(whose full name was Tane-nui-a-rangi), but refused to return with him, saying. “Return thou to the upper world, that you may draw up our descendants to light and life; while I remain here below to drag them down to darkness and death.”

Here some Natives state that Hine-titama became Goddess of Death and of Hades, and was ever after known as Hine-nui-te-Po. Others say that Hine-nui-te-Po was a daughter of Hinetitama and Tumurangi. Yet again other versions give Hine-ahu-one as the one who became Queen of Hades, others that Hine-a-tauira (which seems to be another name for Hine-ahua-rangi) obtained that important post. However that may be, it is admitted by all authorities in this district that HIne-nui-te-Po is Queen of Hades, and the origin or cause of death. Descendants of Te Tini-o-Awa state that she had two younger sisters, Mahuika and Hine-i-tapeka, who were the personification, or origin, of fire. Mahuika was the living fire, the ordinary fire of this world, while Hine-i-tapeka (or Hine-tapeka) represented the fire which burns in the underworld, the tokens of which are the charred trunks of trees, and charcoal seen in deposits of pumice, as at Kainga-roa. When Maui, the hero, sought to obtain fire for man he sought Mahuika for that purpose.

Now, the fire seems to have been contained in the body of Mahuika herself, or in her fingers. The names of her five children given above are those of the fingers and toes, beginning with tako-nui, the thumb, or big toe, down to toiti, the little finger or toe. These were the fire children, or offspring, of Mahuika, whose name is viewed as a synonym for fire. The names of Hine-tapeka's offspring imply firebrands and charcoal.

When Maui applied to Mahuika for fire she pulled off one of her fingers and gave it to him. This finger was fire. Maui took it aside and promptly extinguished it, after which he returned and demanded again the fire of Mahuika, which was granted him. This also he extinguished; and so on until he came the fifth time, when the enraged Mahuika plucked off her last finger and cast it at Maui. The fire raged fiercely and pursued Maui, who was almost consumed by the same, when he bethought himself of calling upon his ancestors to cause the heavy rains to fall, which soon extinguished the pursuing fire. The remnants of fled to the woods and took refuge in the kaikomako

and some other trees, from which the Maori people procure fire by the hika, or generating process.

Then it was that Hine-nui-te-Po resolved to avenge the destruction of the progeny of her sister Mahuika. To prepare the way, and to render Maui susceptible to her designs, she had recourse to magic, for it had come to her knowledge that Maui had designs against her. She sent one Kahukura (a butterfly) as a messenger to obtain the aria^* of Maui, in the form of a drop of his blood. But Maui slew the messenger with a slap of his hand. Then Hine despatched Waeroa (the mosquito), but Maui heard the insect humming and destroyed it. Then Tuiau (the midge) was sent, and death was the lot of Tuiau. But when Hine sent the silent Namu (sandfly), success was won, and she obtained a drop of the blood of Maui, over which she performed certain rites of magic to enable her to take the life of Maui.

At a certain time the thought came to Maui that he would strive to gain eternal life for man, that man might revive from decay as the moon does. He called together his people—the forest elves, the birds, and the multitude of the Mahoihoi—and explained to them his design. They said, “Maui, you will perish. Beware! Your spirit has been taken by Hine-nui-te-Po.” But Maui persisted, and so he and his people fared on until they found the dread Goddess of Hades, who was asleep. Said Maui to his folk, “You must be very careful not to laugh while I enter the body of Hine, lest she awaken and slay me. When I have gained [or obtained] her manawa, then all will be well. Do as I say and Hine [or her power to inflict death upon mankind] shall be destroyed.” Then Maui essayed to enter the body of Hine by the passage whence man is born into the world. But when he had half entered, the strange sight was too much for Piwakawaka (the fantail, a bird), who laughed aloud. Hence awoke the dread Goddess of Death, who, by closing her puapua (? labia) caused the death of Maui. So perished Maui, the hero, he who performed marvellous deeds, but who succumbed in his effort to gain eternal life for man.

(Ka ki atu a Maui ki ana iwi, “Kei kata koutou ki ahau. Mehemea ka uru ahau ki roto i nga puapua o Hine-nui-te-Po, kei kata koutou ki ahau. Ki te kata koutou, ka mate ahau; ki te kore e kata, ko ia ka mate i a au. Kia taea ra ano e ahau tona manawa, katahi ka hamumu ai koutou.” Katahi ka tukua kia ngaro ki roto i nga kuwha o Hine-nui-te-Po, tu maro ana te nanakia i roto i nga kuha (kuwha) o Hine. Na, kua heke iho a Maui, ka tae iho ia ki nga puapua o Hine-nui-te-Po, e tuhera (tuwhera)

ana. Kihai i kata. No te tomokanga atu ki roto, katahi ka kataina mai e te moho-tupereru, katahi ka whakakopia mai nga nga kuwha o taua wahine, mate tonu iho a Maui. Ko Maui tenei ka mate i a Hine-nui-te-Po.)

In this version it is the moho bird which causes the disaster to Maui and the genus homo.

In an account of Maori magic given by an old Native of Ngati-Awa (tribe) I note the following passage: “Me waiho ko te tawhito o Hine-nui-te-Po, ko tena te atua i patua ai te tangata nana i raweke a raua tamariki ko tona taina.” The tawhito of Hine-nui-te-Po was the demon that destroyed the person who slew the children of her sister and self. This word “tawhito” is a very ancient sacerdotal term for the organs of generation in man (membrum virile)

The object of Maui in entering the body of Hine was to gain her manawa, a term which is applied to the heart, and also the breath (manawa-ora, the life-breath). In failing to effect this he lost the chance of acquiring eternal life for man, while Hine, in triumph, not only slew Maui, but carried out her will as to the introduction of universal death into this world. As her word was to Tane of old, ever she drags man down to the realm of death.

Some Native authorities state that it was Maui who argued with the Queen of Hades as to whether death should or should not be allowed to enter the world, and also that Maui had deeply offended her by interfering with her connection with Tuna, the eel-god. Maui decided, they say to slay Hine on account of her practice of magic arts, by which means she destroyed many people. Her word was,—

Ka kukuti
Ka kukuti nga puapua
O Hine-nui-te-Po
Ka whai toremi.

The drop of Maui's blood obtained by Hine was used as an ohonga, or connection between her rites of magic and the person of Maui. (See vol. xxxiv of the Transactions, p. 75, for an explanation of this matter.)

The meaning of this singular allegorical myth may not be clear to our minds, for we have attained to a different plane of thought from that occupied by primitive man. We do not, and never will, understand the inwardness of the primitive mind. The time for us to do so has long passed away. But ever in Maori magic rites—barbaric ritual of a deeply superstitious people—may be noted the strange belief that the female genitary organs are allied to death and misfortune, while the male organ was resorted to in order to save man from disaster, from the charms and spells of magicians.

In an old invocation or incantation repeated by the priests of old in order to relocate the breath of life in an apparently dying person we find the following:—

Kai hea?
Kai hea te pu o te mate?
Kai runga, kai raro
Kai te hikahika nui no Hine-nui-te-Po, &c.

(“Where is the cause or origin of death? It is above and below. It is in the organ of Hine-nui-te-Po.”)

A singular discourse delivered by an old Native to myself puts a somewhat different complexion on the story of Tane seeking the female element. He said, “I will speak of life and death. When Tane approached his parent Rangi, in his search for the female sex, Rangi said to him, ‘The whare o aitua [abode of misfortune or death] yawns below, while open above is the whare o te ora [site of life, &c.].’ The former term implies the female organ, while the latter expression is applied to the ears, eyes, nostrils, and mouth. Now, when Tane found woman he was ignorant of the laws of procreation and of copulation, hence he mistook the purpose of the ears, nostrils, &c. Now, if Tane had not interfered with the whare o te ora, death would never have approached man; he would have retained life for ever, even as do the children of Tangotango, who are the sun, moon, and stars.”

It will be noted that the above notes really contain two accounts of the origin of death, which may perhaps be accounted for when we know that these isles were not settled by one migration of Polynesians, but by at least two, whose myths and traditions may have differed somewhat. Moreover, I am becoming imbued with the idea that many such origins or myths bear a twofold aspect as recorded in Maori tradition, the one being of a sacerdotal character, retained by and known to but a few persons, such as the priests and chiefs; while the other version is the popular one, known to all members of the tribe, and appears conserved in the folk-lore of the people, often interwoven with the doings of some popular old-time hero.

The adventures and deeds of such beings as Maui, Tawhaki, &c., are common property, told around any camp-fire, or in any place where Natives are gathered together. No reticence marks the imparting of such folk-lore tales to Europeans. But how different, and difficult, it is to acquire any matter pertaining to the real old-time religion, the cult of Io, the collector alone knows.

The underworld, or Hades, to which the spirits of the dead descend, is termed the “po,”, a word which also means “night.” Pouri=dark; uri denotes blackness or very dark colour

thetic manner. One does not notice in the Maori so situated any of the keen desire and struggle to live so often noticed among white people. His mind is too deeply imbued with fatalism for that. When stricken with illness, real or imaginary, the gloom of Te Po seems to already envelop him. More especially is this noticeable when a Native believes that he has been bewitched. Once let him get this idea fixed in his mind and his doom is sealed; he will surely die ere long. I have known such cases in this district during the past few years.

When a person fell ill he was almost invariably taken a little way from the village, and either a miserable shed of brush or palm-leaves erected over him, or he was simply left in the open. He would not be allowed to die in his house, on account of the intense tapu which pertained to death. If he did so, then the house could no longer be used, for it would be tapu, and would simply be left to decay. In former days, when fighting was of common occurrence, it often happened that a fortified village would be deserted on account of the blood of its occupants having been spilt there while defending the same against an enemy. In such a case, if no local priest was deemed sufficiently high in his profession to lift the tapu from the blood-stained defences, then the garrison deserted that place and built another fort elsewhere. When Te Kanapa and others were shot at the Mana-tepa Fort, at Ruatahuna, in the early forties, that strong-hold was deserted by the garrison on account of blood having been shed therein. The forts known as Te Tawai and Te Kape, in the same valley, were deserted on account of certain people having been buried therein.

For the reasons above stated, the Maori usually died in the open air. When death was seen to be near, the sufferer was generally carried to the marae, or plaza, of the village, and there laid on some mats on the ground, either without covering (if fine weather) or with but a rude shed over him, which shed would probably be open at the sides. At the present time a tent is usually used for the purpose. But often they die absolutely in the open.

In many cases when nearing his end a person would say that he would die at a certain stated time, which he usually contrived to do. The people of his village, as also others, probably, from adjacent settlements, would gather at such time on the plaza before the dying man's couch and there await his dying words—i.e., his advice, injunctions, behests, &c., as also his farewell greeting to his tribe. Such speeches are termed “oha,” “poroaki,” or “poroporoaki.”

When old Whakamoe lay sick unto death by the shores of Waikare-moana, a Native Land Commission was expected to

soon arrive at that place. The old man informed his people that he would not die until he had welcomed the Commissioners. Days ran into weeks, and the Europeans had not yet arrived. But Whakamoe clung to life, and kept his word; for one morning the waiting people saw canoes crowded with people leave the dark shadows under Huiarau and glide across the calm, bright waters of the rippling sea. When the visitors—European and Native—marched into the village plaza the world-weary old warrior was waiting for them. He lay on his last couch, on the ground, his relatives near him, and then was heard his voice uttering the old-time greetings of the Maori people as he welcomed the visitors from the outer world and the vale of Ruatahu-na. After this greeting he addressed his tribesmen, advising them as to how to conduct their affairs, and commending the visitors to their care and hospitality. And then he bade farewell to his people, and so fared forth upon the great unknown ocean, like the children of Pani of old.

A Native prefers to die in the open air: He mihi ki te ao marama te take. Ka mihi ia ki te ao marama ka whakarerea e ia. The reason is, he likes to greet the world of life and being. He greets the world he is about to leave. If a sick person asks to be taken out into the open, that is viewed as a sign of death being near. Sometimes, however, a person is not brought out thus into the open. The passing-away of a person, the last hour, is termed “whakahemohemo.” But even if a person died under shelter, yet the body would be exposed in the marae (plaza, court) after death for the mourning ceremonies, the lying-in-state—of which more anon. In the case of persons of low birth (ware), many rites and customs were omitted. He was a nobody, a person of no importance. But little ceremony pertained to the death of a ware.

Sometimes when a person of importance was nigh unto death a human sacrifice would be made. One of his relatives would slay a person as a “koangaumu,” as it is termed, the body being known as an “ika koangaumu” (sacrificial fish, or victim). The idea was an exaltation of the sick person. The body of the sacrifice was eaten, a portion of the flesh being given to the invalid. It is said that the act of slaying a person would serve the purpose of allaying the grief of the sick person's relatives, who expected soon to lose him.

The Maoris believe in omens innumerable. Signs of coming disaster, as a defeat in battle, or the death of a chief, are numberless. If a comet (known as “Tu-nui-a-te-ika”) was seen, persons would ask, “Who is the striken one?”—for such was a sign of death. Some tribes or clans had tribal or family banshees, such as Hine-ruarangi, of the Ngati-Whare people.

These omens will not be inserted here, on account of their excessive number. Also, many of them have been published already in my paper on “Omens and Superstitions of the Maori.”^*

We will now attend the bedside of the dying Maori and see how he fares when caught in the “snare of Hine-nui-te-Po,” as the saying has it. We will note his thoughts regarding death and the spirit-world; we will look with his eyes on strange rites, and stand by the priest who aids his soul to quit the wrecked body; we will follow him to the underworld and commune with the gods of Hades: and you shall see a man who dies calmly, and in times of stress—as under torture—bravely. For his mind has not been terrorised for long centuries by pictures of eternal suffering after death. His priests, in one respect, could teach us one grand lesson. He has not been taught to fear the here-after.

The end is near. The sick person has been carried to the plaza of the village home or fort; his relatives and friends are gathered here to hear his last words. If he be an important person, practically the whole tribe are present—at least, all those dwelling near by—though I have seen Natives travel forty miles over rough bush trails to see their chief die and to hear his last words. If he had been taken ill away from home his relatives would carry him thence on a litter, so that he might die on his own land and among his own people—a very desirable thing among Natives. I have seen men so carried over the roughest forest ranges.

The dying man would be found lying on some mats placed on the ground, and covered with the scant clothing of primitive man, probably a cloak woven from the fibre of the so-called flax (Phormium tenax). When a Maori dies, such of his clothing as may have been used by him or have been in contact with him during his illness is either buried with him or burned at his death. In former times they possessed nothing in the way of clothing similar to European garments, but merely cloaks, capes, and kilts. Since the Natives have adopted European garments, relatives of a person near his end will often say to him, “Put on your clothes,” and will assist him to do so. He thus dies in them, and is buried in them. If any such are left they are burned. But if he has any spare clothing packed away, such is not destroyed at his death, but is taken by relatives. Also, the vessels used to cook food in for a sick person, if his own property, are often destroyed at his death. They are destroyed for the same reason that his clothing was burned—lest others use them; for death has its

tapu, as has birth. In entering and leaving the world man is under strong tapu

But the tribe is waiting for the last words, the dying speech of our tupapaku (sick person). They have gathered to attend his death-bed—i.e., to whakahemohemo him. Prior, however, to this last farewell the sick man has called his family around him—i.e., the gens, or family group—and has expressed to them his wishes as to the disposal of his personal property, his interests in tribal lands, &c., so that no trouble may ensue in regard to the same after his death.

It must here be borne in mind that the Maori, being unacquainted with any graphic system, made all important arrangements such as the above by means of explaining them in a formal speech to his people or tribe or subtribe. The disposal of his property by a dying person in the above manner was equivalent to the making of his will. Such an arrangement would stand good, and be respected by the people, because it had been explained in the presence of the tribe or clan, as custom demanded. It was therefore a legal act.

“I speak of the days of old. When a man was near death, his people collected around him when they knew that he was about to leave them. The people assemble before him in the marae [plaza], they greet their passing chief: ‘O sir, greetings to you! We wish you to speak to your tribe, to your family, to your offspring.’ The patriarch speaks: ‘When my face is lost to your sight, live peacefully with each other. Ever remember the persons who brought evil, and peace, into this world, as seen in Aotea-roa [New Zealand]. The evil came from Tu and Tangaroa, from Tane and Tawhirimatea; while peace and prosperity originated with Rongo and Haumia, with Ioio-whenua and Putehue. This [peace] is what you must hold to and preserve, as a means of salvation for the tribe in the time that lies before, as a treasure for the people, as a means towards peacefulness. Then shall the result be a treasured home, domestic peace, and a peaceful land. Troubles shall not assail you.’ Before the people of Hawaiki came hither to Aotea-roa peace prevailed in this land, and the men of old strove to preserve such peace. Observe the words of Toi the Wood-eater, when he, a dying man, addressed his peoples. The tribes of Toi were assembled to say farewell to him, the lord of many clans. There were seen the Tururu-mauku, the Tini-o-te-Marangaranga, the Tini-o-Tuoi, the Rarauhe-maemae, the Kokomuka-tu-tara-whare, the Raupo-ngaueue, and many others. The Maranga-ranga greeted the old chief: ‘O sir, greetings to you!’ And Toi said, ‘Be careful to preserve the peace and prosperity handed down to you by your ancestors. Respect the behests

thereof. So prized was this article of food that it was reserved for the chiefs. Hence it was termed a chief's death-food.

When Mura-kareke, a famous ancestor of the Tuhoe Tribe, came to his death-bed at Raorao-totara, a dog was killed, that its flesh might be utilised as an o matenga for him.

The flesh of the frugivorous native rat was also a much esteemed article of food, and often used for the above purpose.

Regarding the Native habit of changing personal names when any important event occurred, this often takes place when a person dies. In many cases such new name is taken from the o matenga, or last food partaken of by the invalid. The last thing so eaten by a person at Te Waimana was an orange, or “arani” in Native pronunciation. Hence a relative gave his newly born child the name of Te O-arani — i.e., the orange o matenga, or the orange journey-food. Hatata, an old man of Rua-tahuna, recently assumed the name of Kuku because his grandchild ate some kuku (mussels) just before death.

A person at Rotorua partook of some ti-ta-whiti (a species of Cordyline) as a last food, therefore a relative assumed the name of Te O-ti. In another case, at Ruatoki, the final thing taken by the sufferer was a cup of tea (“ti” in Native pronunciation), hence a related child was given the name of Te O-ti. In some cases the last thing taken is a dose of medicine, or some stimulant. Hence the local names of Pua-wananga (= clematis; a medicine concocted from this was the last thing swallowed by a relative); Te O-parani (parani = brandy); and many others, too numerous to mention. These last three cases, however, should come under the heading of the wai o Tane-pi.

“A person is near death; he has ceased to partake of food, but can still take fluids. When he nears his end the sick one says, ‘Give me some water.’ That is the wai o Tane-pi, the last drink on his road to the realm of darkness.” This expression, “the water of Tane-pi,” is applied to the last drink taken by a dying person. It is a liquid o matenga. The term “wai o Tane-pi” is applicable to death. It was just cold water, the only beverage of the Maori in pre-European days.

When a man was near death he might say, “O that I might drink of the waters of [such a stream]!” and that water would be obtained for him, that he might drink thereof ere he passed away.

When Te Maitaranui (of Tuhoe) and Te Roro (of Ngati-Manawa) were slain at Te Reinga such an incident occurred. Te Roro fled, but was pursued and caught. Seeing that his end had come, he said to his captors, “Taihoa ahau e patu, kia inu ahau i te wai o Kai-tarahae” (“Do not slay me until I have drunk of the waters of Kai-tarahae”). Kai-tarahae is the name of a

the chieftain class, the corpse is decorated in various ways, and his weapons are suspended near his body, or laid by the side thereof. It is, in fact, a lying in state.

To describe this lying in state a Native will say, “Such a person is lying on the atamira,” or “The corpse is lying on the atamira.” The Maori dictionaries give this word as meaning “a low stage on which a dead person is laid out, one end being elevated for the head.” However, it is now merely a figurative expression, no stage being used, but only mats. In former times the bodies of members of the rangatira or chieftain class were covered with fine ornamented cloaks. The hair was dressed carefully, and prized plumes were placed therein. The garments, &c., actually lying on the body, or in which it was wrapped, were buried with it. Those cloaks or weapons hung near the corpse were not so buried.

At the present time a corpse is either laid out straight, or is propped up by and leans against a supporting structure.

If at death it was noticed, in former times, that one or more fingers of the dead person were extended, that was taken as a sign that a like number of his relatives would die ere long.

The mats on which a person lies at death are burned. If he dies in a hut it must be burned, or deserted as tapu. These precautions are taken in order to prevent the spirit of the dead from returning to trouble the living.

In addition to his weapons, fine garments, &c., exhibited on a person's bier as a sign of his chieftainship, it was also a custom of yore to so display any prized heirloom or treasure of the tribe with a similar view. But the defunct one must have been a person of importance in the tribe to allow of such a procedure, for many of such ancestral treasures were looked upon as being sacred. Any person so depositing a prized family heirloom on the bier for the period of the lying in state paid a great token of respect to the dead.

When a person was lying in death in former times, should he fancy that he had been bewitched, and so done to death, one would take a fernstalk in his hand and strike the body with it, saying at the same time, “Anei to rakau; anei to rakau hai ranaki [rangaki] i to mate” (“Here is your weapon; here is your weapon wherewith to avenge your death”). This act was to incite the wairua (spirit) of the dead person to turn upon the bewitchers and destroy them. (E whakatara ana tena i te wairua o te tupapaku kia haututu, kia tahuri ki nga tangata nanai raweke.)

In Major Heaphy's account of the Natives of Port Nicholson as noted in 1839 he speaks of the fight near Wai-kanae known as “Te Kuititanga.” “We entered the pa [fort] about three hours

after the fight was over. The chief, killed by a musket-ball, lay in state on a platform in the large enclosure [marae]. His hair was decorated with huia feathers, a fine kaitaka mat [cloak] was spread over him, a greenstone mere [battle-axe] was in his hand, with the thong around his wrist; his spear and musket were by his side. The bodies of slain persons of inferior rank were lying in the verandahs of their respective houses, each covered with the best mat [cloak], and with the personal weapons conspicuously placed beside,” &c.^*

As observed, so soon as the breath of life departed the wailing for the dead was (and is) commenced by those present. Silent grief is not thought much of by the Maori. When the people of neighbouring settlements hear the gun-firing, or lamentation, they repair to the scene. The relatives of the dead are nearest the body, the other portion of the assembled people are standing further from it, but at one or both sides, not in front of it, and facing the direction in which the mourning party will march on to the marae, or village courtyard or common. They are perfectly silent, save a few old women, who are in advance of the main body, and, with bowed bodies, are weeping and wailing in an extremely doleful manner. No cry of welcome is heard. The mourning party march up in column, very slowly, and utter no sound. When within a distance of 30 yards, more or less, of the village people, and facing them and the corpse, the column halts, and then the tangihanga, or crying for the dead, is commenced by both parties. No word is uttered, but the mournful crying and wailing has a most lugubrious sound. A Maori can open his tear-fonts at the shortest notice, even when attending the obsequies of his greatest enemy, for whom he has neither liking nor respect. They have a poor opinion of the silent grief of the white man, and express doubts as to its genuineness. A Maori enjoys a tangi, certainly if the defunct person is not a near relative or friend.

The mourners do not look at each other, or at the opposite party, during the crying, but usually look downwards. The tears simply stream down their faces; also their noses have an unpleasant habit of running copiously at such times. Hence the old-time saying, “Ko Roimata, ko Hupe nga kai utu i nga patu a Aitua” (“Tears and Hupe^† are the avengers of the strokes of misfortune”—i.e., of death). This expression is often made use of in funeral speeches. A Maori mourning party is not a pleasant sight.

This scene continues for some time. Those seen by myself were continued for varying periods, from half an hour to per-

haps two hours. But a similar scene would be enacted on the arrival of every fresh mourning party, which might arrive, at ever widening intervals, for a year after the death of a person.

During the tangihanga or weeping there are usually several elderly or old women who advance to the space between the two parties—i.e., who place themselves in front of their respective parties—and there, with bowed bodies and outstretched, quivering arms, appear to act as chief mourners, though they may not be the nearest relatives of the deceased then present. This is termed “tangi tikapa.” These few persons occasionally wail forth a line of some dirge, and then recommence their wordless wailing sound.

Another custom much in evidence formerly at such times, but now discontinued, was the haehae, or laceration of the body by mourners.

“A Maori dies. The people collect for the wailing. The nearest relatives of the dead show their affection by lacerating their bodies, faces, arms, and legs until they are scored all over. It was a token of affection. Though the dead be male or female, daughter or son, that was the sign of affection of our ancestors. The greatest sign of their affection was the preserving of the head of a relative and carrying it about with them. But Christianity put a stop to that. The laceration of the body was done with obsidian [flakes]: hence these words in an ancient dirge, ‘Homai he mata kia haehae au’ [‘Give me obsidian, that I may lacerate myself’].”

This custom of cutting the body was practised by near relatives of the dead only (among the Tuhoe Tribe). These mourners presented a gruesome sight, stripped to the waist, blood streaming from numerous gashes made by the keen obsidian (mata).

Anent this cutting of the body at funeral obsequies, Andrew Lang, in his “Making of Religion,” looks upon it as being practised as a counter-irritant of grief, and a token of recklessness caused by sorrow. The Maori ever gives the one explanation thereof—He tohu aroha—a sign of affection or sympathy. As the word of old was “Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead,” so has the custom died out in these isles.

Another custom among these Natives is that of presenting gifts to the bereaved clan or relatives of the deceased. Such gifts are termed “taonga kopaki” (taonga = goods, property; kopaki, as an adjective = wrapping, enveloping, covering). Some of the persons who join the visiting mourning parties will bear with them such articles as fine cloaks, polished greenstone ornaments, &c. After the tangihanga, or wailing, is over such persons will step forward and present their gifts, laying

them on the ground in front of the assembled people of the place. This is a token of sympathy, of condolence.

“Friend, a further word. When a Native chief dies we do not merely lacerate ourselves, but also collect food to take to the obsequies for the dead; also fine garments, and jewels [greenstone ornaments]. Those who are mourning for the dead are stripped [to the waist]. They lacerate themselves. Their eyes glare wildly. When the lamentation is over the gifts are handed over—namely, the taonga kopaki. Then the greeting to the dead commences; he is farewelled. Also are greeted, and sympathized with, the living relatives of the dead.”

It is also a custom for mourners to carry at such times green boughs of trees or shrubs in their hands, and to wear on their heads fillets or chaplets of green leaves, &c. I have heard it stated by Natives that in former times it was not the custom to invite people to come and mourn for the dead, as is often done now by the relatives. It was left for people to so come of their own initiative, prompted by their sympathy. The kiri mate (an expression applied to relatives of a deceased person) would announce their intention of so going, and others would accompany them.

“Our ancestors desired that man should die as the moon dies—that is, die and return again to this world. But Hine-nuite-Po said, ‘Not so. Let man die and be returned to Mother Earth, that he may be mourned and wept for.’ Hence it is that we see the Maori people going to greet and weep for those who have died by the house-wall. And those also who have died by drowning or other accidents, there is but one way to avenge their deaths, and that is by lamentation. The only return is that of greeting, of weeping. The mourning parties go forth to wail for the dead, and thus is death avenged [equalised].”

When the visiting mourners are making speeches on the plaza, after the wailing is over, they speak directly to the dead, and not in the third person. They ever speak in eulogy of the deceased, of his good qualities, his generosity, hospitality, courage, &c., frequently crying him farewell, and using many peculiar expressions, figurative, mytho-poetical; quotations from ancient myths, proverbial sayings, and aphorisms. Extracts of an allegorical nature culled from old-time lore, dirges and laments for the dead, are all introduced into their speeches. The companions of the speaker will join in many of the songs, perhaps in all, but the village people will not join in rendering those of the visiting mourners, nor will the latter join in those of the village people. After the wailing is over and the speeches are commenced the people usually sit on the ground, only the speaker standing, except when a song is sung, when those who

join in it all stand up, usually grouping themselves together, and always facing the opposite party.

The people of the place where the dead person is lying are the first to rise after the wailing is over and deliver speeches. The principal persons only of either side deliver such formal speeches. When the first speaker has finished another arises, and so on. When the last speaker of the home people has finished there is a short pause ere the first speaker of the visitors arises. This is to make sure that the home people have finished speaking.

The speakers of the home people will first address the visitors somewhat in this strain: “Haere mai, haere mai, haere mai. Haere mai te iwi; haere mai nga rangatiratanga; haere mai nga mana; haere mai ki te mihi ki to tatou papa e takoto nei. Kua hinga to tatou rata whakamarumaru. Ko te manawa ora kua riro, ko te ahua anake i waiho. Ko tenei, haere mai; haria mai nga mate o era kainga, utaina mai ki runga ki nga mate o tenei kainga. Ko tatou he morehu no aitua,” &c. (“Come hither, come hither, come hither. Come the people; come the rank, the prestige; come and greet our father who lies before us. Our sheltering tree has fallen. The breath of life has departed, the semblance alone is left. So now come hither, welcome; bear hither the troubles of other homes, join them to the afflictions of this place. We are but the survivors of misfortune.”)

When a speaker of the visitors rises he will first address the home people: “Call to us. Call the troubles of other homes. Call to the people who sympathize with you. It was said of old that man shall be caught, one and all, in the snare of the Goddess of Hades, that he shall be mourned and wept for. Hence we come hither. By tears and grief alone shall [a natural] death be avenged,” &c. Then, turning slightly, so as to immediately face the dead, the speaker addresses the body in the second person: “Toku papa, haere. Haere, haere, haere, haere. Haere ki te Po—haere ki te Po—haere ki te Po. Haere ki ou tupuna. Haere ki Hawaiki. Haere ki ou matua. Haere ki Paerau. Haere ra, te maioro te karia, te whakaruru hau. Haere ki Tawhiti-nui, ki Tawhiti-roa, ki Tawhi-ti-pamamao. Taku toi kahurangi, haere. Marua ana te whenua i a koe kua riro i te tari a Hine-nui-te-Po. Kua kore he tangata hai arai i te kino, i te aha, i te aha, i te aha,” &c. (“My father, farewell. Go, go, go, go. Go to the spirit-land—to the spiritland—to the spiritland. Go to your ancestors. Go to Hawaiki. Go to join your elders. Go to Paerau. Farewell, the breastwork of the people, the shelterer from piercing winds. Go to Tawhiti-nui,” &c. “My protector, farewell. Defenceless is the land since you were caught in the toils of the Goddess of Death. Remains none to avert evil,” &c.)

It will be observed how mourners farewell the dead to Hawaiki, to Paerau, &c. The latter seems to be a term applied to the spirit-world. But Hawaiki and the various Tawhiti are names of lands wherein the ancestors of the Maori sojourned in times long past away. Hawaiki, say the Native legends, is a far-distant land where originated the Maori race, hence the spirits of the dead are supposed to return to the primal home of the Maori, and are so farewelled by the living. hawaiki lies to the west, towards the setting sun, and the departing place of spirits is situated on the western or north-western parts of not only New Zealand, but also the isles of Polynesia inhabited by the Maori race.

“A Native dies. The living bid farewell to him. The cry is, ‘Go to Hawaiki.’ That was the permanent home of our ancestors, hence this ancient cry of farewell to the dead. Although dead, and separated from the living, that is the address to them, to those whom death has taken.” Here in this explanation, given by a Native, we see the Maori idea that spirits of the dead fare to Hawaiki, the cradle of the race, where man originated.

When a chief dies, the high mountains or ranges of his district are mentioned in such funeral speeches, for such natural objects, or some of them, possess considerable prestige. Such hills in this district of Tuhoeland are Maunga-pohatu, Te Peke, and Manawaru. “Ko Maunga-pohatu te maunga, ko Pohokorua te tangata o raro” (“Maunga-pohatu is the mountain, Pohokorua is the person beneath it”) is a common style of expressing this idea.

“Whare mate” is an expression applied to mourning relatives of the dead. The near relatives of the deceased would not take food until after the burial, except at night, and in secret.

A peculiar term, “makau”: This is given as = spouse, wife, or husband, in Williams's “Maori Dictionary,” but Tuhoe do not seem to use it in that sense. Here it is applied usually by elderly women to their children or grandchildren, perhaps only in laments or addresses to the dead, as, e.g., “Te makau a te ipo—e,” or “Mai ra te makau—e.” A great many endearing terms are applied to children in funeral speeches, as “my sweet scented necklet,” “my jewel,” &c. In like manner are men compared with, and addressed as, “the white hawk,” “the totara sapling.”

Some time after the funeral ceremonies are over, perhaps a month after or longer, sometimes a full year, according to inclination and leisure from crop-work, the relatives of the deceased will form a party and proceed to visit other places and other subtribes or tribes as an uhunga, or mourning party.

Their object is to kawe te mate (convey the death) to other divisions of the tribe, to the more distant relatives of the deceased. When they arrive at a village the party will go through the same weeping and lamentation as already described. The speeches also are of a similar nature. Should any member of the people visited have died recently, then he will be included in the tangihanga, or mourning; in fact, such weeping, mourning, and speeches will apply to all persons of the two parties who have died since such parties last met to mourn for their dead.

One occasionally hears of very singular customs connected with mourning for the dead. I insert here descriptions of a few such.

After the defeat of the east coast Natives at Maketu, the following lament was composed as a whakaoriori potaka (song sung to the spinning of tops). The people would collect together, many of them being provided with humming-tops of the old Maori pattern. The people would sing the first verse and then all cry out the words “Hai! Tukua!” The last word was the signal to the top-spinners, who simultaneously started their tops spinning. The moaning or wailing hum of the tops represents the moaning sound made by mourners for the dead. When the tops are run down they are restrung, and another verse of the lament is sung, the top-spinners waiting for the cry “Tukua!” before starting their tops off again. I have seen a party of Natives going through this singular performance.

Kumea!
Toia te roroa o te tangata—e
Ina noa te poto ki te oma i Hunuhunu—e
Hai! Tukua!
(2.)
Nga morehu ma te kai e patu—e
Ko te paku kai ra mau, E Te Arawa—e
Hai! Tukua!
(3.)
E ki atu ana Karanama, e noho ki tamaiti nei—e
Takiri ana mai te upoko o te toa—e
Hai! Tukua!
(4.)
Koro Mokena, huri mai ki te Kuini—e
Koi rawerawe ana ou mea kanu kaka—e
Hai! Tukua!
(5.)
Na Tamehana ano tona whenua i utu
Ki te maramara taro—e
Waiho te raru ki to wahine—e
Hai! Tukua!

The following is equally as extraordinary as the foregoing. When several men of the Ngati-Tawhaki clan of Tuhoe were killed in the fight at Mana-te-pa, at Rua-tahuna, about 1840, one Tu-kai-rangi evolved the following scheme as a lament for the dead, and to banish the sadness and gloomy feelings of the survivors. This proceeding would be said to avenge, or equalise, the deaths of the friends of the performers. Tu-kai-rangi erected two moari, or swings (giant's strides), one near Mana-te-pa and one at Kiri-tahi. The following song was composed and sung while the swings were used. Grasping the ropes of the swing, the performers sang a verse of the song given below and then swung off round the pole, one after the other. When they stopped another verse was sung, and again the people whirled round the pole, and so on.

Tu-kai-rangi, hangaa he moari
Kia rere au i te taura whakawaho
Kai te pehi Hiri-whakamau
Na wai takahia.
(2.)
Taku aroha ki a Te Haraki—e
Nga whaiaipo a Te Hiri-whakamau
Na waitakahia.
(3.)
He taura ti—e
He taura harakeke
Nga taura o Te Hiri-whakamau
Na wai-takahia.

Another token of mourning in former times was the cutting of the hair. One way was to cut off all the hair very short with the exception of one patch, of perhaps 2 in. diameter, on the left side of the head. This was left the original length, of perhaps 2 ft. or less, and was allowed to hang down. It was called a “reureu.” I have seen a woman with her hair so cut when mourning for her dead child. This latter case, however, would probably not have occurred in former times, as Native women appear to have worn their hair short. Men, however, wore their hair long. A widow or widower would have all the hair cut off short. The hair cut off is buried with the corpse.

When a Maori dies, almost always a lament (tangi) is composed by relatives and sung during the period of mourning, usually when speeches are being made. Sometimes several are so composed for a single individual, if a person of consequence. Many old-time laments have been preserved for centuries, and are often extremely interesting, on account of containing allusions to the ancient history of the race. In fact, the laments and lullabies seem to be the most interesting of Native songs, and for a similar reason. Native laments of modern composition

Tataitia ra, tiwhaia i runga ra
Ki a Autahi, ki a Puanga raia
Ki a Takurua ra. Ringihia i te kete
Ko te Ika o te rangi ka ngako i runga nei
Ma Pua-hahana ra, ma Rauru, ma Wera
Tupatia iho ki te tihi o Tane
Ka mate i reira i a Tahu-kunia, i a Tahu-maero
Ko Tahu-aitu—e.
Ko koe ra tera, e hika !—e—i.

Whiti Tuarua (Second Verse).

Aue ! E hika ! Ki ou takanga nei
Ki nga marae ra
E kata haere ana ki te whatitoka nei
Hai atua kai ake mo roto i ahau
Aue!—i.
Ka tomo mai na koe te po tuauki
E ara ki runga ra, korero ki au
Kei noho puku koe te whare tahu
Ka maaha noa atu e roto i ahau
Akuanei, e hika! Te wetewete ai
Kia puta ra koe i te rangi tuatahi
He uri au no Tane
I hangahanga noa ra i a Hine-ahu-one
Ka tu te ringa, ka tu te waewae
Ka tu te mahunga,
Ka toro mai tona ure ki runga ki te tipuaki
Koia te tota—e—i.
Ka tapotu ki roto te kanohi
Ko te karu tena
Ki te pongaihu, ko te kea tena
Ki te waha ra, ko te mare tena
Ki te keke ra, ko te riko werawera
Ka hangai ki te tara
Me ko Hine-manuhiri, nana te kahurangi
Ko Hine-kapua-rangi, nana te kohatu
Ko Hine-a-tauira, ko Uru-rata—na—i.
Ko ngangara tana ka waiho ki te rangi
Ko te Ao-tu—e, ko te Ao-hore ra
Te Ao-taru-aitu, te Ao-mata-kaka
Mo-uriuri—e, Mo-rekareka ra
Mo-hiku-tu—e, Mo-hiku-tohe ra
Mo-hiku-tauira,
Ko Whiro-te-tipua-manatu
Ko Tawakewake, ko Tawhangawhanga
Me ko Tama-ki-te-hau, ko Tama-ki-te-kapua
Te haerenga awatea ko Toi-te-huatahi
Ko ou tangata i te kai rakau
I te ponga, i te ti—e—i.
Ko Rauru tena ka tukua e koe
Ki Awa-tiko-kino
Kia mau, e hika ! Ki a Whatonga—e
Ki a Ruarangi—e
Ki a Pou-tiri-ao, ko Te Manu-tohi-kura
Ko Tane-hua-rangi, ka noho ko Rongomai-taha-nui
Ko Tama, ko Paikea
He tahuna akonga no te whenua

Ka whitia ki a Kahutia—e
Peka mai, e hika ! Ki a Pouheni—e
Ki a Tara-whakatu
Ko Tara-a-punga, ko Tara-paea-ra
Ko Rakai-te-uru, matua papaki—e
Ko Te Rangi-tautahi, me ko Tamakimaki
Ka waiho mo te nuinga te pito i a koe
Ki te po—na—i.

Whiti Tuatoru (Third Verse).

Ko wai ra, e hika!
To mata i haere ai koe ki te Po?
Ko Turanga-wahine, ko Turanga-tane
Te mata tena o to tupuna
O Te Ao-ariki i te Manu-tukutuku
Ka hinga tona puta ko Wai-o-tira—e
I oma atu ra ki a Papa raia
I hurihia atu ra e Tane ki raro
Ka puta atu ki waho ko Ruaumoko—e
Tarewa i tona puta ko te Raukape ra
Ko Tama-reo-rangi ka kume i a tini
E waitohu ake ana ki te ao marama
Ka ngarue te whenua, ka ngaoko te moana
Ko te tumu o te rangi, ko te take o te rangi
Ko Maru-i-tauira, ko Maru-i-torohanga
Ko Maru-i-taura, ko Maru-i-tawai
Ko Maru-i-taketake, ko Maru-whakatupua
Ka ea ki runga ra, ko te Tumoremore
Ko te Tuhaha
Ko Rua-kapanga—e, te Manu-nui ra
Ko Rua-te-hohonu, ko U-wawe-ki-uta
Ko Manawa-pou—e
Ko Kourunga ra, ko Tu-mauri-rere
Me ko Rongo-whakaata, ko Rongomai-hikau
Ko Rua-whetuki—e
Ko Hitamu-rira, ko Turourou ra
Ko te Ika-whakatu ki roto o Turanga
E he mai na koe ki to hou matua
I tipu ai ki te ao, i wehi mai na koe
Kati ra, e hika ! Hoki mai i kona
Pokaitia ra ki a Moetai—e
Kia rongo kau au ki a Kahukura-iti
Ki tenei tini ra, e taka i waho ra—e
Ko koutou tena, e tama ma e !

Whiti Tuawha (Fourth Verse).

Moe mori, e hika !
I roto i te whare kino, i te whare pouri
He uea ake ra ka he to manawa
Ka titiro ki waho ra
Ki te waka hoehoe ki Wai-roro ra—e
Ka puta te parakipa kai to ihu
Mau i moe po, no muri i mate ai
I tukua mai nei ko te tonga hawai
Ko te tonga taupuru
Ka pupuru te atua ki roto ki a koe
Ka whaia atu na koe
I a te Ao-matangi, i a Katakata—e

taua, mourning). The word “potae” means, as a noun, a hat, or any covering for the head; as a verb, “to put over or on the head.”

The term “whare potae,” which is the form used by the Tuhoe Tribe, is derived from the potae taua, or mourning-cap (perhaps more correctly a fillet or chaplet, inasmuch as it possessed no crown). This was an article of mourning attire, a token of mourning for the dead. It was in former times by a near relative of the deceased, as a widow, during the period of mourning. It is composed of a band or fillet woven from some fibre usually, and which is put round the head and tied at the back. It has no crown whatever. Attached to this band would be a quantity of black, dried seaweed, or the epidermis of a water plant or rush known as “kutakuta,” prepared as for a maro kuta,^* and dyed black and brown, or left its natural colour of white and pale-yellow. These were attached by one end to the band and hung down, thus concealing the face and head of the wearer. Sometimes the tail-feathers (with skin attached) of the native pigeon, and those of the koko bird, were used to attach to the band. They swayed about when the wearer walked, or when affected by the wind. Chaplets of leaves of the parapara tree (syn., puahou and houhou—Panax arboreum) were also sometimes worn by relatives of the dead while in the whare potae—that is to say, during the period of mourning. The potae taua, with a crown, and no pendant strips, fibre, weed, or feathers, as figured on page 329 of Hamilton's “Maori Art,” is an unknown article to the Tuhoe peoples.

The expression “house of mourning” must not be taken too literally, like unto many other expressions of the Maori. Albeit a Native will ever say, speaking of relatives of a person recently dead, “They are within the whare potae,” yet he means that they are mourning for the dead. Although such mourners may be travelling, they are still spoken of as being within the whare potae. The term must be taken as implying the state or period of mourning.

Windows mourned their husbands for perhaps a year before marrying again. (Ka tae pea ki te tau e whare taua ana te pouaru.)

Bereaved persons, as a husband who has lost his wife, sometimes travel about for some time in order to forget their troubles. Thus a man may go and dwell among distant tribes for a year, or several years.

While mourners are within the whare potae—i.e., during the period of mourning, which may continue perhaps for a week or longer—these dwellers within the house of mourning are very

careful in regard to taking food. As a rule they do not partake of food in the daytime, but only at night, and even then they eat in secret by going into some secluded hut by themselves, or at least where they cannot be seen by the people. Always they take their food under shelter, never in the open. If when travelling while an inmate of the house of mourning a person be overcome by hunger, and so compelled to eat in the daytime, be will go a space aside, break a branch off a tree, and stick the butt thereof in the ground. He will then sit under the branch while eating his food, thus likening the shade cast by the branch to the shades of night.

“Tenei karanga, te whare potae, ehara i te tino whare, he kupu whakarite. Ko nga tangata kai roto i te whare potae, kaore e kai ao, engari kua pa rawa, katahi ratau ka kai. He kai ao, ara he kai awatea, hai heuenga mo te whare potae. Ka haere te tangata ki te wai, horoi atu ai i te aroha; na, kua kai ao.” (“This name, ‘whare potae’ it is not a real house, it is a figurative expression. Persons in the whare potae do not eat in the daytime, but only when quite dark; then they eat. Eating in the daytime—that is in daylight—means the dispersing of the mourners. A person will go to the waterside and, by means of a certain rite, wash away his grief. Then he will eat in the daytime.”)

It was not until the tapu had been taken off these mourners by means of a rite performed by the priest that they became noa, or free from tapu, and could take food in the daytime, or mix freely with the people. Cases are quoted where persons have so mourned for months. While persons are mourning they do not remain in a house, but move about, although not free from restraint, as the tapu is upon them.

There is a place in the Okahu Valley, at Te Whaiti, named Nag Wahine-kai-awatea (the daylight-eating women), which name originated in this manner: When Te Wharau, of the Ngati-Whare Tribe, died, his widow (and other female relatives apparently) was cleansed from the tapu of the whare potae at that place by laving her body with the waters of the stream and having the whakanoa rite performed over her. Then she (and her companions) first ate food in the daytime since the death of Te Wharau. Hence the above name. Observe how place-names change in Maoriland. When the road was being constructed to Rua-tahuna in 1896,

the precipitous rock cliffs at Nga Wahine-kai-awatea proved a difficult place for the roadmen to work at—so much so, indeed, that it was found necessary to use life-lines (ropes secured at the top of the cliff and allowed to trail down the rock-face) for the security of the workmen. At once the Natives renamed the place Taura-tukutuku (the trailing ropes), and the original name seems to have been discarded.

A koangaumu, or human sacrifice, was sometimes made in olden times in order to take the tapu of the whare potae (i.e., off the mourning) and its inmates the mourners. The act of so sacrificing a person would not break up the tapu, but such a sacrifice was always with the idea of imparting force, prestige, effectiveness to a religious function.

When Taupoki died at Te Whaiti a slave named Tapuku was slam as a koangaumu for the mourners. The body was cut up, a portion thereof sent to the Whirinaki people as a present, and the rest was cooked at Wai-kotikoti, just where the policeman's cottage now stands.

Ka mate te tupapaku, ka patua he tangata hai koangaumu mo taua tupapaku, ka kainga e nga whanaunga o te tupapaku. Ko taua patunga tapu hai heuenga mo te whare potae. Kaore e tangi te tangata i a ia e noho ana i roto i te whare taua. Kia koangaumutia te tupapaku; katahi ia ka puta ki waho, ka tangi, Ko te koangaumu hai whakanoa.” (“When a person dies, a man is slain as a koangaumu for the deceased, and is eaten by the relatives of the dead. That sacrifice is for the purpose of dispersing the mourners. A person does not wail for the dead while he is staying within the house of mourning. When the sacrifice has been made, then he will come forth and lament. The sacrifice lifts the tapu.”) Here is an allusion to the fact that practically no crying or wailing for the dead is indulged in by mourners while in seclusion, but only when they are surrounded by others, and have an audience. The Maori believes in public grief, he cares not to weep in private.

The person slain as a human sacrifice for the lifting of the tapu from the whare potae would be taken from another hapu or subtribe. After this rite was over the mourners emerged from the house of mourning and returned to their usual avocations. Although usually merely a metaphorical or figurative expression, yet it would appear that sometimes a mourner nearly related to the dead would remain within the “house of mourning” (by staying in his own hut) during the period of mourning. In the legend of Pou-rangahua it is stated that Kanioro his wife so mourned for Pou when he was thought to be dead, and on his return he found her still secluded within their house, which had become overgrown with mawhai.

the head was kept, it was sometimes placed on a wooden peg (turuturu) stuck in the ground, and people would mourn over it. Near relatives would spread on the ground before it a kakahuwaero (cloak covered with dogs’ tails), upon which they would kneel before the head and chaunt an old-time dirge of the Maori people.”

These dried heads were also exhibited at any important func