Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxi, p. 190; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 252.

Two small specimens from Channel Islands, 25 fathoms, appear to belong to this species, but they are too young for certain identification.

Galathea pusilla, Henderson. Thomson, Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxi, p. 193; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 252.

Two specimens from Channel Islands, 25 fathoms. This species was previously known in New Zealand from Cook Strait, Wanganui, and Paterson's Inlet, and was obtained by the “Challenger” off the south-east of Australia.


Amaryllis macropthalmus, Haswell. Amaryllis macrophithalmus, Haswell, Proc. Linn. Soc. N.S.W., iv, p. 253; Cat. Aust. Crust., p. 227. Amaryllis brevicornis, Haswell, l.c., p. 254; Cat. Aust. Crust., p. 228. Glycerina affinis, Chilton, l.c., ix, p. 2, pl. xlvii, fig. 1, a and b. Amaryllis macrophthalmus, Stebbing, “Challenger,” Amphipoda, p. 706, pl. xxix. Amaryllis macrophthalmus, Thomson, Annals and Mag. Nat. Hist., 7, x, p. 463; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 258.

A single specimen, a female with eggs, from Channel Islands, 25 fathoms, undoubtedly belongs to this species. The species is a widely distributed one. Haswell records it from Tasmania,

– 268 –

Port Jackson and other localities on the east coast of Australia; while the “Challenger” specimen was obtained off Cape Virgins, Patagonia, at a depth of 55 fathoms. Glycerina affinis, Chilton, which was described under a misapprehension as to its generic position, is a synonym of this species.

Mr. G. M. Thomson has recorded this species from Mokohinau and from Lyttelton.

Ampelisca chiltoni, Stebbing. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 260, and Report “Challenger,” Amphipoda, p. 1042.

One imperfect specimen dredged off Great Barrier Island, at a depth of 120 fathoms, appears to belong to this species. I have also two specimens dredged off the Poor Knights Islands, in 60 fathoms, and two others collected in Kaipara Harbour by Dr. Cockayne, that certainly belong to it.

The “Challenger” specimens were collected at station 167, to the west of New Plymouth, in 150 fathoms.

Ampelisca acinaces, Stebbing. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 260; Thomson, Annals and Mag. Nat. Hist., 7, x, p. 464.

Some specimens from Bay of Islands, 4 fathoms, given me by Dr. Cockayne, belóng, I think, to this species. They can be distinguished from A. chiltoni most readily by the dorsal compression, which is continued along the whole length of the body, whereas in A. chiltoni it is not at all well marked, and is limited to the head. Many minute points of difference are given by Mr. Stebbing, but if my identifications are correct some of these will not hold: e.g., the inferior posterior angles of the 3rd segment of the pleon are produced into an acute slightly upturned point, just as in A. chiltoni, while Mr. Stebbing describes and figures the lower margin as nearly straight, and making a right angle with the hind margin; and again, in my specimens the lower antennæ are considerably less than the length of the body and shorter than in A. chiltoni, while Mr. Stebbing gives them about equal to the length of the body in A. acinaces, and his figure of A. chiltoni shows them considerably less than that of the body, although in his description of the species he says, “antennæ nearly as in Ampelisca acinaces.”

The “Challenger” specimens were taken off Port Jackson in 35 fathoms. According to Mr. Thomson, this species is not infrequently washed up on Ocean Beach, Dunedin, in considerable numbers.

Leucothoë tridens, Stebbing. “Challenger” Reports, xxix, p. 777; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 258.

Two imperfect specimens, Channel Islands, 25 fathoms, appear to belong to this species.

– 269 –


Cirolana rossii, Miers. Cat. N.Z. Crust., p. 109; Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 263.

One small specimen, dredged off Great Barrier Island, appears to belong to this common species, but it is immature, and the eyes very indistinct, so that the identification is not free from doubt.

Among the Isopoda were two or perhaps three species of Sphæromidæ, one apparently belonging to the genus Cilicæ, and new to New Zealand. But I cannot identify these with existing species, and do not care to venture on the description of new species of this difficult family pending the appearance of Dr. H. J. Hansen's work on the genera of the group.

Art. XXXI.—List of Crustacea from the Chatham Islands.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 6th December, 1905,]

In connection with the origin of the fauna of New Zealand that of the outlying islands is of especial importance, and I am therefore giving here a list of some Crustacea from Chatham Islands, a group situated about 450 miles east from Lyttelton Harbour. It will be seen that the list is a very short one, and this must necessarily be the case, for no systematic collection of the Crustacea has been so far made, and I have only a few specimens that have been gathered at odd times by Mr. A. Shand, Miss S. D. Shand, Professor Kirk, and Dr. Dendy. The list, indeed, would be hardly worth while publishing of itself, but I hope that it will be the means of causing others who may have the opportunity of doing so to pay special attention to the fauna and flora of these and other outlying islands of New Zealand. The terrestrial and fresh-water faunas are of the greatest value in this connection, and it is of extreme importance that they should be studied, and if possible preserved, before it is too late.


Paramithrax latreillei, Miers. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 247 Numerous specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand).

Platyonichus bipustulatus, M.-Edwards. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 249.

From Te Whakuru (Miss Shand).

– 270 –

Halicarcinus planatus, Fabr. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 250; Stebbing, Proc. Zool. Soc., 1900, p. 524.

Numerous specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand).

Hymenicus marmoratus, Chilton. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 250.

Specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand) agree with the type specimen, which came from Lyttelton, but I am doubtful whether the species is a good one; it may be identical with one of those described by earlier authors. A revision of the New Zealand Hymenosomidœ is very much needed; and I allow the species to stand in the meantime till full comparison with others can be made.

Elamena producta, T. W. Kirk. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 251.

A male specimen from Ouenga (Dr. Dendy) agrees with Kirk's description and figures. Kirk's specimens were from Wellington; I have seen no specimens from the South Island.


Palæmon affinis, M.-Edward. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 255.

Numerous specimens of this common species were sent by Mr. Shand.

Xiphocaris curvirostris (Heller). Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 255; Thomson, Trans. Linn. Soc., Zool., viii, p. 447.

Numerous specimens brought to me by Mr. Shand from Chatham Island (fresh water); they seem to be quite the same as those found so abundantly in the Avon, Heathcote, and other New Zealand streams.

Mr. G. M. Thomson has already pointed out that it is noteworthy that the fresh-water shrimp found in Australia and Norfolk Island, Xiphocaris compressa, De Haan, is quite different from that found in New Zealand streams.


Lysiosquilla spinosa (Wood Mason). Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 256.

This species has been recorded from the Chatham Islands, under the name Squilla indefensa, by Mr. T. W. Kirk (Trans. N.Z.Inst., xi, p. 394).


Orchestia chiliensis, M.-Edwards. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 257.

I have some specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand) that must, I think, be referred to this species as defined by Mr. G. M. Thomson (Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxi, p. 199).

– 271 –

Moera fasciculata, G. M. Thomson. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 260.

Numerous specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand), some of them rather larger than those usually taken on the east coast of the South Island, where the species is common. I do not feel sure of the generic position of this species; the secondary flagellum of the upper antenna consists of a single small joint, and the species does not exhibit marked sexual differences, and is very different from other species of Moera that I am acquainted with. I am of the opinion that it comes near to Atyloides, Stebbing.

Melita tenuicornis, Dana. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 260.

One specimen collected by Dr. Dendy.

This species is common in New Zealand, and is found both in rock-pools on the open sea-coast and also in estuaries and lagoons when the water may be almost or quite fresh.

Mr. A. O. Walker has recently recorded it from Ceylon under the name Mæra tenuicornis, though pointing out that there are various discrepancies between his species and Dana's description and figures of the New Zealand form.* In the same year Mr. Stebbing described from Ceylon a new species, Melita zeylanica, which he was unable to refer to Dana's species, and distinguishes from it by numerous characters, though he appears to think that these differences may possibly be due to errors and inconsistencies in Dana's descriptions and figures.

Phronima novæ-zealandiæ, Powell. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 256.

Two specimens in the “casks” washed upon Te Whakuru Beach (Miss Shand), one with numerous young with her in the “cask.”


Exosphæroma gigas, Leach. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 263.

Several specimens of this widely spread species were in Mr. Thomson's collection, having been collected by Professor H. B. Kirk. Some of them were larger than those usually found on the east coast of the South Island, being intermediate between these and the large specimens found at the Auckland Islands. On the Chatham Islands specimens were found Iais pubescens, Dana, which appears to be almost invariably associated with this species.

Mr. Stebbing has fully described Exosphæroma gigas from Falkland Island specimens, and has established for it the genus

[Footnote] * Amphipoda, from “Report on the Pearl Oyster Fisheries,” 1904, p. 273.

[Footnote] † “Spolia Zeylanica,” vol. ii, part v, p. 22.

– 272 –

Exosphæroma, which differs from Sphæroma in having the last three joints of the maxillipeds lobed on the inner side.

Cymodoce huttoni(G.M. Thomson). Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 263.*

One specimen collected by Professor H. B. Kirk. This species is very common all round the coasts of New Zealand, and I have specimens also from the Antipodes Islands (Dr. L. Cockayne). It appears to be closely allied to Dynamene eatoni, Miers, from Kerguelen, which is recorded also from Cape Horn by M. Adrien Dollfus in the “Mission du Cap Horn,” Crust., p. F, 66.

(?) Isocladus spiniger (Dana). Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 263.

Numerous specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand). These differ in several points from Lyttelton and other specimens that I have been in the habit of referring to Dana's species, and may prove to be a new species. They are rather larger, and lack the small teeth at the base of the large spine arising from the last segment of the pereion. The colour is brownish with darker markings, the edges of the epimera, bases of the antennæ, &c., being reddish.

Paridotea ungulata (Pallas). Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 264.

Specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand). This species is widely distributed in the southern seas. Stebbing in his “Report on the South African Crustacea,” pp. 53–55, instituted for it the new genus Paridotea, and describes the mouth parts and other structures more fully than had hitherto been done. He points out that his large dredged specimens have the 4th, 5th, and 6th joints of both gnathopods and first four pereipods thickly coated with hair on the inner margin, while the corresponding parts in the smaller beach specimens sent to him were comparatively smooth. I have taken specimens of both kinds together in shallow water on the sea-beach, and can state that the differences are sexual—the fine woolly hairs being found on these parts in large fully developed males, but not in the mature females, and probably not in immature males.

Idotea peronii, M.-Edwards. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 264.

Three specimens from Te Whakuru (Miss Shand), reddishbrown or orange in colour (in formalin). One is a female with eggs in pouch, and has the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th segments of pereion somewhat expanded. The colour and markings of this species, though variable, are very protective, and resemble those of the red seaweeds on which it is found. One specimen has a median

[Footnote] * This species cannot remain in the genus Cymodoce as now defined by Hansen. It appears to belong to the new genus Dynamella, Hansen. See Q.J.M.S., vol. xlix, p. 107.

[Footnote] † Annals and Mag. Nat. Hist., xvi, p. 73 (1875).

– 273 –

white line about 2 mm. wide, extending from the cephalon all through the pereion and half-way along the pleon, the rest of the body reddish-brown. Another has white markings on the margins of the epimera, the third (female) without any white markings.

Iais pubescens, Dana. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 264

Numerous specimens found in the bottle, in which the only Sphæromids were the specimens of (?) Isocladus spiniger, Dana, mentioned above, and I have no doubt they were commensal on this species. They appear quite the same as those found on Sphæroma gigas, Leach. This species occurs throughout the southern seas as a commensal on several Sphæromids. Mr. Stebbing has given a full description of it in the Proc. Zool. Soc., 1900, p. 549–51.

Deto novæ-zealandiæ=Oniscus novæ-zealandiæ, Filhol, “Mission de l'Ile Campbell,” p. 441, pl. liv, fig. 7.

Among some Crustacea sent from Te Whakuru Beach by Miss Shand (August, 1903) are three imperfect specimens that evidently belong to this species. The rounded swollen granular prominence on each side of the 1st segment of the mesosome is very characteristic, and agrees well with Filhol's figure and description: “Le premier anneau du corps présente chez certains sujets, de chaque coté, à ses extrémités, une saillie arrondie, globuleuse, couverte de très fines granulations.”

Actæcia aucklandiœ G. M. Thomson (Trans. N.Z. Inst., xi, p. 249), which I provisionally placed under Scyphax in 1901 (Trans. Linn. Soc., viii, p. 126), also belongs to the genus Deto, and is distinguished from D. novæ-zealandiæ, among other points, by the absence of the rounded prominences on the 1st segment of the pereion. I am preparing a fuller paper on these and other species of Deto.

Oniscus punctatus, G. M. Thomson. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 265.

Two or three specimens from Pitt Island (Dr. Dendy). Dr. Budde-Lund informs me that he has established a new genus, Phalloniscus, for this and other allied species, but I have not yet received the paper in which this genus has been published.

Armadillo speciosus, Dana. Index Faunæ N.Z., p. 266.

In 1901 I referred some specimens from the Chathams in Mr. Thomson's collection to this species with some hesitation. I have since received further specimens of the same kind from Pitt Island, collected by Dr. Dendy, and think they must belong to Dana's species, but it is very difficult to know exactly what species was intended by some of the early descriptions. Dana's specimens were from the Bay of Islands.

– 274 –

Art XXXII.—Description of a Species of Phreatoicus from the Surface Waters of New Zealand.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 6th December, 1905.]

In my paper on the subterranean Crustacea of New Zealand published in 1894 (Trans. Linn. Soc., vi), when discussing various questions in connection with the three species of Phreatoicus known at that time, I said, “The questions suggested may perhaps be some day solved by the discovery of species of Phreatoicus still living above ground in the mountain-streams of the Southern Alps, places where very littel search of the kind required has hitherto been made” (l.c., p. 202). I am not sure that the questions under consideration are very much nearer solution now than they were then, and certainly no species of Phreatoicus has yet been found among our Southern Alps; but in making the statement quoted I little anticipated that within the next twelve years so many species would be found in other places.

At that time there was known only the one genus, with three species—two found underground in New Zealand, and the third on the Mount Kosciusko plateau, in Australia. Now, thanks to the researches of Mr. G. M. Thomson, Professor Baldwin Spencer, Mr. T. S. Hall, and particularly of Mr. O. A. Sayce, we are acquainted with five species of the genus Phreatoicus, and with no less than three other closely allied genera, each with one species. All these additional forms, however, were from Australia and Tasmania, and up to 1902 no surface form had been recorded from New Zealand. In that year, however, Mr. (now Professor) H. B. Kirk brought me specimens of a Phreatoicus found in a fresh-water lagoon in Ruapuke Island, in Foveaux Strait. These were exhibited at a meeting of the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury on the 26th November, 1902 (see Proc. N.Z. Inst., xxxv, p. 564), but no description has as yet been published. In the present year (1905) specimens of the same genus were found at Mosgiel, and afterwards at Woodhaugh, both places being near Dunedin. These have been very kindly handed over to me for examination by Mr. G. M. Thomson.

The occurrence of the species at Woodhaugh reminds us how little we really know of the smaller animals even of places that have been fairly well searched, for Mr. Thomson and myself, and probably many others, have made many collections from this locality without coming across the species in question, although it is by no means a particularly small one, some of

– 275 –

the specimens being nearly 1 in. in length. Judging from Mr. Sayce's experience in Australia, it is quite probable that other forms are still to be found from the streams and fresh waters of New Zealand, and I shall be grateful to any collectors who will send me any shrimp-like creatures they may find under stones. or in moss in such situtations.

From the description given below it will be seen that the species now to be described, though found in surface waters, is a blind one, and that it is whitish in colour, in these respects resembling the two subterranean species occurring in the underground waters of the Canterbury Plains.

Phreatoicus kirkii, sp. nov.

Specific Diagnosis.—General appearance of the body and appendages very similar to that of P. assimilis. Eyes not visible. Body rather stout and compact, the segments of the pereion fitting closely to one another; pleura of the 2nd to 5th segments of the pleon largely developed, fully as deep as their segments and concealing the pleopoda, rounded below and with the inferior margin and the lower part of the hind margin thickly fringed with long setæ; 5th segment as long as the 3rd and 4th together; inferior margin of the 6th segment with six curved seté which increase in stoutness posteriorly, the last being very stout; the projection at the end of the last segment narrower (as seen in side view) than in P. assimilis, longer than broad, tipped with two or three stout setæ and bearing also several more slender ones; below this the hind margin on each side is irregularly convex, and bears numerous short setæ of varying degrees of stoutness. Surface of body with a fair number of slender setæ arranged singly or in small tufts, and becoming more numerous posteriorly, especially on the last segment of the pleon. Lower antennæ scarcely half as long as the body; flagellum of about twelve joints, not much longer than the peduncle. Pereiopoda as in P. assimilis, rather short and very spiny; the 1st forming in the male a powerful subchelate claw of the same general structure as in P. assimilis, but with the anterior produced portion of the meros armed with one stout seta and a few slender ones in place of the thick brush of fine hairs found in P. assimilis; 4th pereiopod of male shorter than the 3rd and specially modified. In the female the 1st pereiopod has the subchelate claw much smaller and like that described for P. typicus, and the 4th pereiopod is similar to the 3rd. The last three pairs of pereiopoda with the basa considerably expanded. The mouth parts are practically the same as in P. assimilis, the lower lip having the lobes rounded, and the inner lobe of the first maxilla bearing only four plumose setæ.

– 276 –


Length—cephalon, 2·5 mm.; pereion, 8·5 mm.; pleon, 6·5 mm. Depth—pereion, 2 mm.; pleon, 3·5 mm.

Hab.—Fresh-water lagoon on Ruapuke Island.

The description given above applies to the Ruapuke Island specimens. Those from the neighbourhood of Dunedin differ considerably in general appearance, having the segments of the pereion longer, so that the appendages are more separated, and there are also some minor differences. I was at first inclined to consider them as a separate species, but the resemblances in the appendages are so close, and the differences rather in the proportions of the body—characters difficult to estimate precisely, and perhaps partly due to shrinkage caused by the preserving-fluids used—so that I propose to consider them as a variety.

Phreatoicus kirkii, var. dunedinensis, nov. var.

Differing from the type in having the segments of the pereion rather longer, more slender, and more separated; the dorsal surface of body, especially of the last segment of pleon, with more numerous setæ; pereiopoda more slender, the basa of the last three pairs less expanded.


Length—cephalon, 2·5 mm.; pereion, 13 mm.; pleon, 7 mm. Depth—pereion, 2 mm.; pleon, 3·5 mm.

Hab.—Streams at Mosgiel and Woodhaugh, near Dunedin.

Mr. Sayce has laid considerable stress on the proportion of the length of the pleon to that of the cephalon- and pereion combined in the various species of Phreatoicus and allied genera. If we take the measurements given above and work them out as Mr. Saycc has done we find that in the typical specimens the pleon is 59/100 of the combined length of cephalon and pereion, while in the variety dunedinensis the corresponding fraction is only 45/100, the difference being thus considerable. Measurements of this kind are, however, not easily made with the same accuracy in all cases, and they vary to some extent in different individuals, and certainly these fractions in the present instance would lead one to think that the specimens from the different localities differ more than they really do.

It will be seen that the present species is very closely allied to P. assimilis, and that in the lower lip and the inner lobe of the first maxilla it agrees with this species and with P. australis and P. shephardi, and differs from P. typicus.

In the structure of the last segment of the pleon, and in some other points, it may be considered to be intermediate between P. australis and P. assimilis.

– 277 –

Art. XXXIII.—Note on the Occurence in New Zealand of Dipterous Insects belonging to the Family Blepharoceridæ.

[Read before the Philosophical Institute of Canterbury, 6th December, 1905.]

Plate XLVI.

Some three years ago Mr. G. R. Marriner brought me some peculiar insect-larvæ that he had obtained from a mountain-stream near Lake Coleridge. Afterwards, in February, 1903, I collected similar laryé in a rocky stream at Akaroa. These prove to belong to the Dipteran family Blepharoceridæ, a family that does not appear to have been hitherto recorded from New Zealand; and, though I have as yet been unable to collect the adult insects or to rear them from the larvæ, I have thought it desirable to give a brief description of the larvæ, with one or two notes on the family taken from Dr. Sharp's volume in the “Cambridge Natural History,” “Insects,” part ii, by David Sharp (“Cambridge Natural History”), London, 1899, pp. 464–66. in the hope that the attention of entomologists may be thereby directed to these insects.

The Blepharoceridæ constitute a small and little-known family of the Diptera, and are found in Europe (the Pyrenees, Alps, and Harz Mountains), and in North and South America The adult insects resemble the Empidæ, but have strongly iridescent wings, and they execute aerial dances after the manner of midges.

The larvæ are very peculiar in appearance, and are aquatic, living in rapid rocky streams, clinging firmly to the rocks by means of suckers on the ventral surface. According to Dr. Sharp, they live only a short time when taken out of the highly aerated water in which they exist.

The larvæ that I have present a close resemblance to that of Curupira torrentium, Fritz Müller, from Brazil. They are about 7mm. long and 2·5 mm. broad; dorsal surface moderately convex, ventral surface flat. The larva consists of six divisions, on the ventral surface of each of which is a rather large round sucker, and each division except the last bears one pair of projecting side lobes; the last division bears two pairs, and shows marks of being really composed of two divisions. The cephalothorax—i.e., the first segment—is larger than either of the four succeeding divisions, and its about the same size as the last; the mouth is situated on its ventral surface immediately in front of the sucker. The short antenna of two joints, slender, free

– 278 –

from hairs, projects slightly beyond the anterior margin. Small gills are situated around each sucker except the first, as described by Fritz Müller.

The dorsal surface of each division bears about twelve to fifteen stout, black, sharp spines projecting upwards at right angles to the surface, and the round post margin of the last segment is fringed with a row of slender black hairs. The side lobes are short, about half as broad as long, narrowing to the subacute extremity; they are lighter in colour than the body, and bear numerous stiff hairs of varying stoutness, but all more slender than the spines on the body. The colour of the body varies from dark-brown to black, the side lobes being light-brown. The larvæ live in rapid rocky streams, and by means of their suckers cling to the stones and boulders with considerable tenacity.

Explanation of Plate XLVI.

  • Fig. 1. Dorsal view; × about ten times.

  • Fig. 2. Ventral view; × about ten times.

Art. XXXIV.—Results of Dredging on the Continental Shelf of New Zealand.

[Read before the Wellington Philosophical Society, 4th October, 1905.]


This article is a sequel to Mr. Hedley's paper under the same heading and in this volume. All the shells here enumerated were obtained together with those described by Mr. Hedley and the Rev. W. H. Webster.

1. Philine constricta, n. sp. Plate XXI, fig. 1.

Shell small, thin, convolute, imperforate, spirally grooved, auriform, slightly contracted above. Sculpture consists of shallow fine spiral grooves, leaving broader bands between them, crossed by irregularly arranged incremental lines. Colour white. Spire concave. Protoconch minute, smooth. Whorls 1½, very rapidly increasing, the last very large, contracted below the vertex. Aperture elongately oval, acuminate above. Outer lip sharp, lowly convex, microscopically transversely striated inside; lower lip regularly rounded. Inner lip forming a broadly spread callosity upon the body, narrow on the concave oblique and twisted columella. Altitude, 5 mm.; diameter, 3 mm.

– 279 –

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs Two dead shells were obtained. By its distinct spiral oranamentation, the elongate form, and small size it is well characterized.

2. Philine umbilicata, n. sp. Plate XXI, fig. 2.

Shell small, oval, truncate above, umbilicated. Sculpture inconspicuous, distant very fine microscopial lines are crossed by irregular curved and very fine growth-lines. Colour white. Spire slightly immersed. Protoconch minute, smooth. Whorls 2, very rapidly increasing, the last truncated above, rounded at the base, narrowed and flatly convex above. Aperture elongated-oval, slightly excavated above by the body-whorl, broad and open toward the base. Outer lip thin, sharp, almost straight for the upper two-thirds, then forming a regular arch with the convex basal lip. Inner lip forming a rather broad but very thin callosity upon the body, inconspicuous on the columella, which descends with a rather sharp margin, but slightly excavated, to the basal lip. Umbilicus patulous, distinct. Altitude, 3·5 mm.; diameter, 2·25 mm.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. Four dead shells. This species is distinguished by the almost total absence of spiral sculpture and the presence of a distinct umbilicus, which is an exception in this genus.

3. Cylichna pygmæa, A. Adams.

Bulla (Cylichna) pygmœa, A. Adams, Thes. Conch., vol. ii, p. 595, pl. cxxv, fig. 150, 1850; Man. Conch. (1), vol. xv, p. 319, pl. lix, fig. 9. Cylichna atkinsoni, T.-Woods, P.R.S. Tasm., 1876, p. 156.

One dead shell only, which agrees with specimens from Tasmania and South Australia.

4. Cylichna thetidis, Hedley.

Memoirs Austral. Mus., iv, part 6, pp. 395–96, fig. 111 in text, 1903.

One dead shell turned up; the specimen was identified by Mr. Hedley, who informed us that two more from New Zealand dredgings were in his possession.

5. Cylichna simplex, n. sp. Plate XXI, figs. 3, 4.

Shell small, subcylindrical, involute, imperforate, thin and glossy. The sculpture consists of exceedingly fine growth-striæ, with here and there faintly marked growth-periods; the axial

– 280 –

striæ are crossed by equally fine microscopic spiral lines, in places scarcely perceptible. Colour white. Spire sunken, concave, broad and deep, with a minute dome-shaped projection arising from and closing the axial perforation. Protoconch showing as a minute globular central point. Aperture as long as the shell, narrow above, expanded and slighty effuse below. Outer lip almost straight, sharp, rounded at both ends. Inner lip spread as a thin callus over the inner wall, thickening upon the columella, which is uniformly curved and has a slightly reflected rounded margin; the fold imperceptible. Altitude, 4·38 mm.; diameter, 2·21 mm.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. A fair number of dead shells were found. In dimensions and contour this species is near to C. striata, Hutt., but the very different form of the columella at once distinguishes it.

6. Tornatina pachys, Watson.

Utriculus (Tornatina) pachys, Watson, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond., vol. xvii, p. 331, 1883; “Challenger” Reports, vol. xv, p. 660, pl. xlix, fig. 8.

A young shell, measuring 3·2 mm. by 1·6 mm., was found, which may be Watson's species, but differing from it in the slightly raised top and more distinct spiral striation. In all other characters the specimen agrees with Watson's diagnosis and figure. The differences may be due and peculiar to the neanic stage of the species.

7. Ringicula delecta, n. sp. Plate XXI, fig.5.

Shell small, oval-globular, imperforate, with a relatively short conoidal spire, somewhat thin. The sculpture consists of fine slightly variable spirals which somewhat strengthen upon the base, and are a little wider than the grooves; there are eight to ten upon the penultimate whorl, and thirty to forty upon the last, nine to twelve in front of the aperture. These spirals are crossed by close irregular incremental striæ, which in places cut the spirals into minute gemmules, and when prominent produce a lightly costate appearance. Colour white, fresh specimens vitreous. Spire shorter than the aperture, acute, terminating in a sharp apex. Protoconch of about two whorls, the nucleus minute, slightly raised, smooth, the second turn microscopically decussate. Whorls 5, rounded, the last proportionately large, globular, and with convex base. Suture impressed, not channelled. Aperture vertical, semi-lunar, angled above, sinuated and with a very short open canal, notched at the base. Outer lip convex, straightened at the periphery,

– 281 –

regularly arched below, sharp. Inner lip forming a well-defined callus on the body, with one or two low tubercles; columella short, vertical, stoutly callused and with two strong rounded folds, the lower of which is largest, and forms with the end of the columella a prominent rounded point. Altitude, 4·35 mm; diameter, 2·9 mm.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. This pretty little species was represented by a fair number of dead shells amongst our dredgings. It is very distinct and rather more thin than usual in this genus. This is the first species of Ringicula recorded from New Zealand waters.

8. Solidula alba, Hutton.

Buccinulus albus, Hutton, Cat. Mar. Moll. N.Z., p. 51, 1873.

A few young and imperfect dead shells, which are exceedingly friable.

9. Actæon craticulatus, n. sp. Plate XXI, fig. 6.

Shell small, oval, whitish, subperforate, cancellated, with a basal fold upon the columella. Sculpture consists of well-impressed spiral grooves of rather irregular width, with interstices of nearly the same breadth, though in some specimens they are distinctly broader. This spiral sculpture is very variable. There are subequidistant axial threads cutting up the spiral furrows into oblong squares. Colour of most specimens (all dead shells) white; a few specimens only show purple coloration on the body-whorl, leaving a white band below the suture. Spire conical, acuminate, less than half the length of the shell. Protoconch paucispiral, not distinctly separated from the succeeding whorl, lightly corroded in most specimens, nucleus small. Whorls 5, the last of considerable size, slightly angled above, flatly convex, base narrowed and rounded. Suture deep, distinctly canaliculate. Aperture subvertical, elongated-pyriform, produced at the base. Outer lip sharp, very little convex, nearly straight, minutely denticulate, sharply rounded at the base. Inner lip narrow, thin; columella with a moderately large smooth plait situated at the lower third, slightly excavated above, reaching the effuse basal lip in a light curve. A small umbilical chink opposite the tooth. Altitude, 9 mm.; diameter, 4·5 mm. Aperture: length, 5·5 mm.; breadth, 2 mm.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. About twenty specimens were obtained. The species is distinguished from A. kirki by the cancellated ornamentation and the smooth columella fold.

– 282 –

10. Daphnella protensa, Hutton. Plate XXI, figs. 7, 8.

Daphnella protensa, Hutton, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xvii, p. 317, 1885 (from the Pliocene of Petane).

Two specimens turned up, which differ from the type by the predominating spiral sculpture and very feeble axial plications. Typically there are delicate spiral threads, but in our specimens there are distinct chords present, which are crossed by flexuous longitudinal striæ. Only the upper whorls are distinctly decussate. The protoconch, consisting of two smooth whorls, is much larger than in fossil specimens from Petane, more bulbose, and with an oblique nucleus.

This form may constitute a new subspecies, but the material at our disposal is too scanty to decide this point with certainty. A figure of this variety and of the protoconch are here given.

11. Mangilia dictyota, Hutton.

Clathurella dictyota, Hutton, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xvii, p. 316, 1885 (from the Pliocene of Wanganui and Petane).

Two dead shells which correspond with Hutton's diagnosis; they have the same dimensions, but the anal sinus is more conspicuous and deeper. Usually recent specimens from shallow water are slightly larger.

12. Drillia buchanani, Hutton, subsp. maorum, E. A. Smith.

Surcula buchanani, subsp. maorum, Suter, Proc. Mal. Soc., vol. vi, No. 4, p. 200, 1905.

A few fairly well preserved dead shells were dredged. They are much smaller than the typical form, having a length of 12mm. only, against 21 mm. Similar small examples were also collected by Mr. A. Hamilton, Director of the Colonial Museum, off Otago Heads.

Harris suggested that P. buchanani should be classed with Surcula, but its proper place seems to be under Drillia.

13. Drillia, sp.

Of this form there are two small examples, but in so poor a condition that we hesitate to describe them. The shells apparently are not adult; the sculpture approaching perhaps nearest to the Pliocene fossil Pleurotoma gemmea, Murdoch.*

[Footnote] * Trans N.Z. Inst., vol. xxxii, p. 217, pl. xx, fig 9, 1900.

– 283 –

14. Drillia optabilis, n. sp. Plate XXI, fig. 9

Shell small, narrow, turriculate, last whorl shorter than the spire, clathrate, aperture pyriform, canal short. Sculpture: On the spire-whorls three spiral equidistant cords, which are crossed by longitudinal also equidistant threads, forming small beads at the intersections, and squarish interstitial depressions; there are about twenty-one beads on a row; on approaching the base the spirals are getting narrower than the interspace, and the beading less prominent; upon the beak there are small irregular threads crossed obliquely by the plications of the old beaks. Colour greyish-white. Spire turriculate, not very conspicuously shouldered, longer than the last whorl. Protoconch: The outer shelly layer has scaled off and it is impossible to give a description; the nucleus is globular and obliquely tilted. Whorls 7, narrowly angled and excavated above, sides almost straight; base convex and narrowed to a short and anteriorly sinuated beak. Suture bimarginate, above by a minute threadlet, below by a broad and heavy cord which is obliquely irregularly plicated. Aperture pyriform, angled above, with a concave inner wall, ending in a short broad canal, which turns slightly to the left. Outer lip curved, imperfect; the lines of growth would indicate that the sinus is situate in the excavation below the sutural cord, that it is small and moderately deep. Inner lip spread as a thin layer narrowly over the body, broader over the columella, which is first straight and then slightly twisted to the left, ending in a sharp point. Altitude, 10·7 mm.; diameter, 3·93 mm.; angle of spire, about 22°.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. A single specimen of this beautifully sculptured shell was collected.

15. Drillia (Crassispira) lævis, Hutton.

Pleurotoma lævis, Hutton, Cat. Mar. Moll. N.Z., p. 12, 1873.

Half a dozen much broken examples of this species occur; they are more strongly and rather less numerously plicated than the typical forms from shallower water. However, fossil specimens from the Wanganui Pliocene make a near approach to them. The angle of the spire is 30°, as in the type.

This species should be assigned to the subgenus Crassispira, Swainson, 1840, distinguished from Drillia, s. str., by the short and wide canal, the deeper sinus, paucispiral protoccnch, &c.

– 284 –

16. Pleurotoma (Hemipleurotoma) nodilirata, nom. mut. Plate XXII, figs. 10, 11

Pleurotoma tuberculata, T. W. Kirk, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xiv, p. 409, 1882 (not of Gray); Hutton, Plioc. Moll. N.Z., in Macleay Mem. Vol., p. 50, pl. vi, fig. 29, 1893 (not of Gray).

The species, described from a Pliocene specimen, requires a new name, that proposed by Kirk being preoccupied by Gray, and the above is offered. Kirk's description being rather scanty, the following complement is now given, compiled from recent specimens.

Shell fusiform, biconical, with nodulous keeled whorls, pyriform aperture, and short open canal. Sculpture: Last whorl with about sixteen tubercles on the keel, and a similar number of spiral cords below, the upper six of which are widely spaced and narrower than the interspaces; those upon the base and canal are smaller and crowded. Above the aperture is a single chord, which persists on the whorl above, but disappears in the suture of the next whorl. Monilo-spiral threadlets adorn the sinus area, also the tubercles. All the upper whorls, except the protoconch, have tubercles on the keel, and there is a row of small nodules below the suture. The axial sculpture consists of fine rather irregular incremental lines, which, however, become more prominent on the lower whorls, connecting the small tubercles below the suture with the larger ones on the keel. Colour light-cream. Spire conical, about as long as the body-whorl. Protoconch consisting of one and a half to two whorls, nucleus obtuse, smooth, polished, the succeeding volution with minute spiral striæ. Whorls 7, slowly and regularly increasing, with a strong carina below the middle, excavated above and straight below the keel: base convex, ending in a slightly twisted rather short beak. Suture deep and margined below with a row of small elongate gemmules. Aperture pyriform, rather narrow, angular above, terminating in a short open truncated canal, which has a slight turn to the right. Outer lip sharp, strongly angled, and with a well-pronounced rounded sinus at the keel, contracted towards the base. Inner lip forming a very thin obliquely finely striated layer on the body and columella, the latter nearly straight, slightly sinuated and pointed below. Altitude, 19·6 mm.; diameter, 8·5 mm.; angle of spire, 42°.

Type of P. tuberculata, Kirk, in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. No perfect or live specimens were gathered, only a small number of more or less damaged very fragile shells.

Of this species a smaller form occurs, but similarly sculptured,

– 285 –

and it seems scarcely worth a varietal name. It is also found in the Wanganui blue clay of Pliocene age. The recent specimens are imperfect in outer lip and spire, but with the aid of fossil individuals the accompanying sketch (fig. 11) is derived. The larger type specimens in the Colonial Museum are from the Petane Pliocene; in these, as also in the smaller form, the tubercles are less strong and more numerous than in recent examples.

17. Pleurotoma (Hemipleurotoma) alticincta, n. sp. Plate XXII, figs. 12, 13.

Shell small, turriculate, subcylindrical, with a long spire, deeply sulcate whorls, an oblong aperture which is slightly shorter than the spire, and a short canal. Sculpture: On the upper spire-whorls a few minute spiral striæ, the next with four distinct cinguli, on the succeeding a minute fifth spiral arises at the suture, which on the penultimate strengthens and about equals the adjoining revolving ribs; the cinguli are strong, rounded and adorned with minute spiral threadlets, absent in the grooves; the latter are deep, somewhat square-cut, and narrower than the ribs; the last whorl with ten ribs and a number of minute threadlets upon the back of the canal, added to which are the oblique lines of old beaks; grooves and ribs about equal, but the former sometimes broader as they proceed anteriorly. The longitudinal growth-striæ are minute, slightly irregular in strength, and giving in places (usually upon the upper whorls of the spire) a slightly clathrate appearance. Colour: There is only one young specimen that has a somewhat fresh appearance, it is light horn-coloured; all the others are greyish-white. Spire long, gradate, turriculate, with an obtuse rounded apex. Protoconch of about two convex turns, slopingly shouldered, with minute spirals the precursors of the adult sculpture; nucleus central, depressed-globular, smooth. Whorls 7, flattened, strongly shouldered at the suture, first slowly then more rapidly increasing, the last a little longer than the spire. Suture deep, margined above on the lower whorls. Aperture elongate, somewhat narrow, slightly contracted in front and forming a short open canal, which is truncated and slightly sinuate at the base, bent backward and a little to the left. Outer lip slightly thickened, descending with a light downward sweep, crenulate on the margin; the sinus indistinct, situated on the uppermost cingulum. Inner lip forming a broad callus through which on the body the three cinguli appear as folds, with a distinct edge, which is slightly raised, connected above with the outer lip; columella excavated in

– 286 –

the middle, drawn out to a point on approaching the anterior beak. Altitude, 15·7 mm.; diameter, 5·75 mm.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. This species is in its sculpture nearly allied to P. septemlirata and trilirata, Harris, from the Eocene of Australia. Three perfect specimens, one not quite adult, and a number of fragments, were obtained, all dead shells.

18. Pleurotoma (Leucosyrinx) augusta, n. sp. Plate XXII, figs. 14—17.

Shell fusiform, slender, fragile, spire and body-whorl of about the same length, whorls with a spiral keel bearing small nodules, canal long. Sculpture: The whorls are strongly keeled at the periphery and with a row of gemmules set slightly oblique thereon, on the last whorl there is a lower smooth keel present; a few inconspicuous spiral striæ are on the area between the keels and on the anterior extremity. The axial sculpture consists of minute and irregular growth-lines only. Colour pure-white, slightly shining. Spire pagodiform, elongated. Protoconch smooth and shining, consisting of about two turns; the nucleus is slightly tilted, and with a distinctly marked smooth carina, which is much strengthened on the succeeding whorl. Whorls 7, regularly and rather slowly increasing, the last biangulate, concave below the keels and produced into a rather long narrow and truncated beak. Suture deep, minutely bimarginate. Aperture angularly ovate, broadly angled above, contracted below and terminating in a rather long open canal, which is somewhat turned to the left. The outer lip has its margin not quite perfect, which perhaps lends to the scarcely fully adult appearance of the shell; it is biangled and concave above, between, and below the angles; sinus broad and moderately deep, extending almost from the suture to the keel. The inner lip spreads as a very thin narrow callus over the concave body and the columella, which is nearly straight and slightly twisted, ending in a fine point on the left margin of the canal. Altitude, 10·32 mm.; diameter, 3·9 mm.; angle of spire, 28°.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. Only two specimens of this graceful little shell were found. It is allied to Pleurotoma alta, Harris (=pagoda, Hutton, non Reeve)*, from which however, it may be readily distinguished by the gemmules on the keel and the distinct carina on the protoconch, both of which characters are absent in the Tertiary fossil.

[Footnote] * Cat. Tert. Moll. Brit. Muss., Australasia, part i, p. 45.

– 287 –

19. Pleurotoma (Leucosyrinx) eremita, n. sp. Plate XXII, figs. 18, 19.

Shell small, fusiform, fragile, with shouldered whorls, the body-whorl but slightly shorter than the spire, and a rather short open canal. The sculpture consists of longitudinal and spiral threads and riblets, the former inclined slightly backward; they number about fifteen on the penultimate whorl and are obsolete above the angle, absent upon the greater part of the last whorl. The spirals consist of five minute threads on the slope above the angle; beneath the latter there are four much stronger riblets, forming gemmules at the intersections of the longitudinals; the last whorl with about twenty-three spirals, those upon the base and neck more widely spaced, but equally slender as those on the shoulder. Colour light-cream. Spire turriculate-conical, with a blunt apex. Protoconch slightly bulbose, with about two smooth whorls, nucleus globular. Whorls 5, angled at the periphery, straight above, slightly convex below; base convex, then contracted and ending in a short distally rounded beak. Suture deep. Aperture pyriform, broadly angled above, ending in a rather short almost straight canal, slightly turned to the left. Outer lip imperfect, convex above, contracted near the base; it is evident from the growth-lines that the sinus is broad, rounded, and moderately deep, extending almost from the suture to the keel. Inner lip forming a thin and narrow callosity on the almost straight columella, which is slightly twisted at the base. Altitude, 5·8 mm.; diameter, 2·42 mm.

Type in the Colonial Museum, Wellington.

Obs. Of this species there is but a single and not fully adult example, a dead shell, which appears to be allied to P. ischna, Watson, which was obtained in 700 fathoms north-east from New Zealand. Our species is smaller, less slender, with fewer whorls, and has much more numerous and stronger spiral riblets, especially round the periphery of the whorls. The situation of the sinus seems to be the same in both species.

20. Ancilla mucr