Another principle to be insisted on is that all the letters of a word must be taken into consideration. If the Mota vula (moon) is compared with the Malay bulan, the n must be accounted for; if namu (mosquito) is compared with namok, the k must be accounted for. In these two cases the n and k suffixes, common in Malay nouns, are of great interest to the philologist. It is common to ignore single letters, especially at the end of a word. Much of great interest and value is thus passed by.

It is perhaps best to set aside onomatopœic words, interesting as they are. The author of “Maori and Polynesian” compares the Maori mumu (to hum) with the Latin murmurare (to murmur), while “koko (the tui) may be set beside the Sanskrit kakh (to laugh), English ‘quack’ and cackle.’”^* Probably such words appear in all languages. There is a Malay word for “dog,” asu, and this is found in Melanesia, but not in Polynesia; so it has been supposed that the Maori au (to bark) represents the Malay asu (a dog)—in fact, that nothing but the bark is left in New Zealand. It is a comparison one is loth to forego when one remembers the classic case of the Cheshire cat; but one must allow that “au au” is very like the sound a dog makes everywhere.

It seems reasonable to suppose that the fuller form of a word is the root. We are familiar enough with shortened forms—cab, from cabriolet; bus, from omnibus; car, from carriage; phone, from telephone. It is, no doubt, a common process in all languages. Now, if we take any word of two or three letters (not a particle) in any Ocean language, it appears to be the case that a fuller form of the word can always be found in some other language. Of course, the fuller form may have been lost everywhere, but no such case has come under the writer's observation. These fuller forms consist of two consonants and two vowels, or, at least, of two syllables. Thus, though hua is “moon” in one language of Indonesia, hula is found in others; though niu is “cocoanut” in many Oceanic languages, niru is found in one (Vella Lavella). It also appears to be the case that no root-forms occur of more than two syllables. There are many longer words in the vocabularies, but they are either roots plus a prefix or suffix or they are compund words. Thus, in the Mota word nonom (think) the m is the common Oceanic verbal suffix; in the Mota malumlum (soft), ma is the common adjectival prefix, while lumlum is the reduplicated root (lumu). The Florida tidalo (a god) is a compound word, ti appearing also in tinoni (a living man), whatever the meaning may be of dalo—the same word, doubtless, as the San Cristoval ataro (a god); Mota tataro (a prayer)—from the first word with which all prayers or charms began; Tahitian tarotaro (a short prayer to the gods). The Florida word appears to be indirect evidence that the primitive religion of the people was ancestor-worship. The Mota geara (a fence) is really two words—ge and ara—a form of the latter being commonly used for “fence” in Oceanic languages.

The following principle seems, then, to hold good: that all Oceanic roots consist of two syllables. The first point to determine about a word is this root. But the full form is often missing, and the next point is to find out how these root-forms are modified. In the first place, the first consonant may be dropped. The Florida aho (the sun) is a modified form of raho or laho. This modification is a common one. Still more common is the dropping of the second consonant, especially in Polynesia. The full form of the Maori kau (to swim or wade) is karu, the word really meaning “to move the legs and arms.”

In many cases both consonants are dropped, as in the Rarotongan ai (fire), the root of which is kapi; or the Maori ao (dawn), from raho.

Sometimes the second vowel is dropped, as in the Mota kor (dried), from koro; but the first vowel remains, and is rarely altered; it is, in fact, the most stable part of the word. On the other hand, the second vowel is liable to frequent change.

The commonest modification of all is the dropping of the second syllable. Thus, the Maori ra (sun) is from raho; po (night) from pongi; pa (a fence or stockade) from para. It frequently happens that when only the first syllable remains this is strengthened by reduplication. Thus Mota koko (enclose) is from koro; Mota rara (scorch), from raho; Mota roro (deep), from roto; Mota lolo (inner parts), from roto; Mota roroi (news), from rongo; Maori rara (a branch), from rana; Fiji baba (side of a hill), from bara. Such reduplications are very common.

Perhaps there are cases of the dropping of the first syllable of the root; but until they are shown to exist, such comparisons as that of the Mota gana (to eat) with the Malay makan (to eat) must be viewed with suspicion. Manga, which also appears as maka, means originally “a cleft or rent,” in some languages “a mouth”; in Mota “to keep opening and shutting, as the gills of a fish.” This is, no doubt, the Mota representative of the Malay makan (to eat), the n being the common verbal suffix.

There is yet another fairly common modification of the root—by metathesis. Thus, the Florida labu (strike) is the Malay palu; the Mota toro (deep), the Maori roto; the Mota ma-vinvin (thin), from nihi; Maori ngaro (fly), from rango; Maori raku (scratch), from karu; Aneityum mulmul (soft), from lumu; Tongan pelupelu (bent), from lupe; Maori tumu (cape), from mutu. It may be asked which is the root and which the transposed form. The answer is that the transposed form is usually local, and is shown to be later by the fact that modifications of it are absent or rare; whereas the real root is found all over the Pacific, and broken-down forms of it are very common.

Of course, many forms of the same root may, and generally do, exist in one language. An instance may be given from Mota. The root koro means “to encircle, enclose”; hence, “to contract, shrink,” &c. It is found in many Oceanic languages, as koro, kolo, koko, &c. Probably it is the source of the following words in Mota: kolo (contract), koloi (a hole), kolkoloi (a small contracted thing), kor (to shrink with heat or dryness, dried breadfruit), koko (keep close, contract, carry water in the hands), kokor (enclose, keep carefully), kokos (enclose, as fish in a net; fowls, by the people catching them), kokot (enclose, contract), kokota (narrow, contracted), kokorou (fold the arms or wings), gogo (shrink or shrivel), gogorag (gather together with the hands), goro-vag (throw the arms round), goro (to cut round, and so generally to cut), gorogoro (harvest), goro (to embrace).

golo (fade or wither). There are other more doubtful examples of it, such as oloolo (a sacrifice), where probably (as in Efate gorokoro) the idea was that of protection, coming into the enclosure of the god sought and being shut out from the power of other gods.

Some examples of the application of these rules may now be given. Three roots will perhaps be sufficient to illustrate the subject.

Taking the Maori word roto, it is evident that we have the root itself. We may expect, however, to find it modified in various ways, and may look for it in such forms as loto, oto, lo, ro, roro, lolo, toro. The meaning of roto is “inside, within, the midst, places inland, a lake” (ha-rotoroto, a pond). From this meaning of “within” (which is the root meaning) the word comes to mean in Samoa (in the form loto) “the heart, desire, or will; the understanding; the interior of a house; a deep pool in the lagoon”—loloto (deep, depth), lotoi (to be in the middle). The Tahitian roto and Hawaiian loko have much the same meanings. In Tonga loto means “the mind”; loloto “deep, the deep, ocean.” In Mangareva we get a further meaning, for here roto is “deep, depth, the inward parts,” and “to obscure or darken”; while rotoroto is “the shallow sea,” a curious meaning, to be explained presently. We may follow this full form of the root to Melanesia, where in Saa Malaita roroto is “a dark cloud”; in San Cristoval rodo is “dark,” rodomana “the abode of the dead, the dark land”; and in Florida rorodo is “blind.”

The form oto does not appear in Maori, but from the meanings presently to be given of the Maori roro it appears more than probable that oto has been modified into uto, which means in Tonga “the brains (the inner parts), the spongy substance of an old cocoanut”; the Mangareva uto (marrow, yolk of eggs); Mangaia uto (little kernel growing in a cocoanut); Fiji uto (heart, pith of trees, marrow of bones); Mota utoi (pith of trees); Malay utak; New Celebes utok. Uta (inland country), “forest” in many languages, is doubtless the same word. A final o is often represented in Malay by a, and in Malay otak means “brains” (k is a noun suffix in Malay).

We now come to ro, which appears in Maori, meaning “in, into”; and lo, which in Santa Cruz means “night or darkness.” Taking next the reduplicated form of this, we find the Maori roro, meaning “brains or marrow.” The Samoan lolo and Tahitian roro have similar meanings. The Hawaiian lolo means “the brain, marrow of bones, insane.” Tongan lolo (oil, oily fat) and Mangareva roro (soft) are perhaps meanings derived from “the brain.” In Santa Cruz lolo is “fat or oil”; in Mota loloi means “inside, the inner part, the affections,” and is used in very many compound words to express states of feeling; roro means “deep, to sink down, be deep,” also “to be sunk down,” and so “shallow”; the water is said to roro in the well, hence the well is roro (shallow), an explanation of the Mangarevan word. R frequently becomes n, and there can be little doubt that nonom (to think) and nonon (to smear)—the m and n being verbal suffixes—are both from roto. In Efate, New Hebrides, roro means “to think,” rorona “thought”; and Dr. McDonald mentions that these words are sometimes pronounced trotro and trotrona.

Taking now the final modification, the transposition of the letters, the Mota toro means “deep”; toron, “to desire or long for”; Florida dolo, “to love”; San Cristoval doodoo, “black”; doa, “blind.”

In Oba, New Hebrides, lologi is “inside,” and rorogi “deep”; in Malekula, roror is “deep,” and ror “the afternoon” (gi and r are the noun suffixes in these two language). The meaning “afternoon” is from the

going-down (roro) of the sun; the sun is said to roro in Mota when it sets. Many more examples of this root might be given, but enough has been written to show how it follows the rules given above.

The root which means “light and heat” is a difficult one to follow, because the two consonants it contains are interchangeable. It seems best to give raho as the root, though this form appears to have been lost, because the modified forms of raho (aho, ao, ra, rara) are the most widespread.

If we take raho as the root, with the meaning of “light and heat, the day, the sky, clouds,” &c., we may expect to find several forms of the full root, because r and h are interchangeable letters, and r may become l, while h becomes s or t, and in the case of such a root it is difficult to say which is the transposed form; however, we may be guided by the number of modified forms which appear.

Laso, the Kayan word for “heat,” is a full form of the root, and so too, apparently, are salo (a cloud) in Saa Malaita, perhaps also sato (the sun) in Saa, and warowaro (the moon), in Saa w representing h, as it commonly does. The three last may be considered transposed forms of the root, and thus be classed with the New Guinea (Kerepunu) haro (the sun) and the Maori Haronga (a mythical sky-power who begot the sun and moon).

The modified forms we might expect to find by dropping the first consonant are aho, aso, alo, aro, and ato. The first four are found. Aho means “the sun” in Florida, and Ysabel (Solomon Islands), and Oba (New Hebrides). In Tongan it means “day”; while ahoaho means “bright or shining,” as the moon on a clear night. The Maori aho means “radiant light,” and aho-roa is “the moon.” Aso in Rotuma and Guadalcanar is “the sun”; in Samoa, “the day”; in Efate, “burning.” Alo is “the sun” in New Celebes (mata-alo) and in Santa Maria. Aro is “the sun” in Hula and Bula'a (New Guinea), “the sky” in San Cristoval; while the Malagasy maso-adro (the sun) is almost identical.

We get two forms by dropping the last vowel—the Mota sar (to shine, give heat) and the Aneityum lah (light) and lav (to shine).

Dropping the second syllable gives ra and la. Ra (the sun) in Maori is said to be the son of Haronga and the sister of Marama (the moon), a very exact account of the words, except that marama, from the root rama, is quite distinct from raho, and occurs along with it in many forms in many Oceanic languages. Ra in Maori also means “the day” and “the east.” In Samoan la means “the sun, daylight; to be intensely hot.” The words, with these meanings, are common in Polynesia.

Reduplicating the first syllabe, we get rara and lala. In Maori rara means “to spread out on a stage to dry,” and hence the stage itself. In Tahiti the word means “to scorch over a fire”; rarararauri, “sunburnt” (uri=black); Fiji rara, “to warm one's-self by a fire”; Mota rara, “to dry or warm by the fire”; rarang, “to dazzle by reflection”; rarangiu, “hard dry ground”; ma-rang, “barren ground, lazy.” In New Guinea the Motu raraia is “to dry in the sun”; Wedau arara, “to shine”; arai, “to burn”; Celebes rarang, “to dry.” The Florida ma-rara means “light”; Mota ma-rarara, “transparent, translucent”; Malay arang means “charcoal.” Samoan ma-lala is “charcoal”; Tongan lala, “to broil”; ma-lala, is “charcoal”; Kayan lala, “to wither”; Wedau, New Guinea, lalai, “light”; Mahaga, Ysabel, lalaha, “light”; New Celebes lallav, “scorch”; Mota lalav, “scorch, burn”; lawa, “blaze or flame; to be red, brilliant in colour.”

By dropping both consonants we get ao, the Maori “day, dawn, become light, cloud”; Tahitian “day, bright clouds, the bright land of heaven.” In Mangareva we get a, meaning “sun,” where remarkably little remains of raho!

Unusual forms, such as elo (“sun” in the New Hebrides), loa (“sun” in Mota, “cloud” in San Cristoval), have not been referred to.

Perhaps it may be allowed to make two conjectures in conclusion. Maro means in Mota “famine”: may this be ma-aro, and mean “a time of sun without rain, when the ground becomes hard and dry” (Hawaiian malo, “to dry up as water, to wither as a tree”; Mangaia maro, “hard and dry”; Mangareva maro, “hard”)? Mr. Elsdon Best gives the Maori tau maro as “a year in which there are no crops.”

The word tataro in Mota means “a prayer.” Dr. Codrington writes thus of it: “The tataro of the Banks Islands, which may be called ‘a prayer,’ is strictly an invocation of the dead, and is, no doubt, so called because the form begins with the word tataro, which certainly is the ‘ataro of San Cristoval—that is, ‘a ghost of power.’ The Banks-Islanders are clear that tataro is properly made only to the dead, yet the spirits (vui, Qat and Marawa) are addressed in the same way.” Ataro means “a god” in San Cristoval (tidalo in Florida, tidatho Ysabel, tida'o Guadalcanar). “The soul” in Malaita is akalo. In Samoan tatalo is “to pray” (Tahitian, tarotaro; Hawaiian, kalokalo; Tongan, talo-monu, “solicit by actions the favour of the gods,” tolotalo, “cast lots”). Apparently the meaning of taro was “a spirit or ghost.” A man's spirit was perhaps thought to pass to the sky; he was no longer a ta-nun, a living man, but a ta-mate, a dead man, or a ta-taro, an inhabitant of the heavens; so in Florida he was no longer ti-noni, but ti-dalo. In the same way the soul was called akalo, just as ata in Samoan means “a spirit” or “the light”; Tahitian ata, “a cloud, a shadow, a certain prayer”; Tongan ata, “the air, free, the morning light, a shadow, reflection”; Maori ata, “early morning, the soul, a reflected image”; Motu (New Guinea) vata, “a ghost”; Mota atai, “soul.” If tataro meant originally “the spirits of the dead,” it might easily be made to include other inhabitants of the heavens; or, if it meant “the gods,” then, when ancestor-worship grew up, the term would come to include the ancestors of the tribe.

The root bara or para seems to mean “crosswise, lying across.” Other full forms of the root are pala, bala, vala, fala. From these we should expect to get ara or ala; pal, par, &c.; papa, baba, &c.; and transposed forms such as rapa and lapa. As a matter of fact, all these forms are found.

The way in which the meaning becomes modified is quite intelligible: from “crosswise” we get such ideas as—an angle, a ladder, tongs, a fence, a barricade, the shoulder, layers or strata in rocks, and hence flat slabs and anything flat, or, with a slightly different advance of meaning, the sloping side of a mountain, or an axe where the blade is not only flat, but is set sideways, crosswise, unlike the adze. With these preliminary remarks as to the meaning, we may follow the changes of form.

In Wedau, New Guinea, bara is “bent”; barabarana, “a bend or angle”; barabara, “a shelf, a wall-plate.” In San Cristoval “a fence” is bara; in Saa Malaita it is para; while para'a is “the side.” The Fiji baravi means “the sea-coast, the side of an island or mountain”; Maori para-hi, “a steep slope or acclivity.” The Mota parapara is “an axe,” a recent use of the word, according to Dr. Codrington. The Formosa parai

means “to fence”; the Malay parai “to go in zigzags, as a ship tacking.” An island in the Banks Group is called Ure-parapara, “the island of steep slopes”: the sea has entered the crater, the steep sides of which give the island its name. The Malay parang is “a chopper or chopping-knife,” or to cut with one; and this is the Maori para, “to fell trees or cut down bush.” In Mota, para also means “to go off at an angle”; sus para is “to crouch aside.”

Pala means in Mota “to set stick across stick, to set across, wattle”; pala ta vava, “to strangle a man by pressing a stick across his throat”; i-pala, “tongs”; palapala, “scissors” (a recent word). In Florida palapala is “a ladder.” In Malay palang is “a cross-bar or transverse beam.” In Santa Cruz pala-po is “lightning” (po meaning “downwards” and also “red”). In Tonga palaa means “a piece of a reed fence”; while in Samoa pala'au is “a wooden fence.”

In Mahaga Bugotu babala is “crosswise”; gai babala, “across.” Vala means in Mota “the fence of small stones round an oven.” In Madagascar vala is “a wooden fence or partition.” The Efate (New Hebrides) vala means “a ship's yards,” because set crosswise; while falafala is “a ladder,” which is made by fastening cross-sticks to a tree. Vala in Florida means “the shoulder”; varat in Mota “the purlin of a house.”

Leaving now the full root, of which many more examples might be given, we come to ara and ala. In Mota ara means “to keep off,” while ge-ara is “a fence.” The Saa Malaita ala means “the shoulder.” The Maori arai means “a veil, screen, or curtain; to block up”; Mangaian arai, “to ward off”; Tahitian arai, “to interpose, obstruct”; Hawaiian alai, “to obstruct, to block up a door or passage by sitting in it, to form a circle round a person for defence, to defend.” The Torres pi ala is “a fence round a garden.”

By dropping the final vowel we get par and pal. Par means in Mota “to slice, cut,” as in Par mal, the name given to a class of secret societies the members of which were wont to par a mal or young cocoanut and drink the milk in common, after which they were accounted brethren. Pal in New Britain means “a room” (just as niu in Mota means either “partition” or “room”); in Duke of York Island, “an outhouse”; in Raluana (New Guinea), “a house.”

Dropping the second syllable we get pa and ba, exceedingly common and important forms. A few examples must suffice. In Fiji bai means “to fence round a town or garden,” while ba is “a fish-fence.” In Maori pa means “to block up, obstruct; a fort or stockade, a weir for catching eels, a barricade; to protect”: Samoan, pa, “a wall”: Tahitian, pa, “a fence or hedge”: Hawaiian, pa, “hedge or fence in; the wall of a town”: Paumotu, pa, “a rampart or bulwark.”

The reduplication of this gives us papa and baba. In Malagasy baba is “a wall or fence in fortification”; Formosa, babas, “an earthen dam”; Tahitian, papani, “to block up”; Mota, paparis, “wall of a house”; Maori, papa, “to close up or fasten; the layers or strata of rocks.” It is from this last that the idea of a slab may perhaps be derived, and so papa or baba commonly means “a slab, board, anything flat.” In Wedau, New Guinea, baba means “slab, side of big canoe”; babai, “to build up with slabs”; babana, “canoe built with timbers”; Maori, papa, “anything broad or flat—a slab, board, door, or shutter”; Samoan, papa, “board, floor-mat”; Tahitian, papa, “a board, seat, the shoulder-blade”; Mangareva, papa, “foundation”; Motu, New Guinea, papapapa,

J. Park classed it under the Miocene. Tate, Harris, and Von Ihering, however, consider it to belong to the Eocene.

southern termination of a high range leading to Mount Hector, is not discernible in the outline of hills, being overtopped and rendered invisible by Mount Alpha (4,466 ft.). Finally, after a fairly level stretch of country, there succeed a few ragged peaks, near which is the remarkable razorback ridge (to be presently described) overshadowed by Mount Hector (5,014 ft.), the highest peak which can be seen. Descending on the Otaki side there are some rounded summits (4,700 ft.), and at a much lower elevation Mount Dennan (4,010 ft.). Below this is a saucer-shaped depression (“Table Top”) rising on the Otaki side to a rounded knob, the last peak silhouetted against the sky.

The writer cannot find any record of a collector or naturalist having crossed the range from Kaitoke to Otaki. Indeed, even Mount Hector would appear not to have been botanically explored until December, 1906 (see Petrie, “Account of a Visit to Mount Hector”: Trans. N.Z. Inst., 1907, p. 289), when the writer made his first collection there.

Leaving Wellington by the 7 a.m. train on Boxing Day, 1907, Kaitoke is reached about 9 a.m. The day is fine—a light breeze from the north-east, blue sky with patches of cloud, and a barometer of 30.4 in., giving presage of fair weather for the venture. The party consists of Mr. Alfred Jones (an expert bushman), W. B. Aston, and the writer. The swags include 5 lb. boiled beef, 3 lb. ham, 5 lb. ship-biscuits, a small loaf, 2 lb. oatmeal, 2 lb. sugar, ¾ lb. butter, a little tea, chocolate, and raisins, collecting-boxes, drying-papers, a blanket each, and a tent. The tent is worthy of a brief description. It weighs under 4 lb.—dimensions 5 ½ ft. by 7 ½ ft.,—and includes a flexible wire rope used instead of a ridge-pole. One end of the rope is fixed to a tree, and the other is threaded through the apex of the tent-roof and fixed to another tree. All that now remains is to fasten the guy-ropes, made of light fishing-line, to stumps, &c., near the ground, and peg down the sides. The advantage of having a light and easily pitched tent such as this in climbing-expeditions, where everything has to be carried on one's back, can hardly be overstimated. The tent is made by Messrs. Hutcheson, Wilson, and Co., Jervois Quay, and is similar to those supplied to the Tourist Department for alpine climbers, with the exception that it has no floor. The material is that of which the fine topsails of yachts are made, technically known as japarra—an Egyptian fabric.

At least three routes are open to the explorer of the Tararuas from Kaitoke. The Mount Marchant track involves climbing the bare ridge connecting the Rimutakas with the Tararua Range, and following the spur over Mount Marchant, thence taking a large sweep to the north-east over many lesser tops on the high range by a track marked on the map “well blazed” to Mount Omega (3,669 ft.), between which and Mount Alpha (4,466 ft.) there remains a deep valley to be crossed before attaining the high leading range of which Mount Hector is the culminating point. The writer is informed that it is not necessary to climb to the top of Mount Marchant, but that the spur may be attained on the farther side by a passage through the bush on the north-east flank of the mountain.

The second and third routes are the same with the difference that the first few miles is over a spur—four hours' walk—or through the river gorge—nine and a half hours' walk—at the traveller's discretion, to the junction of the Main Hutt with the Lesser Hutt River. The spur route is always available, and is remarkably easy travelling, through dead standing bush which was swept by the fires of last year and completely denuded of under-

scrub. One should take the hill at the back of Phillips's hut (650 ft.), near the mouth of the Pakuratahi Gorge, and, steering due magnetic north, two and a half hours' walk on the ridge brings one to the summit of the hill (2,000 ft.), where Mount Marchant looms largely ahead, and the lower slopes of the Quoin are seen on the left in the angle formed by the junction of the rivers. The Lesser Hutt Gorge is from this aspect visible for a considerable distance. Descending the hill, still through burnt standing timber, another one and a half hours' walk should bring one to the base of the Quoin.

The gorge route, on the other hand, takes at least nine hours' laborious walking, the times taken on the two occasions the writer traversed the route being nine hours and a half and nine hours and a quarter from Kaitoke to the junction; and it is not accessible if the river is in flood. The advantages of going this way are the beautiful scenery, the impossibility of mistaking the way, and the facility for studying the various forms of life met with in the forests of the banks and in the unfished waters of the rivers.

Crossing, to the north of the Kaitoke Station, some flat country where agriculture is being practised, judging by the Californian thistle, blackberry, and gorse which impeded progress, the Pakuratahi Gorge is soon reached, and little time is lost in finding the track, which leads off from behind a blue cliff-face on the south side of the river. Numerous shapely ribbonwood-trees (Plagianthus betulinus), which always attain their finest growth on silty alluvial soil, are observed growing on the flats. The track is excellent, and leads through a very mixed forest, of which the plants noted in the appended list are observed.

After a mile or so of this track the forest undergoes a distinct change. Red-beech (Fagus fusca) is now the predominant growth—in fact, it is almost the only tree-growth, being supplemented only to a slight extent by miro (Podocarpus ferrugineus). The underscrub consists of Coprosma Colensoi, Griselinia littoralis, Leucopogon fasciculatus, Coprosma grandifolia, Pseudopanax crassifolium, Myrsine salicina, Panax arboreum, Coprosma fœtidissima, Myrtus pedunculata, and Metrosideros florida, while the forest-flor is covered with Gahnia, Gleichenia Cunninghamii (umbrellafern), and moss. Here and there on stumps are patches of the beautiful Earina mucronata, the blue-berried Dianella intermedia, and a variety of ferns, mostly kidney-ferns (Trichomanes reniforme). The tree-trunks are covered with climbing ratas (Metrosideros hypericifolia and M. Colensoi), epiphytic growths, filmy ferns, polypodies, asteliads, Tmesipteris, and orchids (Earina mucronata and E. suaveolens).

The path wanders for some distance through this light open forest, and then descends suddenly to the junction of the Pakuratahi and Hutt Rivers. Here the steep banks are sprinkled with bright flowering shrubs and herbs. Prominent are Carmichaelia odorata, with masses of sweetly scented purpleblue flowers and graceful pendulous branches, while Veronica catarractœ, Gnaphalium Keriense, Oxalis magellanica, Pratia angulata, and Libertia ixioides brighten the steep mossy banks with their large white flowers.

The forest is thicker here, and the spaces are well filled with scrub and small trees. Rimu and kamahi (Weinmannia) are the prevailing trees, with a shrubbery of Fuchsia, Pittosporum, Veronica salicifolia, Schefflera, and Coprosma; and along the banks the free-flowering Olearia nitida, toitoi (Arundo conspicua), and wood-grass (Microlœna avenacea) are plentiful, and a few patches of snow-grass (Danthonia Cunninghamii).

A walk of an hour and a half brings one from the Kaitoke Station to this charming spot, where but a couple of years ago was pitched a survey camp, by the work of whose vanished tenants one wishing to advance into the wilds may largely profit.

Crossing the Pakuratahi, we soon leave all vestige of a track behind and plunge up the Hutt River. Here and there blazes on the trees are met with, and occasionally one comes across a track cut over the bluff forming one of the walls of some impassable gorge between which the waters rush as through a mill-sluice. The river bends with monotonous frequency, which necessitates incessant crossing to take advantage of the shingle-bank or rocky ledge on the opposite side, in order to gain a few chains advnce; thus, sometimes wading up to one's middle, scrambling over slippery rocks, hanging on by bough, tussock, or pendant kiekie (Freycinetia), always striving to keep the food and blankets, strapped shoulder-high, dry, slow progress is made. Anon one of the party slips from the rock into some deep pool, and the water surges round the knapsack; but the biscuits, contained in a tin case, are safe, and the victim slowly and laboriously draws himself out of the swift current, and drains himself on the bank. Occasionally the spirit of sport asserts itself, and a halt is called to watch some monster of a trout or eel, the solitary inhabitant of a deep pool, lazily disporting himself.

The rock scenery of the gorges is truly grand. Cut into fantastic shapes by the current when in flood, here and there a mass of rock which has survived the eroding force of the river stands out in bold relief, often with some narrow defile for a background, through which the river rushes with deafening surge. Pockets and pot-holes in the rock hold a lodgment of silty soil, supporting many beautiful plants. Prominent is Carmichaelia odorata, Veronica catarractœ (well named), Microlœna avenacea, Pratia angulata, Hydrocotyle sp., Coriaria ruscifolia, Gnaphalium Keriense, sometimes the rare Calceolaria repens, and similar plants requiring a moist, welldrained alluvial soil.

Feathered friends are not wanting to break the stillness of the bush. Once a pair of blue mountain-duck were started from the bank, and swam leisurely down-stream, uttering expostulatory quacks against the intruders of their fastness. The quaint little rifleman is observed in numbers, running up the sides of the trees and snapping up many a toothsome morsel with its upwardly inclined bill, whistling from time to time a cheerful twit. The tui's musical note is often heard, contrasting strongly with the long-tailed cuckoo's screechy pipe. Fantails flutter here and there, and occasionally a handsome pigeon laboriously wings its musical flight from tree to tree.

Presently the gorge opens out, and light floods the valley. We are nearing the confluence of the Hutt and the Lesser Hutt. Scrambling down a steep face, a fine river-beach is reached at 6.30 p.m. Camp is soon pitched, and a hearty meal enjoyed. This camp is about 800 ft. altitude—not greatly different from that of Kaitoke.

A visit to this camp in November, 1908, when the faint odour of the rangiora (Brachyglottis repanda) was in the air, and the spring flowers had shaken out their petals to the full, showed us many whiteheads, tomtits, riflemen, pied fantails, grey warblers, a pair of grey duck, flocks of chaffinches, many pigeons, kaka, parrakeets, tuis, long-tailed cuckoos; and in the still hour of the early dawn a weka visited the tent, was disturbed, and stalked up the valley, waking the echoes with its vibrant call.

A list of plants seen from the junction of the Pakuratahi and Hutt Rivers to the camp is given below: Pittosporum eugenioides, P. tenuifolium, Hoheria populnea, Oxalis magellanica, Coriaria ruscifolia, Carmichaelia odorata, Weinmannia racemosa, Gunnera monica, Myrtus obcordata, Fuchsia excorticata, Hydrocotyle elongata, elongata, Schefflera digitata, Griselinia littoralis, Coprosma robusta, Lagenphora Forsteri, Olearia nitida, Gnaphalium Keriense, Helichrysum glomeratum, Senecio latifolius, S. lagopus, S. Kirkii, Pratia angulata, Calceolaria repens, Veronica catarractœ, V. salicifolia, Ourisia, Piper excelsum, Laurelia novœ-zealandiœ, Beilschmiedia tawa, Knightia excelsa, Fagus Menziesii, Podocarpus ferrugineus, Dacrydium cupressinum, Corysanthes, Dendrobium Cunninghamii, Thelymitra sp., Earina autumnalis, Cordyline Banksii, Dianella intermedia, Danthonia Cunninghamii, D. semiannularis, Deyeuxia, Hymenophyllum multifidum, Asplenium flaccidum, Adiantum affine, Lomaria alpina, L. vulcanica, L. Patersoni, Microlœna avenacea.

An early start is made next moring, with fair weather and a rising barometer. At 5 a.m. the Lesser Hutt River is crossed, and the ascent of the steep leading spur to the Quoin is begun. But few supplejacks—the bane of the bushman—impede the way. The forest is chiefly kamahi, with beech, rimu, and a little totara and rata. The forest-floor is carpeted with umbrella (Gleichenia Cunninghamii) and kidney (Trichomanes reniforme) fern. At 1,100 ft. Senecio Kirkii appears as a plentiful underscrub; at 1,400 ft. totara is more plentiful, and the floor is a perfect carpet of kidney-fern, with clumps of Astelia nervosa dotted through it. The kamahi (Weinmannia racemosa) is still the predominating tree; occasionally a miro (Podocarpus ferrugineus) is seen, its bright-red fruit presently to afford a rich feast for the pigeons. The epiphytic orchids Earina mucronata and E. suaveolens are still plentiful, and Gastrodia Cunninghamii, the tall black-and-white flowered terrestrial orchid, with the large tuberous roots beloved of pigs, is met with. The ferns Lomaria discolor and L. alpina cover the ground in places. Here and there a spray of pure-white flowers shows where the beautiful little nohi (Enargia parviflora) wastes its sweetness on the desert-air. The underscrub is chiefly Coprosma fœtidissima, C. lucida, and Myrsine salicina.

At 1,600 ft. the forest is more open. There is a greater preponderance of light scrub, Coprosma grandifolia, C. fœtidissima, and C. Colensoi. Clumps of Uncinia appear.

At 1,700 ft. snow-grass is plentiful on the floor of the forest, of which the chief tree is kamahi. Leucopogon fasciculatum and Pseudopanax crassifolium are common.

At 1,900 ft. Panax simplex becomes common.

At 2,100 ft. Fagus fusca, Weinmannia, Senecio Kirkii, Coprosma Colensoi, Panax arboreum, Myrsine salicina, filmy ferns (Hymenophyllum), and mosses are most conspicuous.

At 2,200 ft. the billy is boiled, the water being obtained from a puddle in a hollow. Hanging moss or lichen is now becoming a prominent feature on the trees. In wet places Microlœna avenacea, and in dark places Todea superba (double crape-fern), were plentiful.

Deep moss now covers the forest-floor. The trees are Fagus fusca and F. Menziesii, with a sprinkling of kamahi.

At 2,300 ft. the arboreal growth is more stunted, and the floor is carpeted with moss, nohi, and filmy fern. An open space here shows the top of the Quoin to be due (magnetic) north; but the ridge takes a considerable sweep to the east and back again to the north. This is the only part

of the ascent where it is possible to go wrong; but, as one may obtain such a clear view of the country by climbing one of the stunted beeches, losing the way is a very unlikely contingency. The forest is Fagus Menziesii and totara, with a little Fagus fusca. The occurrence of Phormium tenax testifies to the open nature of the forest. Lomaria discolor, L. capensis, snow-grass (Danthonia Cunninghamii), and Gleichenia Cunninghamii are abundant. The country here is fairly level, and, viewed from the top of a stunted tree, shows Fagus Menziesii, with Dracophyllum longifolium, with some Fagus fusca and totara, to be the main forest-growth. Occasional kamahi, Myrsine salicina, Coprosma Colensoi, and C. fœtidissima are present. The totaras are deeply mossed with lichens to the topmost bough.

Thence succeeds a wind-exposed slope, with stunted Suttonia divaricata and other scrub breast-high, with Lycopodium and stunted Fagus Menziesii and Weinmannia.

At 2,500 ft. to 2,600 ft. the beech and totara trees are very gnarled growths, with an underscrub of Coprosma fœtidissima.

At 3,000 ft. (12.20 p.m.) the forest is gnarled Fagus Menziesii 40 ft. high, with an underscrub of Coprosma fœtidissima, Panax arboreum, and Suttonia divaricata. Astelia nervosa is common. The broadleaf (Griselinia littoralis) here attains a height of 15–20 ft., being quite a small tree. Hymenophyllum multifidum, Todea superba, and moss cover the forest-floor. Kaka and bell-birds are seen.

At 3,100 ft. stunted Fagus Menziesii 14 ft. high at edge of bush, mossed to the topmost bough, forms the dominant growth. The underscrub is Pittosporum rigidum, Senecio eleagnifolius, and Coprosma cuneata.

3,150 ft. We are out at last, and breathe the fresh air on the open mountain-side. On the western face there is stunted Fagus Menziesii 3 ft. high, and snow-grass, and then an alpine meadow containing Celmisia spectabilis (in flower), Carpha alpina, Drosera stenopetala, Caladenia bifolia (in flower), moss, Forstera (in flower), Pentachondra pumila, Pimelia Gnidia (in flower).

3,350 ft. We encounter stunted scrub again on the south side of the spur, chiefly Coprosma cuneata and Dracophyllum longifolium.

On the east side the Fagus Menziesii creeps up to within 100 ft. of the top, and affords a grateful shelter from the fierce sun, the beech-trees being about 20 ft. high here. Directly one moves over to the western face the trees are beaten down to a height of 3 ft., making it difficult to force a passage through.

3,600 ft. On the west side of the spur Olearia Colensoi (the mutton-bird scrub) appears in thick shrubberies, broken by snow-grass meadows. Ligusticum dissectum is in full flower. Entering the forest on the west side to avoid the mutton-bird scrub, we meet with Olearia alpina, a handsome shrub of most characteristic growth, resembling the lancewood (Pseudopanax crassifolium). The floor of the forest is carpeted with filmy ferns and Myrsine nummularia. Good progress is made, and the top of the Quoin (3,900 ft.) is reached at 4 p.m. Although it has taken eleven hours to climb to this height, allowance must be made for the fact that we are carrying heavy swags, and are not in the best condition. The day has been very hot, and we are new to the route. Moreover, frequent rests for taking notes and observations have been resorted to.

Between the summit and the bush-line on the eastern face are a few acres of mountain-meadow containing many beautiful alpine plants. Among the most noticeable are Aciphylla Colensoi, Ligusticum dissectum,

Celmisia spectabilis, Raoulia grandiflora, Senecio bellidioides, Phyllachne Colensoi, Euphrasia revoluta, Suttonia nummularia, Gaultheria antipoda, Pimelia Gnidia, Dracophyllum rosmarinifolium, Astelia nervosa, Carpha alpina, Danthonia Raoulii, Ehrharta Colensoi. In the wetter parts are clear pools of good water, surrounded by the interesting cushion-plant Oreobolus pumilio var. pectinatus, mixed with Astelia linearis, Drosera stenopetala, Pentachondra pumila, Forstera (?) Bidwillii, Caladenia bifolia, and Caltha novœ-zealandiœ. A black bird, which may be a huia, is twice seen in the evening. A fine wild bull seems inclined to dispute possession of the summit with us, but, being left alone, towards sunset, after the manner of his kind, he makes his way down into the valleys. Long after dark we hear the distant lowing of his mates. This and the mournful notes of the ruru (morepork) are the only sounds which wake the stillness of our first night on the hilltops.

Sunday, 29th December.—We had witnessed the sinking of the sun into the south-western ocean the previous evening, and were this morning to see it rise from the sea in the opposite direction. An interesting phenomenon accompanied it. Before the edge of the sun appeared above the horizon, one-half of the disc appeared below the horizon-line and nothing above it, the effect being due possibly to reflection from a bank of clouds.

After breakfast we start to ascend the northern arête to Mount Alpha, and notice the rare Abrotanella pusilla in flower. The spur we now descend has been burnt on the west side, but on the east side is virgin scrub, merging gradually into forest. The way is fairly easy, though beds of Astelia nervosa occasionally impede us. The vegetation on this ridge is Coprosma cunneata, Olearia lacunosa, and O. excorticata, growing in great profusion; Phormium tenax (in flower), Gaultheria antipoda, Ligusticum aromaticum, and a stout species of Uncinia; while the only naturalised plant seen was Hypochœris radicata in the cattle-tracks. At the lowest point of the arête, 300 ft. below the Quoin-top, Cordyline indivisa, Senecio eleagnifolius, Olearia nitida, Gaultheria rupestris, Hoheria populnea, Danthonia Raoulii, Ourisia Colensoi are common.

At 3,800 ft. we commence the rise to Mount Alpha, and are on the open mountain-side, with no scrub. Senecio Bidwillii (in bud) becomes common, but Ligusticum dissectum is abundant.

At 4,000 ft. Gentiana patula (in bud), Celmisia spectabilis, Oreomyrrhis andicola, Dracophyllum rosmarinifolium, and Ligusticum dissectu are abundant. Pipits and fantails are seen.

At 4,200 ft. a small mountain-tarn gave us a grateful drink. Celmisia hieracifolia (in flower), Ourisia cœspitosa, Veronica buxifolia (in flower), Drapetes Dieffenbachii (in flower), patches of Raoulia grandiflora, Helichrysum Leontopodium (in flower), Veronica Astoni, Bulbinella Hookeri, Aciphylla Colensoi (in flower), Epilobium sp. (?), Poa, are the most noticeable plants. On the rocks are many specimens of the vegetable sheep of the Tararuas (Raoulia rubra).

At 4,450 ft. by our aneroid we top Mount Alpha, and discover several good mountain-tarns, but no firewood. There is the usual vegetation, comprising most of the species noticed, and one notable addition, Celmisia hieracifolia var. oblonga, a very diminutive variety of a handsome species, and now recorded for the first time in the North Island. Descending Mount Alpha a hundred feet or so, at 4,300 ft. another tarn is passed; then a climb over an unnamed peak of 4,450 ft. On the other side of this a remarkable instance of wind-action on vegetation is noticed. On a

gentle slope trending towards the west, the ground - mass of which is angular stones, are lanes of herbaceous plants growing with a regularity which simulates artificial arrangement. The area of this would be about 3 or 4 square chains. There is a space of 6 ft. to 8 ft. between the strips of vegetation, containing angular stones with but little vegetation, save an occasional patch of Raoulia grandiflora, Phyllachne Colensoi, and Drapetes Dieffenbachii. The vegetation of the lane “hedge” is two species of Danthonia (one of which is D. Raoulii), Ligusticum dissectum, Bulbinella, Phyllachne, Celmisia spectabilis, Dracophyllum, Ligusticum aromaticum, Astelia linearis (in beautiful red fruit). These lanes run in an east-and-west direction. We have been traversing a long stretch of gently rising country, and, passing a tarn, arrive at a point 4,500 ft., the lowest point between the flat land and the ridge leading to Mount Hector. Patches of Luzula compestris frequently occur, and some stunted Olearia Colensoi, very fine plants of Senecio Bidwillii, snow-grass (Danthonia), and masses of Raoulia rubra on steep rubble slips, are the most noticeable botanical features.

We now ascend the remarkable razorbacked ridge. On the north-east face a Danthonia (snow-grass) meadow extends for several hundred feet down the slope. Scattered through the snow-grass are Dracophyllum longifolium, Senecio Bidwillii, Bulbinella Hookeri, Aciphylla Colensoi. On the south-west side is a steep shingle or rocky face covered in parts with Raoulia rubra, patches of Ligusticum dissectum, Celmisia hieracifolia, Danthonia Raoulii, and Helichrysum Leontopodium. The ridge is equally steep on either face, and where it changes its aspect in zigzagging the flora also changes: the Danthonia meadow now appears on the left-hand side, facing the north-east, and the rocky slope on the right hand, facing south-west, approximately, showing that the difference in vegetation is due to a climatic and not to an edaphic cause.

At 4,700 ft. the “razorback” disappears, giving place to a rounded hill, covered on the south-west slope with a lane formation similar to that previously described, and containing Danthonia, Ligusticum, Phyllachne, and Celmisia spectabilis.

At 4,800 ft., where the faces of the ridge again become steeper, are noticed stunted Danthonia and Bulbinella on the north-east face, and incipient lane formation on the south-west face; and again at 4,900 ft. is a rocky face on the south-west and Danthonia on the north-east face.

A plant we have noticed all the way from Mount Alpha is Veronica Astoni, usually found growing on the top of the ridge.

At 5,050 ft. we at length reach the final slope of Mount Hector, and now meet for the first time the gorgeous Ranunculus insignis in full bloom, growing on shingle-slips. A mountain-tarn is almost hidden by the tall Danthonia. Helichrysum bellidioides with very large heads and orbicular leaves, Cotula pyrethrifolia, and Ourisia cœspitosa we here collect.

At 5,200 ft. by the aneroid, at 3.45 p.m., the summit is reached. Danthonia, Aciphylla Colensoi, Ligusticum dissectum, Bulbinella Hookeri, and Veronica Astoni occupy the north-east face, but the south-west aspect is a steep shingle-slope with patches of Raoulia rubra, Ranunculus insignis, Phyllachne, and Ligusticum dissectum. A glorious view greets the eye from every direction. The Wairarapa Plain is spread out to the east, Kapiti Island and the Otaki beach in the west. Cape Palliser and Palliser Bay can be seen in the south, followed by the Hutt Valley—Wellington Harbour and Tupuaewainuku beyond. To the north the Tararua peaks block the view.

• Wahlenbergia gracilis, A. D.C., Mount Holdsworth.

• Olea Cunninghamii, Hook. f., Mount Holdsworth.

• " lanceolata, Hook. f., Mount Holdsworth.

• Gentiana Grisebachii, Hook. f., Mount Hector.

• Myosotis Astoni, Cheesem., Mount Holdsworth, Tauherinikau Valley.

• Solanum aviculare, Forst., Kaitoke.

• Veronica catarractæ, Forst., var. diffusa, Mount Holdsworth.

• Euphrasia zealandica, Wettst.

• Plantago Raoulii, Decne., Mount Hector.

• Piper excelsum, Forst., Hutt Gorge.

• Muehlenbeckia australis, Meissn.

• " complexa, Meissn.

• Knightia excelsa, R. Br.

• Pimelia longifolia, Banks and Sol., Mount Holdsworth.

• Loranthus tetrapetalus, Forst., Quoin.

• Tupeia antarctica, Cham. and Schl., Mount Holdsworth.

• Dactylanthus Taylori, Hook. f., Kaitoke.

• Fagus cliffortioides, Hook. f., Mount Holdsworth.

• Podocarpus Hallii, T. Kirk.

• " spicatus, R. Br.

• Earina autumnalis, Hook. f.

• Orthoceras strictum, R. Br., Kaitoke.

• Pterostylis Banksii, R. Br.

• " graminea, Hook. f., Kaitoke.

• " foliata, Hook. f., Kaitoke.

• " trullifolia, Hook. f., Kaitoke.

• " barbata, Lindl., Kaitoke.

• Cyrtostylis oblonga, Hook. f., Kaitoke.

• Chiloglottis cornuta, Hook. f., Kaitoke.

• Gastrodia sesamoides, R. Br., Tauherinikau Valley.

• Phormium tenax, Forst.

• Juncus scheuchzerioides, Gaud.

• " planifolius, R. Br., Mount Holdsworth.

• " cæspiticius, E. Mey.

• Luzula campestris, D.C., var. picta.

• Cyperus vegetus, Willd.

• Eleocharis Cunninghamii, Boeck., Kaitoke.

• Scirpus cernuus, Vahl., Kaitoke.

• " prolifer, Rottb., Kaitoke.

• " sulcatus, Thouars., Kaitoke.

• Danthonia Cunninghamii, Hook. f., Hutt Gorge.

• " pilosa, R. Br., Kaitoke.

• Arundo conspicua, Forst., var. intermedia.

• Agrostis Muellerii, Benth.

• Deyeuxia Petrei, Hack.

• " quadriseta, Benth., Mount Holdsworth.

• Dichelachne crinata, Hook. f., Kaitoke.

• Poa seticulmis, Petrie.

• Filices.

• Hymenophyllum multifidum, Swartz.

• " polyanthos, Swartz.

• " bivalve, Swartz.

Coprosma rubra, Petrie.

Clifden; Tapanui; Mount Holdsworth.

Craspedia uniflora, Forst.

Mount Dumas, Campbell Island.

Helichrysum bellidioides, Willd., var. prostratum.

Mount Hector, 5,000 ft.

Celmisia hieracifolia, Hook. f., var. oblonga.

Mount Alpha (Tararuas), 4,600 ft.

Sènecio Greyii, Hook. f.

Little Mukumuku cliffs, Palliser Bay.

Taraxacum officinale, Wigg.

Indigenous form, Campbell Island.

Cyathodes pumila, Hook. f.

Blue Mountains, Otago, 3,000 ft.

Cyathodes Colensoi, Hook. f.

Common under bog-pines, Blue Mountains, Otago, 3,000 ft.; Quoin (Tararuas), 3,900 ft.

Samolus repens, Pers.

Eweburn, Maniototo Plain.

Myosotis Astoni, Cheesem.

Mount Holdsworth.

Calceolaria repens, Hook. f.

Maungatiriri River; Hutt Gorge.

Mazus radicans, Cheesem.

Bluff, Southland.

Veronica odora, Hook. f.

Port Ross, Enderby Island; Norman Inlet, Enderby Island.

Euphrasia zealandica, Wettst.

Mount Hector.

Ourisia sessilifolia, Hook. f.

Takitimos, 4,000 ft.

Teucridium parviflorum, Hook. f.

North Otago Heads; Clifden.

Muehlenbeckia, nov. sp.

Wainui-o-mata mouth, Orongorongo, Wellington.

Peperomia Endlicheri, Mig.

Titahi Bay; Evans Bay, near Wellington.

Pimelia sericeo-villosa, Hook. f.

Ben Lomond, Lake Wakatipu, 4,000 ft.

Paratrophis Banksii, Cheesem.

Wainui-o-mata mouth.

Corysanthes oblonga, Hook. f.

Port Ross, Auckland Island.

Corysanthes rivularis, Hook. f.

Norman's Inlet, Laurie Harbour, Auckland Island.

Thelymitra, nov. sp.

Bluff Hill, Southland.

The authors of Bulletin No. 3 of the Geological Survey describe certain basic facies of the Waitapu granite as occuring only at the contact with the carbonate rocks, and are led to the conclusion that it was owing to the introduction of the carbonate bases into the acid magma that these basic facies arose. This theory of assimilation or absorption has its home in France, and its most notable protagonists in Levy^* and Lacroix.^† It receives support from Finnish geologists, but is strongly opposed by the differentiation school of Rosenbusch and Brögger, with whom English petrologists are in large part inclined to agree. In America, however, the French have a strong following.^‡

One of the difficulties in settling the question is the rugged and inaccessible nature of the country in Ariège described by Lacroix, while another lies in the complication of phenomena in regions of crystalline schists such as Adams describes. It suggested itself to me that the Parapara district would furnish an excellent case on which to test the rival theories, and Dr. Bell, Director of the Geological Survey, kindly furnished me with six specimens for preliminary study. These will now be described in detail.

The members of the igneous complex are represented by an acid and a basic type. The acid rock has the structure of an augen-gneiss and the mineral composition of a binary granite. The feldspars, which form the augen, are mostly untwinned and partially sericitised, and are referred to orthoclase, but there are also present microcline, and albite in microcline-microperthite. Graphic intergrowths of quartz and orthoclase are fairly abundant. Both dark and white mica are arranged in parallel flakes along the planes of foliation, the former in course of alteration to chlorite and rutile. Apatite is not abundant, but magnetite is more plentiful, and it is evident that the original iron-ore was titaniferous, since the magnetite shows minute outgrowths of a highly refringent platy mineral determined as anatase. There is, in addition, a brown mineral of which only one large prismatic crystal appears in the section, with a pleochroism from brown to yellow. The orientation is not favourable for study in convergent light, and the mineral is doubtfully referred to cero-epidote on account of its low obliquity of extinction. Although it is paler in colour than is usual in common orthite, it is too pleochroic for monazite.

The basic rock shows, in section, abundant common hornblende enveloping colourless patches, which are evidently pseudomorphs after feldspar. They consist chiefly of muscovite and epidote, but a little basic plagioclase has here and there escaped alteration. Magnetite is probably an original constituent, but much of iron is now present as pyrite.

Secondary alterations in the large hornblende plates are of two kinds: there is a decomposition to clinochlore and sphene, to be ascribed to shallow-seated alteration, and also a local separation of minute needles of rutile and

linearly arranged granules of magnetite, giving rise to a rude schiller-like striation oblique to the prismatic cleavages. This latter alteration is very common in the hornblende of rocks that have suffered shearing, and seems to be due to an attempt on the part of magmatically formed brown horn-blende, rich in iron and titanium, to adapt itself to the altered conditions according to the volume law. From the presence of these striations and the strongly green colour of the hornblende, it appears original, and not a uralitic pseudomorph of pyroxene, and the rock is therefore an altered hornblende dolerite or gabbro.

The other four rocks come from the contact aureole of the granite, one being an amphibolite intercalated among the stratified rocks. It is almost completely recrystallized, and in description it is desirable to make use of the terms introduced by Becke.^* These are based on the belief that in crystalline schists the formation of the different minerals has proceeded simultaneously, since each may be found enclosed in the others, in opposition to the sequence of growth amongst minerals of igneous rocks. Owing, however, to the different powers of crystal-growth exhibited by the minerals, they differ widely in their development of crystal-faces, so that some appear moulded on others. The resulting structure is called “krystalloblastisch,” or, anglicé, “crystalloblastic,” and the apparent order of separation is termed “the crystalloblastic order.” Well-shaped (euhedral) crystals are termed “idioblastic,” those with irregular boundaries (anhedral) “xenoblastic,” and other structural terms used in the descriptions of igneous rocks are similarly adapted with the suffix “blastic.” In this amphibolite there are evidences of former igneous structure in the presence of original phenocrysts of feldspar. The rock is therefore “porphyro-blastic.” The minerals, especially the sphene, are frequently honeycombed with inclusions, and the crystalloblastic order appears to differ from that established by Becke, in that feldspar is idioblastic to sphene and hornblende; but this apparent difference may be due to the incomplete recrystallization of the feldspar. These three minerals are the most abundant constituents of the rock, but epidote, apatite, and pyrite are also present, and secondary sericite is forming in the feldspar, which is near andesine in composition. The mineralogical composition of the rock shows that it is an ortho-amphibolite, the large crystals of plagioclase that it was porphyritic, but to arrive at the nature of the original rock an analysis would be necessary.

The three stratified rocks are interesting as containing contact minerals, a class which must be common but has not yet been widely observed in New Zealand. One rock is a biotite-hornfels, containing biotite, quartz, plagioclase, feldspar, chlorite, and magnetite. The quartz forms a fine mosaic of polygonal grains, between the interstices of which are inserted abundant flakes of biotite, locally decomposed to chlorite.

The other two rocks are marbles with contact minerals. In one—the “complex-carbonate rock” of the Survey—there is little besides the large polygonal carbonate grains. White mica and sphene can be recognised, but small needles of a highly refringent and bi-refringent mineral lying in the carbonate defy determination in section, although they can scarcely be other than rutile. The other must have been an impure dolomitic rock, for, besides calcite, a colourless augite occurs very abundantly both in separate grains and in small aggregates. Octagonal cross-sections may occasionally

compact hornblende crystals, often white in the centre, and smaller anhedral feldspars. In section the hornblende presents rhomboidal shapes with ragged outlines, and is seen to be a strongly pleochroic variety of common hornblende, with occasional tremolitic cores. Not seldom some crystallographically discontinuous hornblende crosses the main phenocryst, a feature often observed in uralite. The feldspars give more rounded outlines, and are turbid, and filled with calcite. They include also hornblende, magnetite, and epidote. The groundmass consists of elongated, often needle-like hornblende prisms, with associated biotite flakes, slightly elongate feldspars, probably albite, showing Carlsbad twinning, magnetite grains, and occasionally a green epidote. The rock is thus a porphyroblastic hornblendeschist derived from a basic igneous dyke-rock.

The next three specimens to be described come from a small headland about half a mile round the coast to the south-west, just beyond the mouth of the harbour. There is here an interesting complex of coarse holocrystalline rocks. Three elements may be distinguished, a dark dioritic rock (No. 1), which appears to vein a much lighter dioritic rock (No. 2), occasionally enclosing both the latter and a coarse hornblendic rock (No. 3) as xenoliths. The dark diorite (No. 1) is often gneissose, while the walls of light diorite (No. 2) which surround it are quite massive.

In section, all three rocks present a similar assemblage of minerals, but the relative amounts of iron-ores, hornblende, and feldspar vary very considerably. Hornblende forms the predominate mineral of No. 3, and is a brown-green variety with a fine schiller-structure in the centre, surrounded by a margin of green hornblende. Besides the hornblende, there is a limited amount of a basic feldspar and iron-ores. The hornblende shows a fair approach to idiomorphism, but the larger iron-ores, probably ilmenite, are moulded both on hornblende and feldspars. Minute octohedra of magnetite are abundantly included in the two last-named minerals, but are probably of secondary formation.

In No. 1, iron-ores and hornblende of the same nature as above described are abundant, but feldspar predominates, and besides these minerals a little apatite and pyrite are found. A very peculiar zoning is observable in the feldspar; there are only two zones, separated by a boundary of the most irregular nature. The cores are in some instances as basic as labradorite, but the exteriors are so acid that there is a marked difference of relief between the two on lowering the condenser of the microscope, and the Becke effect may be easily observed. The Carlsbad and albite twinning of the cores does not persist in the exteriors, as in the case of albitization recently described by Bailey and Grabham^* in the quartz dolerites of the central valley of Scotland, but it appears probable that something of similar nature has taken place here.

The structure differs from that of No. 3 in that the hornblende is distinctly ophitic to the feldspar. This observation is in accord with recent theories of the dependence of structure on eutectic relations,^† since in the former rock the hornblende is in excess, and in the latter the feldspar predominates. But caution must be used in describing rocks as much altered as these, for, though in No. 2 the hornblende is moulded on the feldspar

what curious: it passed from the Nga Puhi to Titore, and from Titore to Te Whero Whero, at the Waikato feast, and came into Taonui's hands under the following circumstances: On the death of a favourite daughter, To Whero Whero made a song, the substance of which was that he would take off the scalps of all the chiefs except the Ngaweka and fling them into his daughter's grave to revenge her untimely death. The words of the song highly insulted the various individuals against whom it was directed, more especially as it was a great curse for the hair of a chief, which is sacred, to be thus treated with contempt. But the only chief who dared to resent this insult from so great a man as Te Whero Whero was Taonui, a chief of Nga Puhi and Ngati Whatua, who demanded a taua or gift as recompense for the affront, and received the armour of E'Hongi in compensation. I made a drawing of the armour, which was old and rusty: it is steel inlaid with brass; and, although never worn by the possessors in battle—for it would sadly impede their movements—it is regarded with a sort of superstitious veneration by the Natives, who look upon it as something extraordinary.”

There is another extract which I will give, from Thompson's “Study of New Zealand,” as it relates to information obtained by him in 1849.^* “This armour” [Hongi's] “is now scattered about the country. In 1849 I found the breastplate in the possession of a chief living near the source of the Waipa River; in 1853 Waikato, the chief who accompanied Hongi to England, told me he had buried the helmet with his son's bones a few weeks before my visit to him at the Bay of Islands.”

Both of the latter extracts refer to Hongi's “armour.” The first gives the details of its passing from Titore to Te Whero Whero at the Waikato feast,^† but both extracts describe the armour sufficiently to make it clear that it was not chain armour, but plate armour.

It is evident, therefore, that, if the relics deposited by Dr. Pomare were Hongi's, he must have had a suit of mail and a suit of plate armour. Earl, in his book published about the year of Hongi's death, distinctly mentions “chain armour,” and in this he is supported by Taylor. Angas and Thompson speak quite as positively to its being plate armour.

Then, it is stated by the Whanganuis that the armour was given as a ransom for Tokiwhati. Now, Tokiwhati was wounded and captured by the Whanganuis in the course of Tuwhare's third expedition or war party, the survivors of which reached their homes at the Bay of Islands about October, 1820. Now, we know that Hongi, who returned from England to the Bay of Islands 11th July, 1821, wore his coat of mail at the capture of Mokoia Island, at Lake Rotorua, in August or September, 1823. It is also recorded that Hongi had a narrow escape at this battle. He was struck by the bullets of the Arawa from one of their few guns, and one bullet fired by the hand of Te Awa-awa struck his steel cap and knocked him over into the hold of the canoe. Mr. Percy Smith thinks that Hongi probably used the armour at Mauinaina, November, 1821, and at Te Totara. It is therefore quite clear that the ransom of Tokiwhati could not have been the armour of Hongi.

The whole question at this time seemed to turn on deciding who was correct, Earl and Taylor or Angas and Thompson.

as to the kahu-maitai” [suit of armour] “which was found by Dr. Pomare, and who has given it to the Museum containing the curiosities at Wellington. I am very glad that it has fallen to me to explain this, because I have seen in the Dominion newspaper which says, ‘This is a peace-offering by Tuwhare to Te Anaua’ (i.e., to Hori Kingi). This is mere supposition, because Tuwhare came from Nga Puhi, hence the people think he owned the armour (that was the origin), and also because they heard that Hongi visited England and brought back some armour. Thus it has been thought ever since that it was Hongi's. I confirm the story of the peacemaking between Tuwhare and Hori Kingi te Anaua in reference to Tokiwhati. It was at the Kohimarama conference that the generosity of Nga Puhi was laid before Whanganui, which has lasted to this day. There was no armour with Tuwhare when he was fighting Whanganui; had there been, the fact would not have been lost in the history of the old men of Whanganui; there would have been 'sayings’ about it. As, for instance, the news of Nga Puhi's guns, which was handed down by the escapees from the Nga Puhi fights, when our people of the South said, ‘Let those pu (guns) come to their pu,’ and then they sounded their pu-kaea (or trumpets).^* When they saw the real meaning of those pu, then did Whanganui apply the words to the koanga kaahu” [? armour], “and hence the origin of the story about Tuwhare.

“But let me return to my story. This property (the armour) belonged to Te Heuheu the Great. The daughter of Te Anaua, Nga-weuweu, married Aperahama Ruke, a chief of Taupo, and the property descended to them, and was brought by them to Whanganui, and was left with Hori Kingi as a valuable property for Whanganui.

“Here is another reference to this matter. Hori Kingi te Anaua had two wives, both chieftainesses, Te Ao-tarewa of Ngati Ruaka, and Te Hukinga-huia of Ngati Ruru. In consequence of neither of them having children, they prepared a wooden image as a baby. Then Te Aotarewa composed an oriori, or lullaby, beginning ‘Taku tamaiti e, i puta nui ra koe i te toi ki Hawaiki,’ &c. (which may be seen at length in Tu-wha-whakia's narrative in your paper)” [vide Jour. Polynesian Soc. vol. xiv, p. 135]. “Te Anaua and his brother Te Mawae had also a lullaby about their image, part of which refers to the armour and to Te Heuheu: ‘Kaore te whakama ki te kore tamariki i a au,’ &c.” [I do not see the application, however.—S.P.S.]

“This is the continuation of the story. The armour descended to the chief, and finally to me at Whanganui. I will now explain how this property came to Titore. It was sent to Port Jackson and thence to Titore. The fame of this armour was that bullets would not pierce it. It was then put on by the old man” [? Te Anaua] “who then called on his son to shoot at him; and when the distance had been arranged, the son took his gun and prepared to fire, but was very anxious about the result. So he said to his father, ‘Take off your garment (i.e., armour), and let me try it first, or put it on a stump,’ to which the old man consented. Then he fired at it, hitting it on the forehead, and the bullet went through it. Said the son, ‘If I had listened to you, you would have been shot dead.’

“If the helmet should be found, the hole in it will also be seen. One of my old men has just returned to Whanganui, and he told me that he

Of these, the fourth was printed and issued with plates, being a descriptive catalogue of fossil corals and Bryozoa sent to the Sydney Exhibition in 1879, written by Rev. Tenison-Woods.

One (the first) was to be on the belemnites; and the plates for this part were published in the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,”^* with an abstract of the descriptions by Sir James Hector. A sufficient supply of extra plates was printed for the separate issue, and are still in store.

The same course seems to have been taken with the palæozoic Brachiopoda, although in this case additional plates are in existence besides those that were printed for a separate issue. Three new genera, Rastelligera, Psioidea, and Clavigera, are proposed in the abstract published.^† The plates as prepared figure thirty-three species in thirteen genera. Plates v, vi, vii, viii have not been printed, although the drawings are arranged. Besides this there are drawings, not arranged, for about four more plates. A paragraph on page 539 states that “These two papers” [on the fossil flora and on the fossil Brachiopoda] “will appear in full in the report of the Geological Survey Department now in the press” [January, 1879].

There is another paper in the form of a translation of Ettingshausen's paper on the fossil plants of New Zealand. This appears in the Transactions,^‡ and a few copies were issued with separate pagination, and the extra supply of plates was printed off and stored.

It is possible that another palæontological report was in contemplation, as there is an extra supply of plates printed corresponding to those of the paper on the fossil Reptilia of New Zealand.^§ A number of blocks were made of characteristic fossils from drawings by Buchanan—the draughtsman to the Survey—and were used in the Catalogue and Guide to the Geological Exhibits at the Indian and Colonial Exhibition in London in 1886.

It is much to be regretted that apparently no manuscript by the late Sir James Hector exists to enable his work to be taken up. I have been able to identify the figures in Buchanan's drawings of the brachiopods by the number on the drawings and the number on the specimens still in the case. Whether it is worth while to endeavour to retain these names remains to be seen. The three genera proposed by Sir James are entitled to stand so far as publication is concerned. A very large series of specific names are used in the introductions to the annual reports of the Geological Survey; but, as they have not been printed with any author's name, it is difficult to identify them, especially as they are not attached to any specimen.

The catalogue of the Tertiary Mollusca and Echinodermata by Captain Hutton was issued in 1873.

In the general collection at the Museum the only named specimens are a few of Hutton's types of the Tertiary Mollusca, and the collection of fish-teeth examined by Davis,^∥ and a few of the reptilian remains which can be identified by the published plates. Probably the plant-fossils named by Ettingshausen are also still named, although they have been packed

away for year. The number of named New Zealand fossils in the Museum other than types is certainly well under fifty.^*

There is one important matter which I consider should be placed on record which is at present buried in departmental files. In 1885, at the request of Professor Tate, of Adelaide, a collection of fossils from the New Zealand Tertiaries was sent to him; and again in 1890, at the request of the late Captain Hutton, a collection of the New Zealand fossil pectens was sent for comparison with the Tertiary fossils of the Australian regions, which the professor was then describing. He appears to have drawn up a report, but desired better and more specimens. This was attended to, and practically all the pectens in the collection were sent, the list of which covers eleven folio sheets, the collection itself filling many cases. Shortly after this, Professor Tate died; and frequent applications were, I believe, made for the return of the specimens, without avail. I understand that at the professor's death it was found impossible for the University authorities to separate the University collection from those belonging to the professor and those loaned to him. We have suffered, at any rate for the present, a great loss. The loss is important, as the pectens as a rule afford important stratigraphical information from a zonal point of view. From an interview which I had not long ago with an Adelaide gentleman, I believe it would still be possible to recover some of the specimens.

To return to our list of collections: The second is that displayed in the Canterbury Museum; and, when we remember that for some years Dr. Von Haast and Captain Hutton devoted much time and labour to it, we shall not be surprised to find here probably the best-arranged and best-named collection of fossils, mainly Tertiary, in the Dominion. The collection was worked over some years ago by Mr. Suter, and is in good condition, and well arranged in a pattern of case which originated in the Museum, and is mentioned with approval by Bather in his report on antipodean museums. There is also the finest collection of remains of the Dinornis that yet has been exhibited; and the whole is supplemented by a large collection of fossils from other countries. It contains many types of Hutton's species. It would be very convenient to have a published list of this collection, with types indicated.

The third collection is that in the Auckland Museum. Mr. Cheeseman informs me that, with the exception of a few well-known species, they have less than fifty named fossils to represent the Palæozoic and Secondary fossils. In the Tertiaries their collections are larger, but still far from satisfactory.

The fourth is the small collection exhibited in the Otago University Museum. Here for some time the New Zealand and foreign fossil species were exhibited in their places with the living species; but Professor Parker, recognising that the Museum was devoted more especially to teaching-collections, as distinguished from large general collections, largely reduced the number of exhibits, and substituted instead a very carefully selected series of fossils from all countries illustrating the sequence of life-forms in geological order. The number of specimens is small, but the value is great for teaching purposes, set out as it is with instructive labels at frequent

intervals. The collection of moa-remains is notable, including several individual specimens and a complete egg, together with some excellent osteological preparations of the juvenile states, and the originals of the plates in Professor Parker's paper on the cranial osteology of the moa.

The fifth is the Hochstetter collection of rocks and fossils presented to the Nelson Museum by Hochstetter, and, when the Museum was destroyed by fire a few years ago, it was much damaged. Now, however, it has been cleaned and restored.

The remaining head of my list includes a number of small collections that are the property of private collectors. None of these are of any great extent, and they are mainly from the Tertiary beds.

The collections outside New Zealand are not many or extensive, but include the following:—

In the year 1860 the Hon. W. B. D. Mantell presented a collection of Mollusca from the Miocene and Pliocene beds at Awamoa and Onekakara to the British Museum.

In 1875 a large and valuable collection was taken Home by Sir James Hector from various horizons in the Tertiary of New Zealand, and exchanged with the British Museum authorities, and in 1880 a few were transferred to the British Museum from the Museum of Practical Geology. A few were presented in 1882 by Lieut.-Colonel Wilmer from the Pliocene and Post-Pliocene, and a few by Mr. Bullen from a raised beach near Opua, Russell, Bay of Islands. These specimens were described and three species figured in the Australasian Section of the Catalogue of the Tertiary Mollusca in the Department of Geology, British Museum, by G. F. Harris, F.G.S., in 1897, the New Zealand species being 108 gasteropods, with 42 lamellibranchs.

In 1904 Professor Park collected a large number of fossils from a new locality on Mount Mary on the Upper Waitaki, and these were forwarded to Professor Boehm, Freiburg, for examination. He has been obliged to hand them over to Dr. Otto Wilckens, Associate Professor of Geology, Bonn University, for description, and we are still waiting for the issue of the publication. Some collections have been made in the older rocks of the Nelson District, and are, I believe, being examined at the British Museum at the present time.

In the same year Professor Park and the writer made large collections of fossils from the Triassic and Jurassic rocks at Nugget Point and Catlins district. These fossils, supplemented with collections made by Professor Park from the Trias of Nelson, are now in the hands of Professor Wilckens awaiting description.

When we come to inquire into the literature that is available, we have at present to rely largely on the results of the “Novara” expedition and the determinations of Zittel for the Triassic and Jurassic rocks. Fortunately, the publications of that voyage are available in most of the libraries, and the plates are excellent. The work, however, only figures fifty species of Mollusca from all formations, together with nine quarto plates of Foraminifera and Bryozoa—quite a creditable result, however, under the circumstances.

Scattered through the pages of the series of the New Zealand Geological Reports are a great number of generic and specific names, a very large proportion of which will be found on examination to be “nominanuda,” and will disappear.

In the catalogue of the New Zealand fossils exhibited at Sydney particular pains seems to have been taken to affix names to the exhibits. from the list I have extracted all that could be taken with any hope of tracing them, and arranged them under authors, placing the letter M against those species that can now be identified in the Museum collections.

In Catalogue of Fossils exhibited at Sydney by Colonial Museum.

• Salter—

• Orthis patera. M.

• Hall—

• Murchisonia terebralis.

• Orthis fissicostata. M.

• Callopora elegantula.

• Astrocerium venustum.

• Orthis circulus. M.

• Streptelasma junceum.

• Orthoceras junceum.

• Murchisonia uniangulata (var. abbreviata).

• Modiolopsis modiolaris.

• Leptæna bipartita. M.

• Davidson—

• Strophomena corrugatella.

• d'orbignyi. M.

• Orthis interlineata. M.

• Phillips—

• Avicula anisota.

• cancellata.

• Monotis radialis.

• Belemnites australis. M.

• Dalman—

• Orthis basalis.

• Chonetes striatella.

• Lindstrom—

• Orthis crassa. M.

• Sowerby—

• Orthis unguis.

• Spirifera radiata.

• Stricklandia lyrata.

• Rhynchonella wilsoni. M.

• Trigonotreta undulata.

• Mytilus squamosus.

• Astarte minima.

• Astarte elegans.

• Trigonia costata.

• Avicula costata.

• Brongniart—

• Calymene blumenbachii.

• Konig—

• Homalonotus knightii.

• Romer—

• Spirifera cultrijugata.

• Hector—

• Homalonotus expansus.

• Psioidea, nov. gen. M.

• Rastelligera, nov. gen. M.

• Belemnites otapiriensis.

• pallinensis.

• hochstetteri.

• Trigonia sulcata.

• Schlotheim—

• Spirifera speciosa. M.

• Epithyris elongata. M.

• Geinitz—

• Schizodus schlothemii.

• Nautilus frieslebendi.

• Zittel—

• Mytilus problematicus. M.

• Spirigera (Athyris) wreyii. M.

• Monotis salinaria. M.

• Aucella plicata.

• Hochstetter—

• Inoceramus haasti.

• Hauer—

• Ammonites novo-zelandicus.

• Belemnites aucklandicus.

• Brown—

• Pleurophorus costatus.

In the list of papers given at the end there are some in which further assistance in the identification of species may be found; but there is a great lack of information until we come to the Tertiaries.

It will be seen from this short summary that the student of geology has plenty of palæontological material that might be available for him to work on under expert guidance, but that the literature relating directly to his work is small, scattered, and hardly up to the present level of research. This is not a new discovery—the matter has been discussed for many years. The subject is a difficult one, as it requires not only a

who has now retired from active work in the Mines Department, can look back with satisfaction on the present condition of the collection which represents the work of his life.

The work of bringing together, reticketing, and cataloguing the fossil collections in the Dominion Museum was begun in 1904. By Sir James Hector most of the collections were subdivided to bring together the genera of the families and orders represented, and it was determined to bring together in the collection all the specimens from each locality. This proved a most arduous work, and for want of sorting-space it was found to be impossible, and the specimens of one locality had often to be repacked in several boxes containing other fossils. Finally the ticketing, &c., was finished (excepting the brachiopods and cephalopods in the cases), and for some months past a revision and gathering of the fossils from one locality into as few boxes as possible has been going on. When this work is finished the whole of any collection can be laid out, and the different species culled from the evident duplicates of the same, and, thus pruned, the collection may be placed in the hands of an expert for description. There is even now plenty of material wherewith to make a start—as, for instance, in the large and important collection from Amuri Bluff.

Mr. McKay has also greatly elaborated the old lists of localities for the guidance of future collectors.

Since the meeting of the Australasian Association in Dunedin in 1904 a new Geological Survey, with Dr. Mackintosh Bell as Director, has been established, and the palæontological work done by the officers of the Survey will be found in the new series of Bulletins issued since that time.

Palæontology has naturally held a place in the training of the students who have passed through the various courses for certificates and diplomas of the School of Mines of the University of Otago, and it also forms a part of the subject of geology in the degree subjects for the University of New Zealand.

The results are, so far as I can gather, that, of our students who have attended the Otago School of Mines, twelve mining students have passed the requirements of the examination in general palæontology.

In the University of New Zealand 197 students^* have, up to the present time, taken geology, including New Zealand palæontology, for the pass degree, with the following results: Passed, 197. For honours, 24 have taken geology, including palæontology: of these, 16 passed with firstclass honours, 7 with second-class, and 1 with third-class. Of these honours students, Clarke, Thomson, Andrew, and Boult have contributed papers to the “Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,” which appear under their names in the list at the end of the paper, Mr. Clarke describing as new 3 species, Thomson 3 species, Andrew 1 species of Mollusca and some cetacean remains, Boult 1 species; most of these being Tertiary species.

This paper is written to point out the present unsatisfactory position of New Zealand palæontology, and I have endeavoured to provide a base for a new departure when the opportunity occurs for a forward movement. I am convinced that so far as the Palæozoic and Mesozoic fossils are concerned there is little of permanent value on record, except in the “Voyage of the Novara” and one or two recent papers, and it will be necessary to make a fresh start in the description and correlation of the New Zealand species in the collection.

It will be found that fresh collections will have to be made in some localities to ascertain correctly the horizons and zones in which certain species occur.

List of Papers on the Palœontology of New Zealand, including the Titles of those Stratigraphical Papers containing Important Lists of Fossils.^*

Andrew, A.

• On the Geology of the Clarendon Phosphate Deposits, Otago, N.Z. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxviii, 447. [Pl. iv figures a new brachiopod—Magellania marshalli—and some cetacean bones.]

Bather, F. A.

• The Mount Torlesse Annelid. Geological Magazine (n.s.), dec. v, vol. ii, pp. –541, December 1905. [And letter to editor, January 1906, pp. 46, 47, ib.]

Benham, W. B.

• A Gigantic Cirripede from New Zealand. Geol. Mag. Lond. (ser. 2), 1903, pp. –119, 2 pls.

Boehm, Georg.

• Ueber tertiare Brachiopoden von Oamaru, Sudinsel. N.Z. Berlin; Zs.D. geol. Ges. 56, 1904, brieft Mitt. (146-150, mit 1 Taf.).

• Reisenotizen aus Neu-Seeland. Abdruck a. d. Deutsch. geolog. Gesellschaft, Jahrg. 1900, p. –177.

Boult, A.

• Occurrence of Gold in Harbour Cone, Dunedin. [Incidentally describes and figures (p. 432, pl. ix, fig. 1) Pseudamussium huttoni.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxviii, 425.

Buchanan, J.

• On the Belemnite Beds at Amuri Bluff. Rep. N.Z. Geol., 1867.

Castracane.

• Sul deposits di Jackson's Paddock, Oamaru, nella Nuova Zelandia. Roma, 1890, 4.

Clarke, E.

• The Fossils of the Waitemata and Papakura Series. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxvii, 413; 1905.

• Graptolites of the Aorere Series. Bull. No. 3 (N.S.), N.Z. Geol. Surv., 1907, p. 34, pl. viii.

Crawford, J. C.

• On Probable Reasons why Few Fossils are found in the Upper Palæozoic and Possible Triassic Rocks of New Zealand. Trans. N.Z. Inst., ix, 561.

Davis, James William.

• On some Fish-remains from the Tertiary Strata of New Zealand. (Paper afterwards withdrawn.) Jan., 1886. [Sent by Captain Hutton: Fish teeth and spines exhibited—Lamna, Carcharodon, Notidanus, Myliobatus, and Sparnodus; Te Aute.] Q.J. Geol. Soc., vol. xlii, pt. ii, p. 4; 1886.

• Report on the Fossil Fish-remains of New Zealand. Trans. Roy. Dub. Soc., vol. iv, ser.2; 1888. [See also N.Z. Geol. Rep. (as a separatum).]

• Note on a Species of Scymnus from the Upper Tertiary Formation of New Zealand (S. acutus). [Napier series, Esk River.] Geol. Mag., n.s., dec. iii, vol. v; 1888.

De Latour, H. A.

• On the Fossil Marine Diatomaceous Deposit near Oamaru. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxi, 293.

Duncan, P. M.

• On some Fossil Alcyonaria from the Tertiary Deposits of New Zealand. Q.J. Geol. Soc., vol. xxxi, 1875, p. 675, pl. xxxvii.B.

Ettingshausen, Professor Dr. Constantin Freiherrn von.

• Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Fossilen Flora Neuseelands. Besonders abgedruckt aus dem liii Bande der Mathematisch Naturwissenschaftlichen Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, p. 1–52, taf. 1–9, vol. liii, pt. i; 4to. Wien, 1887.

• Genetische Gliederung der Flora von N.Z. Sitzungsbr. Imp. Acad. Sc. of Vienna, vol. lviii, pt. i, p. 653. 1884.

• On the Fossil Flora of New Zealand. Geol. Mag., 363, 1887.

• Contributions to the Knowledge of the Fossil Flora of New Zealand, Trans. by C. Juhl from the German (Vienna, 1887). Plants from seventeen localities. Tert., Cretaceous, and Trias. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxiii, 237, plates xxiv-xxxii, redrawn by J. Buchanan. [This was reprinted as New Zealand Palæontology, pt. ii, Fossil Flora, pp. 1–74, and Supply of the plates from Trans., vol. xxiii, to issue with it. A few copies were issued.]

Etheridge, R., jun.

• On some Species of Terebratulina, Waldheimia, and Terebratella from the Upper Tertiary Deposits of Mount Gambier and the Murray Cliffs, S.A. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., 1876, vol. xvii, p. 15. [Waldheimia taylori, Ett., pl. i, fig. 3, a, b, c, has been identified as New Zealand by Hutton, and other Australian Tertiary species will probably be found to be represented in New Zealand formations.]

Field, H. C.

• A Fossil Egg. [In “shell-rock,” Otatoka Valley, near Waitotara. 2in. long by 1 ¼in.] N.Z. Journ. Sci., ii, 325.

Forbes, Dr. C.

• On the Geology of New Zealand, with Notes on its Carboniferous Deposits. Q.J. Geol. Soc., xi, 521.

Forbes, E., and Rupert Jones.

• See Mantell. Forbes: Note on Fossiliferous Deposits in the Middle Island of New Zealand. [Jones: Foraminifera and Diatoms.] Q.J. Geol. Soc., vol. vi, p. 329; 1850.

Haast, Sir J. von.

• Geology of Canterbury and Westland, 1879. Pt. iii, Geology: Waipara Formation, Fossil Contents, p. 295; Oamaru Formation, Fossil Contents, p. 311; Pareora Formation, Fossil Contents, p. 319; Saurian Remains in the Waipara, pp. –155.

• Saurian Remains from the Waipara River, Canterbury, in the Possession of J. Cockburn Hood. [Lost in the “Matoaka.” A tooth figured. pl. xxiv, fig. G, a, b, c. Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi (Knight).] Trans. N.Z. Inst., ii, 186.

• Saurien in der Tertiarform. in New Zealand. Wien Verhandl. Geol., 350; 1869.

• Vorkommen von Brachiopoden im den Kusten von Neu Seeland. Wien Geol. Verhandl., 253; 1874.

Hamilton, A.

• List of Recent and Fossil Bryozoa collected in various Parts of New Zealand. Trans. N.Z. Inst., i-xxxvi, 1908, –467.

• Notes on a Small Collection of Fossils from Wharekauri, on the Waitaki River, North Otago. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxvi, –467; 1904.

Harris, George F.

• Catalogue of the Tertiary Mollusca in the Department of Geology, pt. i, Australasia; 1897; British Museum (Nat. Hist.). [Localities 1, 5, 13, 14, and 15 are New Zealand. Describes species presented by Dr. Hector and others.]

• British Museum Catalogue. Tertiary Fossils. New Zealand Section. 1897. Heaphy, Charles.

• The Volcanic Country of Auckland, N.Z. In an appendix to the paper, list of fossils, mostly Foraminifera, by the editor Q.J.G.S., T. Rupert Jones. Journ. Geol. Soc., 1860, vol. xvi, p. 251, pls. xii and xiii. (In Review of Karrer's paper, T.R.J.[ones] and W. K. P.[arker] in Geol. Mag., i, p. 75; 1864)

Hector, Sir James.

• Table of Fossiliferous Localities. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., No. 13, –80, iii.

• Index to Fossiliferous Localities in New Zealand. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 255. –87.

• On the Fossil Brachiopoda of New Zealand (abstract). Trans. N.Z. Inst., vol. xi, p. 537.

• Fossil Reptilia of New Zealand. Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, 333, pls. xxvii to xxxi.

• Index to Fossiliferous Localities in New Zealand, distinguished by Numbers. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 120; –91.

• Index to Fossiliferous Localities according to Counties. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 146; –91.

• On a New Trilobite (Homalonotus expansus). Trans. N.Z. Inst., ix, 602.

• Handbook of New Zealand, Sec. Geology, List of Characteristic Fossils in the various Formations: 1879 (Sydney), pp. 17, 30; 1880 (Melbourne), Appendix to Official Cat., with Geological Map, pp. 19, 32; 1883, pp. –41, with geol. map; 1886, pp. –35.

• Indian and Colonial Exhibition, 1886, N.Z. Court: Detailed Catalogue and Guide to the Geological Exhibits. [Pp. 1–88, with geologically coloured map of North and South Islands; 65 sections and figures, about 184 figures of characteristic fossils. Though in many cases poorly drawn, they form the best series yet issued. Pp. –101: Appendix to General Index to Reports and List of Publications of the Geological Survey of New Zealand.]

• Notes on N.Z. Cetacea, Recent and Fossil. In Proc. N.Z. Inst., vol. xiii, p. 434 (abstract only), pl. xviii. [Part of lower jaw, tympanic bulla, and teeth of Kekenodon onamata, nov. gen. and sp., Waitaki Valley. Types in Dominion Museum. See also Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 1881, pp. xxviii and 68, with section; also (p. 104) recording a nearly entire specimen, 23 ft. in length, the fragments of which are now in the Museum.]

• Outlines of New Zealand Geology, with Map. Second Part of Special Catalogue of Geological Exhibits sent to Indian and Colonial Exhibition. Also Appendix to General Index to Reports of Geological Survey. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 37. 1886.

• Critical Notes and Corrections of Localities in “Report on the Fossil Fish-remains of N.Z.,” by J. W. Davis. N.Z. Geol. Rep., No. 22, 1894, pp. –120.

• Preliminary Note on the Bones of a Fossil Penguin. Trans. N.Z. Inst., ii, 403.

• On the Remains of a Gigantic Penguin (Palœeudyptes antarcticus, Huxley) from the Tertiary Rocks on the Coast of Nelson. Trans. N.Z. Inst., iv, 341.

• Further Notes on the Bones of a Fossil Penguin (Palœeudyptes). Trans. N.Z. Inst., v, 438.

• On the Belemnites found in New Zealand. Trans. N.Z. Inst., x, 484.

Hill, H.

• Description of a Scaphites found near Cape Turnagain. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xix, 387.

Hinde, G. Jennings, and Holmes, W. Murton.

• On the Sponge-remains in the Lower Tertiary Strata near Oamaru, Otago, N.Z. Journ. Linnean Soc. (Zoology), vol. xxiv, p. –262, pls. vii to xv.

Hochstetter, Ferd. von.

• Palæontologie von Neu Seeland. By Unger, Zittel, Suess, Karrer, Stoliczka, Stache, and Jaeger. Reise der “Novara,” 2 abth. 1864.

Huxley, Professor T. H.

• On a Fossil Bird and a Fossil Cetacean from N.Z. [Palœeudyptes antarcticus, Kakanui limestone; Phocœnopsis mantelli, Awamoa (Pareora).] Q.J. Geol. Soc., xv, 671.

Hutton, Captain F. W.

• Descriptions of New Tertiary Shells. [Pt. i, Wanganui and Petane, H.B.; pt. ii, from Canterbury Museum and Hawke's Bay.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xvii, –322, pl. xviii, fig. 22.

• Three New Tertiary Shells. [Pleurotoma hamiltoni and Mitra hectori. Waihao Forks, Cant.; and Pecten hilli, Napier.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxvii, –473, pl. 44.

• New Species of Tertiary Shells from Canterbury, Wanganui, and Petane. [“The list of New Zealand Tertiary Mollusca, 1885, numbers about 460 species, of which about 250 still remain unfigured.”] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xviii, 333.

• Revision of the Tertiary Brachiopoda of New Zealand. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxvii, –481, pls. xlv, xlvi.

• On the Supposed Rib of the Kumi. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxi, 485.

• Catalogue of the Tertiary Mollusca and Echinodermata of New Zealand in the Collection of the Colonial Museum, Wellington, 1873: Mollusca, 1–37. Echinodermata, pp. iv, vii, ix, 1–43; index, –48, –43. [The plates mentioned in the preface were never published.]

• On Some Railway Cuttings in the Weka Pass, North Canterbury. [List of Fossils, Mount Brown Beds, Greta (Upper Pareora) Beds.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xx, 257.

• On some Fossils recently obtained from the Cobden Limestone at Greymouth. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xx, 267.

• On the Correlations of the “Curiosity-shop Bed” in Canterbury, N.Z., June, 1885. Q.J. Geol. Soc., Nov., 1885. [Long list of fossils, with references.]

• On a New Plesiosaur from the Waipara River (Cimoliosaurus caudalis). From Bobby's Creek, Waipara. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxvi, –358, pl. xlii. [See also Haast, Geol. of Cant. and Westland, p. 169, and Hector, Trans., vol. vi, p. 341.]

• The Pliocene Mollusca of N.Z. Macleay Mem. Vol., p. 35, 1893, pls. vi-ix.

• On the Relation between the Pareora and the Ahuriri Formations. Trans. N.Z. Inst., ix, 590.

• The Mollusca of the Pareora and Oamaru Systems of N.Z. Proc. Linn. Soc. N.S.W., 31st March, 1886, vol. i (ser. ii, p. 205). [268 species.]

• Sketch of the Geology of New Zealand. Q.J. Geol. Soc., May, 1885, vol. xli, p. 266. [Formations, with lists of characteristic fossils and full references.]

• The Wanganui System. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xviii, 336. [Full list of species to date, Aug., 1885.]

• Description of some New Tertiary Shells from Wanganui. [Mostly collected by S. H. Drew.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xv, 410. 1882.

• Description of Three New Tertiary Shells in the Otago Museum. [Cominella striata and Zizyphinus hodgei, Wanganui; Venus sulcata, Napier Limestone.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., viii, 383.

• Cimoliosaurus caudalis, n. sp. (abstract). Q.J. Geol. Soc., vol. xlix, 1893; Proc., p. 151.

• Oxford Chalk Foraminifera. N.Z. Jour. Sci., ii, 565.

• On the Reptilian Beds of New Zealand. Trans. N.Z. Inst., ix, 581.

• On Crassatellites trailli. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxviii, 65.

• On Conchothyra parasitica. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxvi, 358, pl. xliii. [See also a poor figure, upside down, fig. 20, p. 58, Cat. N.Z. Court Indian and Colonial Ex., 1886. Name spelled incorrectly.]

• Description of some New Tertiary Mollusca from Canterbury, and 68 Species from White Rock, Mount Harris, and Waihao. Trans. N.Z. Inst., ix, 593, pl. xvi [13 sp. fig.].

• On a Trilobite from Reefton. Proc. Linn. Soc. N.S.W., ser. ii, vol. ii, p. 257.

Karrer, Felix.

• Die Foraminiferen-Fauna des tertiaren Grunsandsteines der Orakei-Bay bei Auckland. Mit 1 Tafel, xvi (69-86), Pal. Voy. “Novara.” 1864.

Kidston, R., and Gwynne-Vaughan, D. T.

• On the Fossil Osmundaceœ (O. dunlopi and O. gibbiana), New Zealand new species from Jurassic rocks near Gore. Trans. Roy. Soc. Ed., vol. xlv, pt. 3, p. 759, 1907; vol. xlvi, pt. 2, p. 213, 1909; vol. xlvi, pt. 3, p. 651, 1909.

Kirk, T. W.

• Description of New Tertiary Fossils. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xiv, 409.

Knight, Charles.

• On the Teeth of the Leiodon. Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, 358, pls. xxiv-xxvi; 1874. Pl. xxiv—figs. A-F, Leiodon haumuriensis, Hector; fig. G, Mauisaurus (tooth ?); fig. H, tooth of Plesiosaurus traversii. Pl. xxv, Leiodon. Pl. xxvi, Taniwhasaurus (?).

Lydekker, R.

• Cat. Fossil Reptilia in the British Museum, vol. ii. [P. 113, Ichthyosaurus hectori, Lydd., I., Australia; Hector, T., vi, p. 355: p. 118, Cimoliosaurus tenuis, Hector, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, 345; 1874: p. 216, Cimoliosaurus haasti, Hector, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, 346: p. 220, Cimoliosaurus australis, Owen, Rep. B.A., 1861, Trans. of Sec., p. 122; 1862 (Leiodon, Squalodon, Zeuglodon): p. 245, Cimoliosaurus hoodi, Owen, Geol. Mag., Dec. i, vol. vii, 53(1870), plesiosaur: p. 247, Plesiosaurus holmesi, Hector, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, 344: Plesiosaurus traversi, Hector, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, p. 345: Plesiosaurus mackayi, Hector, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, 345: Mauisaurus latibranchialis, Hector, Trans. N.Z. Inst., vi, 350.]

McKay, A.

• Mataura Plant Beds. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., No. 13, –80, p. 39.

• Fossils from West Coast of South Island. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., No. 8, –74, p. 74.

• Fossils from Hokonui District. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., No. 11, –78, p. 49.

• Fossils from Mount Potts. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., No. 11, –78, p. 91.

• Reports relative to Collection of Fossils in South-east District of Otago: Caversham to Catlin's River. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 59; –73.

• Reports relative to Collection of Fossils made in East Cape District, North Island. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 116; –73.

• On the Reptilian Beds of New Zealand. Trans. N.Z. Inst., ix, 581.

• Curiosity-shop, Rakaia River, Canterbury: Notes to accompany a Collection of Fossils from that Locality. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 75; –80.

• On the Genus Rhynchonella. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xiii, 396.

• On a Diatom Deposit near Pakaraka, Bay of Islands. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxiii, 375, and xxv, 375.

Marshall, P.

• Some New Zealand Fossil Cephalopods. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xli, 143.

Montgomery, A.

• Some Fossil Plants in Quartzite at Pukerau, Southland. N.Z. Jour. Sci., vol. i, 1882, p. 141.

Murdoch, R.

• Description of some New Species of Pliocene Mollusca from the Wanganui District, with Notes on other Described Species. Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxii, 216.

Newton, E. Tully.

• On two Chimæroid Jaws from the Lower Greensand of New Zealand, June 7, 1876. Q.J. Geol. Soc., vol. xxxii, p. 326; 1876 (No. 127). [Ischyodus brevirostris, Agassiz, pl. xxi, figs. 1–5; Callorhynchus hectori, Newton, sp. nov., figs. 6–9.]

Owen, Professor.

• Notice of some Saurian Fossils discovered by J. H. Hood, Esq., at Waipara, Middle Island, N.Z. [Plesiosaurus hoodii, owen; P. crassicostatus, Owen.] Geol. Mag., 68, Feb. 1870, vol. vii, pl. iii.

• On Reptilian Fossils discovered by Mr. Cockburn Hood in New Zealand. Brit. Assoc. Rep., 1861, p. 122.

Park, James.

• On the Older Fossiliferous Rocks in Nelson. Rep. Geol. Explor. N.Z., 1885, p. 178. [Deals mainly with fossils from Silurian rocks at Baton River, a list of which is given—mostly brachiopods.]

• On the Geology of Western Portion of Wellington Province and Part of Taranaki. Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., –87, p. 24. [Gives extensive lists of Pliocene fossils from localities around Wanganui, and Waitotara.]

• Marine Tertiaries of Otago and Canterbury: [Extensive Lists of Fossils.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxvii, 489.

• Description of a New Species of Pecten from the Oamaru Series [P. (Pseudamussium) Huttoni—both valves smooth.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xxxvii, 485.

Purnell, C. W.

• On the Wanganui Tertiaries. Trans. N.Z. Inst., vii, 453.

Shakespear, Ethel M.R., D.Sc.

• On some New Zealand Graptolites. Geol. Mag., n.s., dec. v, vol. v, No. 4, April 1908, p. 145.

Stache, Dr. Guido.

• Die Foraminiferen der tertiaren Mergel des Whangaroa Hafnes (Prov. Auckland), Raglan. Mit 4 Tafeln, xxi-xxiv (159-304) Pal. Voy. “Novara,” 1864.

Stoliczka, Dr. Ferdinand.

• Fossil Bryozen aus dem tertiaren Grunsandsteine der Orakei-Bay bei Auckland. Mit 4 Tafeln, xvii-xx (87-158) Pal. Voy. “Novara,” 1864.

Tate, Ralph.

• On New Species of Belemnites and Salenia from the Middle Tertiaries of South Australia. Q.J. Geol. Soc., vol. xxxiii, p. 257, No. 130; 1877. [Belemnites (Graphularia) senescens, n.s., fig. 1 (wood-cut). Also found in Oamaru and Kakanui beds. See Rep. N.Z. Geol. Surv., 1881, p. xxix.]

Tenison-Woods, Rev. J. E.

• Palæontology of New Zealand, pt. iv [parts i, ii, and iii were never published]: Corals and Bryozoa of the Neozoic Period in New Zealand. Wellington, 1880. Pp. preface, i-v, 1–32. [3 plates (not numbered), 32 figs. This describes only the specimens exhibited in the N.Z. Court of the Sydney Exhibition.]

Thomson, J. Allan.

• Fossils from Kakanui. [Three new species.] Trans. N.Z. Inst., xl, 98, pl. xiv.

Traill, Charles.

• On the Tertiary Series of Oamaru and Moeraki. Trans. N.Z. Inst., ii, 166.

Unger, Dr. Franz.

• Fossile Pflanzenreste. Mit 5 Tafeln, pp. 1–3, Pal. Voy. “Novara,” Geol. Theil, I Bd., 2 Ab., pp. 1–13.

The history of the old-time Maori wars—i.e., of Maori with Maori—is a subject comparatively unknown, for, apart from the “Journal of the Polynesian Society,” little has been published regarding it, and of this particular tribe we have no printed records at all. This paper is little more than a collection of scattered fragments, gathered with much labour and patience. Everything pertaining to the olden days—“the good old Maori days”—has become most difficult to learn, and soon all opportunity will be lost, for the old men with their stores of knowledge are almost gone, and in a few more years at most will have passed through Reinga's gate.

I had hoped that the task of delving into the old history of this district might be undertaken by others who, I am confident, have a deeper knowledge of Maori lore, and are therefore better qualified to handle a difficult subject. However, I trust the following notes will prove interesting to some at least who, like the author, have lived all their days in Maoriland, this “sea-girt Eldorado of the south.”

The district inhabited in former times, and to some extent even yet, by the Ngati Apa tribes was roughly all the country drained by the Whanga-ehu, Turakina, and Rangi-tikei Rivers, extending as far south as Manawa-tu, and bounded on the north-east by the Ruahine Mountains. A large tract of open and broken forest country about the Moa-whango district called Mokai-Patea was their chief inland home, and Parewa-nui, near the Rangi-tikei River, some eight miles from the sea, was their largest pa. They claim to be descended chiefly from Ruatea, who came to New Zealand in the Kura-haupo canoe about 1350; but all inquiries concerning this ancestor and his great canoe have yielded but little information.

“Look yonder,” said one old man, “behold those distant hills” (pointing to the Ruahine Range). “On those mountains are growing the totara and rimu, the maire and miro tree; but who can tell from this distance what they are? Our forefathers could have told you of these things; we cannot: the haze and mist of time and distance obscure all detail, and our vision cannot pierce the fog. Say, friend, can you tell me of your great navigator Cook, all who were with him, and what they did?” Collapse of questioner, and subject changed.

They were at one time a very strong and numerous people, but they suffered severely at the hands of Te Rau-paraha of the Ngati Toa; and the Ngati Rau-kawa incursion in the early days of the nineteenthe century also greatly lessened their power and influence, so that to-day they are but a shadow of their former greatness: but of this later on.

The district mentioned, as well as other parts of New Zealand, seems to have been people with a numerous population long before the advent of the fleet in 1350; for when Tamatea visited the district—and to him is credited the honour of being the first to travel inland—he found a numerous people (the descendants of a former and forgotten migration) wherever he went, and if the story of the taniwha Tutae-poroporo is to be believed (and who would doubt it!) the Whanga-nui Valley and lower Rangi-tikei districts were thickly populated even in those early times; while the additional evidence of the Ngati Hotu, an aboriginal tribe liveing round Lake Taupo, helps to prove the presence of people here long before the great migration of 1350 from Hawaiki.

As a full account of the doings of the taniwha Tutae-poroporo has already appeared in the Jour. Polynesian Soc., a very brief outline of the legend will be sufficient for the present purpose: Tutae-poroporo was originally a young shark that was cautht by a man of the Ngati Apa Trible named Tu-ariki, who lived at Rangi-tikei.

(Although Tu-ariki is here shoen as a Ngati Apa man, the Ngati Apa did not arrive in the rangi-tikei district till several generations later.) He caught the fish when on a visit to Nelson (Whakatu), and, seeing something special in it, he kept it alive, made a pet of it, and bgrought it backwith him to Rangi-tikei, where he prepared a place for it in the Rangitikei River just where the Tutae-nui Stream joins the river, and here he recited karakias over it, and turned it into a taniwha. After a time a warparty from Whanga-nui came along, and Tu-ariki was killed, and the taniwha, missing his master, started out to look for him. He eventually took up his abode under Taumaba-aute (Shakespeare's cliff), on the Whanga-hui River, and here he devoured the canoes and their crews as they travelled up and down the river. Soon the Whanga-nui people became afraid of the creature, and sought help to be rid of him. They send to Ao-kehu, of Wai-totara, a celebrated taniwha-slayer of eighteen generations back, who devised means of killing the monster by hollowing out a sort of box canoe with a close-fitting lid. He got inside this affair, and floated

down-stream past Tutae-poroporo's lair, ans as soon as the taniwha saw him he rushed out and swallowed both box and Ao-kehu. Thereupon Aokehu got out of his box, slashed about with his weapons, cut a way out for himself, and so obtained glory and renown for ever.

To Hau, one of the immigrants in the Aotea canoe. (1350), is credited the honour of giving names to the various places along this coast, as embodied in a very old song, a translation of part of which is as follows:—

Then Hau, taking soil of the land in one hand,

Together with the staff of Turo

(Went forth on his journey giving names)

First he crossed the river, and from its size called it Whanga-nui (great harbour);

Then next he dipped up water, and called it Whanga-ehu (harbour of spray);

Again, he felled a tree to cross, and named it Turakina (throw it down);

Beyond, with long stride, he reached, and named Rangi-tikei (walking with long strides);

The next, with doubts as to his power of crossing, he called Manawa-tu (standing heart);

Then a whistling wind in his ears gave rise to Hokio,

And the ancient Awa-iti he named after himself, Ohau.

Speechmaking to his followers took place at Otaki.

Eto., etc.—Translation by S. Percy Smith

Tamatea is said to have been the captain of the Takitumu canoe; and his journey (according to Utiku Potaka) was somewhat as follows:—

Tamatea was the first person to travel inland from this district. He came from Here-taunga (Hastings), and went first of all to Te Papa-a-Tari-nukum his son Kahu-ngunu (from whom sprang the Ngati Kahu-ngunu (from whom sprang the Ngati Kahu-ngunu Tribe) accompanying him. Here Tari-nuku gave Tamatea a gift of food, at which his son was very angry, seeing a gift for his father but none for himself, so he left Tamatea and went back to Here-taunga alone. When Tamatea arrived at Puke-o-kahu (a hill north-east of Taihape, about fifteen miles distant) he put a lizard there, and then went on till he came to the waterfall Te Pounga, on the Moa-whango. Here he put some brands from his fire into the waterfull, and it is still called “The Firebrands of Tamatea.” Then he journeyed on to Tiki-rere, which drops as a waterfall into the Moa-whango, and there he placed a crayfish. Next he came to Whakatara, at Motu-kawa (a hill midway between Tu-ranga-rere and Taihape, about two miles to the east of the road), and there he placed another lizard. Then on he went ot Te Whaka-ua, on the south-west portion of the Awa-rua Block, where there is a ridge which he called, after himself, “The Jawbone of Tamatea.” Another place he called Harakeke-a-Tamatea (Tamatea's flax). Formerly when strangers went to that place (Whakaua) it would rain, but now these things have changed, and the stranger may come or may go without being so heralded.

There was a stone here that had some connection or understanding with the heavens above, for whenever the Native journeyed past that place, it was their custom (called uruuru-whenua) to break a small branch from the forest and throw it on the stone as an offering to secure them from hail and rain on their journey. The writer has been told of a similar place on the Kau-ara-paoa (Whanga-nui River); but at this place the Native gods still hold power, for on the two occasions when curiosity has led to the spot, a thunderstrom has quickly driven the curious to a place of refuge and shelter.

From that place he went on to Whaka-tara (about eight miles from Turakina up the river), at Turakina, where there is a taniwha, and then

on to Putiki, from which place he travelled up the Whanga-nui River. A few miles above the Tanga-rakau tributary there is a fine reach, which he called after himself. Then on he journeyed to Taupo, gathering on his way from the river pas a crew of expert canoemen, with whom he wished to descend the Wai-kato. At Taupo a discussion arose as to which was the most difficult river to navigate, the Whanga-nui or the Wai-kato. The Whanga-nui men naturally supported the claims of their own river, so in the end the Taupo people dared the others to descend the rapids of the Waikato soon after it leaves Lake Taupo. A canoe was provided, and the Whanga-nui crew, with Rua-wharu (who was steersman on the Takitumu) at the steering-paddle, started down the river. A Taupo man accompained them as far as a little islet just above the Huka rapid and falls, where he jumped ashore, telling the others to proceed. They did so, and were soon flying down the channel just above the falls, not knowing what was before them. They soon discovered, to their cost; and it is said that Tamatea's canoe can still be seen under the falls, held tight by the force of the falls in front of it. (We have looked hard for that canoe, but so far have failed to discover it.)

So perished Tamatea and his crew. As canoemen, their skill and bravery counted for nought amidst the thundering waters of the Huka. It was doubtless a pleasing incident to the men of Taupo, and proof positive that Whanga-nui had much to learn from Wai-kato.

[Note.—The above story originates at Taupo. Old chiefs of the Ngati Kahu-ngunu Tribe allow that Tamatea lost his canoe at the falls, but they affirm that he himself was saved. In proof of this the writer was told the story of Tamatea's after-life, and the narator also affirmed that he and other direct descendants from this old ancestor knew the cave where he was buried, and had seen the place.]

One of Tamatea's sons migrated to inland Patea about eighteen generations ago. His name was Tama-kopiri. He was the founder of the Ngati Tama Tribe. He came from Tu-ranga, but the present-day Natives at that place do not recognise him as one of Tamatea's sons. If not a son of the captain of the Takitumu, he was certainly descended from one of the Tamateas of that period—probably Tamatea Kopiri.

I have obtained a few notes relating to his wars, also an account of his death, which is worth placing on record, and is as follows:—

Tama-kopiri came to Patea with a taua, and made war on the Ngati Hotu there (the Ngati Hotu were an aboriginal tribe formerly owning Taupo). He was victorious, and so went on to Kaki-kino, where he again found the Ngati Hotu gathered, and a second time he attacked and conquered. He also found them at O-tama-kura, on the edge of the Opakaru bush, also at Ngapukara-nui and Pae-tutu, and in all these various engagements Tama-kopiri and his party were victorious. After all this fighting, the Ngati Tama, under the chief Tama-kopiri, attacked Te Kumete, which was the name of a settlement near Kauanga-roa belonging to Hai-rangi, who was the father of Kahu-kaka. At this place the daughter of Matapou, and granddaughter of Hai-rangi, was killed by Tama-kopiri. Her name was Tu-kai-rongo-reupea.

One evening Hai-rangi and his granddaughter went down from Aromango on a visit, and slept at Te Kumete. On their return the next day, they got as far as Houhou, on the banks of the Rangi-tikei River, near Rata, when they found the pa was surrounded by the war-party. They endeavoured to return unseen, but it was too late; they were perceived

by the enemy, and Tama-kopiri started off in pursuit. Some of his people wished to go with him to assist; but he would not allow them, and said “You stay here: I am a chief, and can look after myself.” On hearing this remark, Hai-rangi knew that he was being pursued by a rangatira, and so made all haste to get awary; but, being on old man, and encumbered with the girl, he was unable to gain on his pursuer. He therefore hid his granddaughter in a flax-bush, and covered her with his own garment, thinking that, as his pursuer was a chief, if he happened to find her he would spare her life. After he had hidden her away he crossed over a stream and went up on a hill where there was hawk-snare set, from which place he could look down and see where his grandchild was hidden, without being discovered himself. After a time Tama-kopiri came along searching, and when he found the girl he speared her, and went on looking for her companion. Hai-rangi, looking down, saw all that happened, and with great anger he seized the hawk-snaring stick, rushed down the hill, attacked and killed Tama-kopiri with it; and this hill on which he was slain was afterwards known as Puke-o-kahu (the hill of the hawk) After killing Tama-kopiri, Hai-rangi scalped him, hung the scalp on his belt, and went cautiously back to see how it fared with the people in the pa. He climbed up an eminence overlooking the place, and when he found they were still all right, he called out to them, telling them what had happened, and sang about the death of his grandchild. When the war-party heard him they looked up, and saw Tama-kopiri's scalp hanging to the chief's girdle. This frightened them, and so, instead of further fighting, they proceeded to make peace, which was agreed upon by the people of the pa, although they still sought an opportunity of destroying that war-party and so it happened that one day, when the people of that party were just below the pa, digging fern-root, Hai-rangi and his people rushed down upon them, and before they had time to protect themselves many were killed; but the only person of note killed was Tama-kopiri, previously cut down and scalped by Hai-rangi. The chief Tama-tapui was in the Aro-mango Pa on this occasion.

On the next page is a genealogical table showing Tama-kopiri as a descendant from Tamatea, also some of the descendants of Kahu-ngunu; but, as previously stated, it is a disputed question whether these two were brothers. Indeed, many of these tables are rather conflicting, and although the utmost endeavours have been used to glean the truth, chiefly by comparing one man's statement with another's, yet it is difficult to eliminate all error. For the most part, I have written the narratives as I have received them, only making such alterations as were necessary.

For further lines of descent from Kahu-ngunu see Jour. Polynesian Soc., vol. v, p. 7.

Another whakapapa in my possession shows Tama-kopiri twenty generations back.

Another visitor who arrived and journeyed through the district, eventually settling here, was Ma-tangi, who came from Wai-rarapa about eighteen generations ago. He came hither, having heard that the place swarmed with flocks of birds (whirikoko= a flock of birds in flight). When he reached the summits of the Tara-rua Mountains he saw the first flight, so he called the place Tiro-hanga. The flock alighted at Tahuna-a-rua (near Palmerston North), so he followed them; but when he drew near they arose and flew very high—hence the name of Te Ao-rangi (near Feilding). They next alighted at Purakau, below Whaka-ari (trig. station between

Sandon and Awa-huri usually called Mount Stewart), in the bush; but again he disturbed them, and they flew on to Taumata-patiti. Next they alighted in the bush called Te Rakau-hou, near Mount Stewart. Matangi went into the bush, but found that the birds did not stay; and, as the trees were young, he gave the name above mentioned. Again they alighted in the bush, where he slept with his face to the ground; therefore he called that place Te Whaka-moe-takapu (near Kaka-riki), (railway-bridge near Greatford). Still following the birds, he arrived at a new country, and, taking a pole, he took a leap with it, calling the place Toko-rangi (a hill between Halcombe and the river on the cliffs above the Onepuhi Pa). Still following them, he reached a stream where he recited karakias; therefore he called the stream Wai-tapu (near Rata, one of the boundaries of the Manawa-tu Block). Again he followed the birds, and caught the sound of them, and so called the place Paroro-rangi. There are two ranges meeting at an angle—one is Paroro-rangi; on the other he stood and blew his horn, calling it Puto-rino (between Hunterville and the Rangi-tikei River). Still following the birds, he reached the upper Rangitikei, and, seeing that they had taken flight inland, he called the sopt Tiro-hanga; but the place is now called Te Papa-o-Hauiti (Rata). He followed them to the top of the ridge, where he halted and stamped on the ground, and so called the place Tapuae (a trig. shown on most maps). Again he went on, and, seeing them high up in the air above him, he called the place O-tama-kapua. Then he went along the river and again blew a blast on his horn, and there he called the place Puta-tara. Still on up the river he went till he came to a place where he grounded his staff, and called it Te Tokotoko-o-Matangi. Then he climbed the range and reached the top, calling it Whaka-ara-waru. From this place he watched the birds cross the river, and saw them alight; therefore he called the place Rangi-tauria. He was now almost exhausted, and gave up the chase; but the birds were also tired, and could not fly any further: so he and his children (for his children had followed him all the way) caught and killed them, and there they stayed and settled, and his children are still living at Rangi-tauria to this day.

“If you ask me,” continued the old man who gave the narrative, “whether I have been there and seen them, I answer Yes. I have seen the place, and have seen his children. They have been changed into 'spirits of the brook'—i.e., taniwhas—because they disobeyed the voice of their father when he told them to bring some water. I have myself seen the posts of his house, for they are still standing (450 years since that house was built). I have seen his children with my own eyes. If we all went up to them it would make no difference. Many attempts have been made to secure them with ropes, but in vain—they can release themselves at once by their magic powers. Their names are Hine-te-iwaiwa and Horoputa, her brother, and they are still at that place, for there Ma-tangi left them.” The lake which Ma-tangi's children still inhabit is near O-kaha-rau, and is called O-toea. His house was built at Whiti-anga, near the lake, and it was there that our friend saw the totara posts. It was Matangi who brought to this land the atua Kahu-kura, which came from Hawaiki in the Takitumu canoe. This atua was first taken to Te Awarua, but in the time of Te Ngahoa it was removed to Owhioi. All inquiries regarding the shape and power of this atua have yielded but little information beyond the fact that it was very large, and shone like fire, something after the shape of a comet, and had power of flight or movement. (other

hence his companions, with fine humour, ever after denominated him Apakoki (Hop-and-go-one). Being a man of energy, he managed to get off with the bird in spite of his accident; and, if tradition speaks truly, he and his friends obtained a fine meal. When Ngati Tu-whare-toa discovered the theft, they naturally felt aggrieved, and soon started out seeking utu for the stolen moa. They returned home well satisfied, bringing with them Hine-moatu, the wife of Apa-koki. this roused the ire of Apa-koki, and in great wrath he seized the kumaras of Kawerau; whereupon Ngati Tu-whare-toa, in equal wrath, came down on Ngati Apa under the chief Awatope, and drove them from their home at Puta-uaki, near the Awa-o-teatua (Mount Edgecumbe, in the Bay of Plenty); and so they fled, and came to Manga-nui, on the upper Rangi-ta-iki; but Awa-tope still pursued, and forced them south till they came to Roto-a-ira, where they settled.

The following table shows Awa-tope as a descendant from Kahu-ngunu:—

Seventeen generations more to the people living in the Bay of Plenty at the present time.

They had not been established at Roto-a-ira very long before trouble arose owing to a dog being killed. The animal's name was Te Rangi-a-kopu-takere, and it belonged to a man named Ripo-a-rangi, of Ngati Tu-whare-toa. The man who brought this trouble on the Ngati Apa people not only killed the dog, but he roasted and ate it when in the bush by himself. As he was suspected, a woman smelt his breath while he was asleep, and, detecting the dog-smell, quickly reported her discovery to the owner. In revenge for the death of his favourite, Ripo-a-rangi gathered his family and came down upon the Ngati Apa, taking the pas Tauwhare-papa-auma and Motu-roa. After these pas were taken, peace was made, which lasted till a man named Ma-tangi killed his wife Hine-mihi in a fit of jealousy because of Miromiro, who had been paying attention to her. As her relatives belonged to Ngati Tu-whare-toa, the latter besieged a pa belonging to Ngati Apa called Rangi-te-taia. Tu-te-tawhoa, the leader of the Ngati Tu-whare-toa, and his party approached the pa on one side, while he sent another party to the opposite side; but when Wai-keri and Rakei-poho, of the besieging forces, entered the pa they found it empty, the Ngati Apa having evacuated during the night. The pursuit was followed up, and the chief Ma-tangi killed, as well as a great number of his people, while many were taken prisoners. Those of the latter who were

spared were taken to Inland Patea, where they were kindly treated. One of the prisoners taken on that occasion was Te Rehu, Ma-tangi's son. Afterwards when he grew up he escaped and went to seek help from the Ngati Tama to avenge his father's death. They responded, and the warparty so raised went to Tauranga Taupo (about twelve miles from Toka-anu, on the Toka-anu - Taupo Road), and there attacked the Ngati Tu-whare-toa at the Horo-tanuku Pa. They seem to have been repulsed, one of their chief men, Te Iwi-kinakia, being killed and eaten. The attackers now became the attacked, for as they returned home they were followed up by Ngati Tu-whare-toa, who killed Tuma-kau-rangi, of the Ngati Tama Tribe, and Haere-te-kura (Hau-iti's son), of Ngati Hau-iti, at Rangi-po. Such a defeat required to be wiped out with blood, so another party was organized to avenge those deaths. Tama-kai-tangi and his brother Hika-kainga, also Hau-iti, accompanied that war-party, and they obtained what they sought, for they captured the pa Hawera-roa, and then went on to Kapo-a-rangi, where they killed Rakei-atu, but they spared Ripo-rangi, who was captured by Hika-kainga. The war-party then went on to Taupo, where they were attacked by the Ngati Tu-whare-toa; but peace was made when it was known that Ripo-rangi had been spared in the previous fight; so that war-party then returned to their homes.

In the meantime the Ngati Apa people had rapidly been extending themselves throughout this new country. From the time they arrived at Roto-a-ira they had been sending companies south, so that when the main body migrated they had settled pas and extensive cultivation in many of the inland districts, as well as right down the Rangi-tikei River to its mouth.

It was soon after Ngati Apa were settled in this new country that Hau-iti (the ancestor of the Ngati Hau-iti Tribe) left his fighting-pa, Ara-o-tawhaki, and started for Taupo to avenge the death of his son Haere-te-kura, who had been killed in battle by the Ngati Tu-whare-toa people, as related. He left his pas O-tau-eru and Rongo-motumotu at Ranga-tira in charge of his younger brother Ka-ama; but Ngati Apa took advantage of Hau-iti's absence, killed and ate Ka-ama, seized Rongo-motumotu (on the Rangi-tikei River, near Rata), as well as several other pas in the vicinity. A messenger was hurriedly sent to Hau-iti, who returned with all pa belonging to Hau-iti. Driven out of this place, they fled to Te Ara-o-tawhaki, evacuated by Hau-iti when he left for Taupo. After the fall of this pa they retreated to Puapua-tanaki, one of the pas which they had taken from Hau-iti, and here they found a secure retreat. After this Hau-iti was killed by Pukeko, a Ngati Apa man, at a place which still bears his name, Te Papa-o-Hau-iti (Rata); and his descendants sought to avenge his death by attacking a pa called Oti-haupu, on the south-east of the Rangi-tikei River. They were successful in this venture, for a great number of the Ngati Apa people were killed, but a few, among whom were Hatea and Rangi-whiowhio, were spared. When the Ngati Hau-iti had taken this pa, they assaulted the Wharewhare-riki and Po-takataka pas (on the O-tama-kapua Block), both of which were taken. The Ngati Hau-iti were then satisfied, and returned home. The large force that attacked these pas was gathered from Inland Patea, O-tara, O-tau-eru, and the upper Rangi-tikei, and the flghting took place in the time of Whare-pu-rakau, contemporary with Tama-te-raka and Iro-kino, and was in revenge for the death of Hau-iti.

till one day Whare-pu-rakau returned from a hunting expedition in the bush and found his son Rangi-pa-whatiri covered with blood, and upon inquiry he learnt that Tahuna's child had beaten his son. He therefore killed Tahuna's child, and the father, in fear for his own life, fled back to Whanga-nui, where he collected a war-party about eight hundred strong and travelled back to Tawhiti, on the Rangi-tikei River, where Whare-purakau had gathered Ngati Tama, Ngati Whiti, and Ngati Ohuao to resist the inevitable attack. For a time Tahuna and his party camped on the river-bed, subsisting on Whare-pu-rakau's kumaras, which they stole at night; but, as soon as Whare-pu-rakau's people discovered the position Tabuna had taken up, they resorted to stratagem, and threw a great quantity of wood and rubbish in the river to make Tahuna think a flood was coming, and that they (Whare-pu-rakau's party) would not be able to cross over to the attack. Tahuna's party saw the rubbish, and hurriedly left the river-bed and went inland; but while so engaged Whare-pu-rakau attacked them. In the fight that followed (known as Waha-kaka-roa) it is related that Whare-pu-rakau had a certain taiaha, but he was struck and disabled by the enemy, consequently was unable to use it. He afterwards made a proverb to the effect that if his weapon had only been long enough he would not have been wounded; hence his uncle took the name of Tu-whaka-uru. When wounded, Whare-pu-rakau discarded his taiaha and took a long spear, and, although wounded, succeeded in killing Tahuna, whose party, seeing their leader fall, gave way and fled. They were pursued night and day, and it is said their bones may still be seen along that path (excepting perhaps Tahuna's ribs, which were made into a bird-snare, which snare is still in a matai-tree somewhere at Moa-whango).

This may be so, but we pakehas doubt if a snare would last for two hundred years exposed to all weathers; yet it is asserted that some of Whare-pu-rakau's spears are still to be seen on Mr. Batley's farm at Moa-whango. They are imbedded in a large and hollow cabbage-tree, where they were hidden, the tree eventually growing round them and gripping them as part of the tree itself. It is also related that Whare-pu-rakau was a very athletic man, and, near his place on the upper Rangi-tikei, he on several occasions saved himself from pursuit by clearing at a jump a narrow part of the river where the cliffs nearly meet. No other man would venture this hazardous feat; so he could defy his enemies, and often did so. He lost his life by drowning in the Rangi-tikei River. As his party were crossing a dangerous ford, his wife got into difficulties, and in going back to assist he himself lost his life, though his wife was saved.

Again Whanga-nui started on the war-path against Ngati Tama, whom they found living on the land between Moa-whango and Hau-tapu. A battle was fought in which Whanga-nui was defeated, Nuko and Tuahungia being slain. The invaders fled, and were pursued by Ngati Tama as far as Wai-paruparu. After this invasion the inhabitants of the Potaka Pa (just above the Awa-ua Pa) heard that they were about to be attacked by the Ngati Apa and other tribes. At this time there were no Ngati Tama in the pa—they were all away at Taupo; while most of the Ngati Whiti and Ngati Upoko-iri were away at Here-taunga. Before they could obtain assistance the taua came down on them. Te Kahu-o-te-rangi, of the Ngati Apa, and Nga-makako, of the Tu-heke-rangi, were the principal chiefs, and their followers numbered eight hundred men, gathered from Whanga-nui, Whanga-ehu, and Turakina. When the taua reached Potaka, they found that the people of this pa (mostly Ngati Hine-manu), although warned of

their coming, were quite unprepared, for a number of men, among whom was the chief Whanau, were surprised and killed while gathering mataiberries. Then the pa was surrounded and the siege commenced, but after four days Te Kata managed to slip out of the pa unseen, and escaped through the enemies' ranks to seek assistance. he fled to Here-taunga to bring over the people of the Ngati Hine-manu Tribe, who were living there. He was successful, and the chiefs Tao-rangi, Maka, Toia-iho, and Tu-te-rangi, with their men, hastened back with Te Kata to help their kinsmen. Under cover of darkness they obtained entrance to the pa by ropes being thrown to them; and next morning, being so strengthened, a sortie was made on the besiegers, who quickly discovered, during the fight that ensued, how the garrison had been strengthened. So many of the enemy were killed by this sudden onslaught that they thought discretion the better part of valour, and so decided to sue for peace.

Te Kahu-o-te-rangi called out his desire to Tao-rangi, who agreed to the request, so Te Kahu-o-te-rangi was taken into the pa, where presents of food were made and hakas sung, and so the peace was confirmed.

In this fight, which was called Tini-o-te-kotiri (on account of the large number taking part in it), the Ngati Apa party killed Tama-kahuri-rangi, of the pa, and his death was afterwards avenged by a party from Te Awa-rua Pa, who travelled as far as Manga-whero taking prisoners, who were killed and eaten. They also journeyed to Turakina, where the Ngati Tu-heke-rangi and the Ngati Wai-riki were severely defeated. But though defeated in this fight they were by no means conquered: the spirit of battle only burned with a fiercer flame, and the shame and ignominy which tarnished their proud name had to be wiped out at all cost. On reaching Whanga-nui they at once reconstructed, more determined than ever to wipe out their defeats, and this time cautiously divided their forces, one half going to attack Ngati Hine-manu and Ngati Hau-iti on the east side of the Rangi-tikei River, and the other half going to attack Ngati Tama and Ngati Whiti on the western side. This time the fortune of war was with them—Ngati Tama were defeated, and their chief Te Hainga and many others slain. And so the gentle game of “tit for tat” went on. Ngati Tama now sought utu for those deaths, and started from Motu-kawa with vengeance quivering in every nerve of their bodies. Again they were successful at Turakina, where the chief Taputu and several of his men met their death and “chief's burial.” After this victory Ngati Tama returned to the western side of the Rangi-tikei, and when they arrived they found new troubles had commenced, and fresh work was in store for them; for their kinsman Rangi-pa-whitiri (Whare-pu-rakau's son) had just been despatched to the happy hunting-grounds. This chief had two wives, one belonging to the Ngati Kahu-ngunu, and the other, whose name was Hine-iro, was related to the Ngati Tama and the Ngati Whiti tribes. Rangi-pa-whitiri collected food for a feast, and took the food so gathered to the first-mentioned wife as a present to her. Hine-iro was very angry about this, for she considered the food had been gathered on her land, consequently it should not have been given to a stranger; so she gathered together a war-party of the Rua-kopiri and killed her husband Rangi-pa-whitiri. When the enraged lady's taua had completed this mission they returned to Whanga-nui.

Then Ngati Tama and ngati Whiti started off to avenge his death under the chiefs Hoko-o-te-rangi and his uncle Te Kiore; and at Pakaka (Karioi) they killed Tu-rere, and captured his son Tukai-ora. When Tukai-ora was taken prisoner he was loaded with calabashes, which were to hold the flesh

of the slain after it had been rendered down. But he, watching for an opportunity, threw them off, killed four of his captors, and escaped. From this great warrior descended Pehi Turoa of Whanga-nui, thus:—

As Hoko-o-te-rangi and his party were returning after their victory they were followed by a Nga Rangi taua from Whanga-nui, who came upon them at Wai-tangi. During the fight that took place Te Kiore saw that his party was likely to be worsted, so he called out to Hoko-o-te-rangi, “Escape while you can; go and live as a chief at Mokai Patea; I will carry on the struggle without you.” Hoko-o-te-rangi replied, “I will carry it through and fight the enemy.” So they continued the fight, and soon both Te Kiore and Hoko-o-te-rangi were killed, and their party utterly routed. The survivors fled to Mokai Patea. It may be mentioned that Hine-iro and Te Kiore were brother and sister.

After Tukai-ora escaped and reached Whanga-nui, word came through the Ngati Whiti and Ngati Tama had killed Tuhongia and Miki on the west side of the Moa-whango. Whanga-nui went out, fought, and gained a battle, in retaliation; but, not satisfied, took out another war-party, and captured a pa called Kiri-weka, where Rangi-wha-rawarawa, Horua, and Kai-toha were taken prisoners.

After this, Ngati Apa murdered Te-ihui-tu at the O-tau-eru Pa (Taupo), which was occupied by Ngati Hau-iti; and so Ngati Hau-iti came down in full force on the Ngati Apa, whom they met in open field, and, after a severe struggle, defeated. Then they attacked the pa at Kaka-riki, which they took, killing a great number, and making several prisoners, among whom was Puao. In revenge for this Ngati Apa killed the chief Tu-tohu at Pourewa, at a place called Pukiore (Pukiore is west of Makohine Viaduct, near the Pou-rewa), and his death was avenged at the Pa-kihi-roa battle, fought at Tara-ketu (Manawa-tu). This battle was fought at the pa called by this name, and Ngati Apa were defeated. Again they were defeated in a fight where both sides met in open country at upper Tutae-nui. Ngati Hau-iti, not yet satisfied, assaulted the pa of Taumata-maire, in the district of Whaka-tara, which they took, and then returned home. Ngati Apa now sought reprisals at Mokai Patea, where they met Ngati Hau-iti and killed Repa-rangi and Te Pu-o-te-rangi, the former chief belonging to Ngati Whiti and also Ngati Tu-whare-toa. On hearing of this, Ngati Hau-iti started in pursuit of the Ngati Apa forces, and overtook them the next day, and in the action that ensued the entire Ngati Apa party was cut off, as they were few in number, while Ngati Hau-iti were strong, having obtained help form the Ngati Whiti, the Ngati Tu-whare-toa, and the Ngati Tu-mokai

tribes. Flushed with victory, they still pushed on in hope of further success, when they were met and defeated by another taua of Ngati Apa at the battle of Te Taku-o-te-rangi, at a place called Korero-mai-waho (now Great-ford). This defeat was avenged at the battle of One-puhi, where the combined forces of Ngati Hau-iti and Ngati Whiti overthrew Ngati Apa, who were not strong enough to resist them at that place, but who followed Ngati Hau-iti on their return journey, and overtook them at Pari-roa, on the O-roua; but the Ngati Apa force, under the chief Takiao, was defeated, and their leader slain. Some time after this fight at Pari-roa there was another great engagement, at Kai-inanga (a pa near the junction of the Hau-tapu and Rangi-tikei rivers), in which Ngati Apa were victorious, although fighting against the combined tribes; but before this, and during the interval between the two battles, there came from the north the Tu-whare-Te Rau-paraha expedition under the leadership of Waka Nene, Patu-one, Te Rau-paraha, Tu-whare, and others. They had a few guns in the party, and, as this was the first time these weapons were seen on this coast, the havoc they wrought was tremendous. This taua came down somewhere about 1819 or 1820, and it was this journey that gave Te Rau-paraha the idea of migrating to Kapiti, to be near the centre of European trade, which idea he put into practice about 1822, when his whole tribe (the Ngati Toa) removed thither. In order to strengthen his position, he induced the Ngati Rau-kawa to make hekes (some of which we are able to describe) to his newly acquired land. From this time up to about 1825 the great Ngati Toa chief was actively combining business with pleasure in endeavouring to exterminate the whole of the Mua-upoko Tribe. Then the Ngati Rau-kawa chief Te Whata-nui, who had previously accompanied two or three of the hekes, intervened, and stayed his hand by taking up his residence at Horo-whenua, where eventually he died. Here he was looked up to as an ally and protector by the Mua-upoko, which indeed he was, for it was certainly he who saved these people from annihilation. Full accounts of these affairs have been published in “The Life and Times of Rau-paraha,” and also in the Jour. Polynesian Soc. in a fine paper by Mr. S. Percy Smith, entitled “Wars of the Northern against the Southern Tribes”;^* therefore little more need be said.

Before adding a few brief notes of these wars, some further details of fighting that occurred prior to these events can be given. “After the capture of Kiri-weka,” said Major Kemp, in evidence given before the Land Court at Whanga-nui, “my grandparent went with a war-party to a place called Opetaka, on the Rangi-tikei River, and there killed Taka-rere and Rau-awa, and made prisoners of Ro-onga, Te Maka-taha-hapa, Pu-ronga, and others of the Ngati Whiti, Ngati Tama, and Ngati Hau-iti tribes. Afterwards took place the expedition of Te Mawai, the ancestor of Mohi Matene. He and his people went to Awa-rua, and, as visitors, stayed a short time with the people there, until one day Tara-mai-nuku said to Te Mawai ‘Get out your weapons.’ By these words Te Mawai interpreted trouble, so he got up with his spear in one hand and a pouwhenua in the other, warned his company, and then advanced to the assault-at-arms. In the fray that followed, Te Mawai killed Tara-mai-nuku, and then killed all the people of the pa; and no payment was ever exacted from the Whanga-nui tribes for their victory.

“At Otairi, close to Ohingaiti, on the river-flats, some of Hakaraia's people were killed—namely, Rangi-kau, Kahu-aki, and others. Payment was obtained at Whaka-rau-wai, on the other side of the Rangi-tikei River, where the chiefs Ko-pare, Te Marama, and others were killed. The war-party then crossed the river to the west side of Rangi-tikei, and there Moeroa called out, ‘Who can reach up to heaven? Te Ope answered, ‘I can’; and he straightway put in a post as a sign to stop all quarrels (probably meaning that nothing could be gained by incessant fighting, and a better way to reach the desired goal would be to make peace). As a result of this fighting Ngati Tama fled from the district, and some settled at Kai-inanga, outside of the Rangi-tikei borders; but before doing so some of them went to Oroua and there killed Pourau.

“When they had settled at Kai-inanga, Moe-roa, who belonged half to Ngati Apa, and was there before they came, became alarmed, and thought, ‘Perhaps these people will become strong and take my land’; so he gathered his people, and fell on the Ngati Tama at Kia-inanga, and killed Rere-mai, Pokai-kaka, and Te Oti, as well as a great number of the people Tahataha made a prisoner of Hine-iti, whom he saved alive.”

So ends Kemp's version of the Kai-inanga fight; but the real cause seems to have been infringement of the sacred law of tapu. A chief named Poto died (Poto's wife Koipoa was Hori Kingi's sister), and, in order to have his head properly preserved, a man named Hia-kai cut it off and commenced operations upon it. While so engaged he was strictly tapu, and before this was removed by the tohungas he was accused of having fed himself with his own hands. Being unable to clear himself from the charge, both he and a man named Te Hopu were killed at Otawiri by Ngati Hau-iti. Te Hopu was not under the tapu at the time, but, as he warned Hia-kai, he was in some way mixed up in the quarrel, and had to pay the penalty with his life. As both men were connected with Ngati Apa, this tribe sent Te Ahuru to the pa where the Ngati Hau-iti and Ngati Tama were camped, on the pretext that he was the bearer of huia-feathers for the chief Pou-kaka. But his visit was a mere blind—he went to spy out the weak places of the pa; and when he returned with his report to the Ngati Apa they attacked in full force, and the battle of Kai-inanga ensued, in which the combined tribes were badly beaten with great slaughter. A fuller and better account of Te Ahuru's visit to the pa was related to me by Whatahoro, who said,—

“Te Ahuru's wife was in the pa before the attack, and, as he had previously arranged a call with her, he arrived at the place in advance of the Ngati Apa force, and when night fell he whistled across the gully for her to go to him. As he continued whistling the people of the pa said, ‘Listen to the wekas—surely bad weather is approaching’; and they thought no more, but turned over and went to sleep. When they were all asleep, Hine-rua, Te Ahuru's wife, quietly went out to meet her husband, and when they met he said to her, ‘Tell me which is the weakest part of the pa, and what do the people intend doing to-morrow.’ She replied, ‘The only unprotected part is by way of te paepae (i.e., place of public convenience), which is quite unguarded. And to-morrow the people divide into three parts, one party of men going to dig fern-root, another goint to the river to catch eels, and another, of women, going to the bush to gather hinau-berries.’

“Then Te Ahuru returned to his people, and showed them all these things; and on the morrow the Ngati Apa taua went round—first to the party who were down at the river engaged at their eel-spearing, whom they surprised and killed; then on to the place where the fern-root-digging

the old man who gave the narrative, “we found no persons living, for the place had been abandoned for fear of witchcraft, by which many had died. We found bodies hung up in trees three and four together, and the survivors had scattered. We instituted a search for them, and on the Rangatira we captured thirty-one prisoners. We found O-tama-kapua, Te Weio, and Te Tai-nui, and the principal men caught at these places were Potaka and Te Rangi-tahua. This latter afterwards died by witchcraft, just as the others had done before him.

“Starting down the river from Otara, we reached Whaka-poka, and camped there, Ngati Hau-iti accompanying us. There we found a small pa, where some of Ngati Hau-iti were dwelling, and cultivating the land. Thence we reached Ma-karaka, and camped there for a time, finding people of the same tribe. Next we reached Te Mahoe, and then Te Pohue, where we camped at the mouth of the Pou-rewa Stream. There we divided, sending scouting parties to Oroua on our one side, and also in the opposite direction. One party came back the same day, bringing four people that they had captured, and next day our two reconnoitring parties returned bringing two more.”

According to another account, the day after these two prisoners were taken, a strong division of the heke struck the main body of Ngati Apa between the Rangi-tikei and Turakina Rivers. Here a battle was fought, in which the Ngati Rau-kawa were victorious, many of the Ngati Apa being killed, and their chief leader Ta-whiro captured. Then, at the feast in honour of the victory, all the dead bodies were brought into the camp and piled in a heap. On top of this ghastly pile the unfortunate Ta-whiro was bound, stretched, and then flayed alive by a lady named Pekenga, eventually being killed by Tanguru, who was of the Ngati Hau-iti, Ngati Whiti, and Hine-manu tribes. Then the combined tribes set to work, the ovens were kept at glowing heat, and the Ngati Apa required no further burial.

Continuing this narrative the old man said, “After Ta-whiro was killed we left Pou-rewa, passed Parewa-nui, and pushed on to the mouth of the Rangi-tikei River. As a gale was blowing, we hauled up our canoes and marched down the beach, only one canoe venturing out, and reaching Manawa-tu. When we reached this place we camped for the night, and, as the gale was increasing, we hauled up the one canoe that had reached us, and left it on the beach. Then we continued our march along the beach to Kapiti, where we saw Te Rau-paraha and Te Pehi. We stayed there about two months, while our leading men went on to Poneke to bring up Taiaha, of the Ngati Ira, and his people; and while they were away we captured several prisoners at Horo-whenua, among whom were Te Kowhai, Hunia's mother's brother, and a woman named Whaka-haunga, of the Mua-upoko. After some time we commenced our return journey to Taupo, by way of the Rangi-tikei. We came to Parewa-nui on that river, and there baked karaka-berries. Next day we commenced to eat the berries, and made ourselves very ill, like drunken men. We found no inhabitants there: if there had been any at the pa we should have killed them.

“Leaving Pàrewa-nui, we reached the mouth of the Ranga-taua, and camped there. There died that night the daughter of Te Heuheu and a Tu-whare-toa chief named Te Poka. We believe that they were bewitched by the Ngati Apa.” [As a matter of fact, they both died of wounds inflicted during a skirmish with a stray band of Ngati Apa. Huru-hia was

the lady's name, and she was famed for her extreme beauty. A great tangi was held over her remains, at which Te Heuheu caused her head to be preserved, he himself calcining her brains, and strewing the ashes over the land, which he declared to be for ever tapu.]^*

“Leaving the Ranga-taua we marched to Wai-tuna, and halted there while the heads of our dead were properly preserved.” [Wai-tuna was a pa about two miles above the Onepuhi Bridge over the Rangi-tikei River.] “Some of our party who were going overland captured prisoners at Oroua. We were travelling in such a manner as to catch anybody in the neighbourhood. Here at Wai-tuna our party from Manawa-tu joined us, bringing in one prisoner. Here we again divided into parties, some going up the Turakina Valley and the others remaining near the Rangi-tikei. The first-mentioned party took several prisoners, but we took none.

“From Wai-tuna we went on to Ma-karaka (at Kaka-riki), and from thence to Whaka-poka; from there on to Te Kiekie (Makohine), and from there to Otara. At this place we found Te Waha and Te Rangitahua, who had returned and resumed residence there, for the priest had exorcised the spot. Then we went on to Kawatau (a river on the east side of the Rangi-tikei, above Manga-weka), where we stayed for some time, as we buried the bodies of Te Poka and Heuheu's daughter there. From thence we proceeded to Kai-inanga, where we left our canoes, and continued on our way to Taupo.”

This journey, as described by our Maori friend, was called by him the “Heke Kariri Tahi” (Migration of one cartridge), from the circumstance of their having very little ammunition. According to Travers, Whata-nui accompanied this heke for the purpose of conferring with Te Rau-paraha; but, finding that chief absent, he returned to Taupo almost immediately to bring down his people. From the manner in which these strong armed bodies of men roamed over the Turakina, Rangi-tikei, and Manawa-tu districts, killing and making slaves of all the unfortunate Ngati Apa they met, one can form an idea of the state of the country at that time.

We have notes of two later Ngati Rau-kawa hekes, one of which came down before the fight known as Hao-whenua, and the other immediately after; but, as the first of these mentions the death of Taka-rangi at Kohuru-po, that event had better be related first, as well as civil and other troubles related by the Ngati Apa themselves.

Now, there was a battle fought at Tara-kite (near Rata), called Tawapara, and after this Rangi-whaka-pou was murdered by Ika-whaka-ariki, both of Ngati Apa. To revenge that murder, the Kauae, in conjunction with Ngati kahu-ngunu people, destroyed the whole hapu of Ika-whaka-ariki who were living at Huaki-tae-ore, across the Rangi-tikei, and at Rua-puta-uaki and O-weta-ra, down by the river (near Bull's).

When that war-party of the Ngati Kahu-ngunu came down to smite Ika-whaka-ariki, that chief fled to Whanga-nui, where he remained for some years, and when he thought he could return in safety he did so, and again took up his residence in his pa (below Bull's); but members of the Ngati Kahu-ngunu Tribe were still on the scene, and the Kauae people soon

learned where Ika-whaka-ariki was hiding, and also his friend Orehu. So a raid was organized, and Ika-whaka-ariki captured without much trouble. When brought face to face with his captors he sang a song, and otherwise showed his bravery; but this availed him but little, for very soon he had to go the way of all flesh, and trod the dim and distant road to Hawaiki.

It was about this time that Rangi-iki-iki, after the death of his wife Kara, went away to Oroua, and Rangi-tuhaha went to reside at Te Whaau-rongo (near Halcombe).

The next affair that happened was the bewitching by Rangi-te-muri, which caused the death of a great number of Rangi-whaka-po's people, also many of the Ika-whaka-ariki and Kauae. They were all living at Paewa, and very often went to the mouth of the Rangi-tikei River fishing, when they would send large supplies of food to their own places, and also to Rangi-iki-iki (at Oroua). Rangi-te-muri noticed this, and set about bewitching the track which they had to pass over.

“It happened this way,” said my informant, when telling of the event: “This man Rangi-te-muri lived on the flat in front of the present Parewanui Schoolhouse, and the old track lay between the two swamps, where the road runs at present. Now, Rangi-te-muri looked out daily and saw the people passing and repassing with their loads of eels and fish, and, although they passed his door, they never gave him a present or left any of the fish hanging at his place. Then said Rangi-te-muri to himself, “I'll fix them.” And fix them he did, for he bewitched the track, and next time the fishermen passed that way (and they had to go that track, for there was no other) they travelled over it for the last time, and they received the punishment which was always meted out to those who touched bewitched things, and went to join their great ancestress, Hine-nui-te-po.

When Te Kai-whaka-taha saw so many of his people falling under this potent spell, in fear of his life he fled across the river, where he fell into the hands of a party of Ngati Kahu-ngunu who were on their way to make war with Ngati Apa. They quickly captured him, and, as he was a man of great avoirdupois, they made game by exhibiting him round, on account of his immense size and fatness. He was then duly killed and eaten, and the spot where the feast took place was named, in honour of the event, Tapu-iko-koneke—meaning “the fat thighs of the quail.”

After this, Rangi-tane came into the Rangi-tikei district, accompanied by Ngati Tauira. They went to Wai - tata - pia (now the homestead paddocks on Mr. Dalrymple's run at Parewa-nui), a pa to the west of Rae-tihi (a sand-ridge on the same farm), and there they fought with Ngariki and Tupa-taua. They were victorious, and, after having slain the chief Te Umu-o-te-hau, they went on to Te Awa-mate Pa seeking further quarrels. Nga-riki, after the loss of their chief, fled up the river. Then Hori Kingi sent two chiefs across the river, with full instructions to fetch some poha tuna (extra fine eels—i.e., the chiefs) home with them from Puke-puke Pa (a fortified pa on one of the lakes lying between the mouth of the Rangi-tikei River and Foxton, known to local residents as Humpy's Lake), held by Ngati Apa; but warning was sent, and the two chiefs Rangi-hau-tu and Ao-kehu went out with a party and waylaid Rangi-tane, who were one hundred strong, and cut off almost the whole party, as out of that strong taua Te Weta was the only man who escaped. This

battle was known by the name of Tu-raki-awatea, and was fought on the site of the Turakina Railway-station. The Tu-raki-awatea Pa stood on the other side of the main road, near the Turakina Bridge. The old pa on the opposite side of the river was known as Kopiro. Flushed with victory, the Ngati Apa followed up another party of Rangi-tane to Papa-rata (Oroua Downs), and annihilated them there. These losses naturally aroused the riri of the Rangi-tane, who obtained aid from the Ngati Kahu-ngunu, Nga Pakapaka, and Nga Mutu-ahi, from Dannevirke, and came against Pukepuke, but were again repulsed. Then they resorted to stratagem, and made it appear as though they had retired; but not so—they were simply hiding. Then some of the Ngati Apa women and children went in a canoe over the river on to the flat to suck flax-blossoms, and before they discovered their perilous position they were captured. In this way Oko-rewa, Te Hakeke's mother, was taken, as well as others; but before Rangi-tane got away with their prisoners, one of the women managed to call out to Rangi-hau-tu to follow, as his wife was a captive. He did so, but did not come up to the retreating taua till they came to the Manawa-tu, where, instead of fighting, a peace was patched up, and Rangi-hau-tu was returning home in full confidence with the women, when he was set upon by his escort of Rangi-tane men, and cruelly murdered by Taka-wai. His body was left on a ridge called Te Ruahine (a sandridge lying between the fertile and waste lands on the southern side of the Rangi-tikei River), but the women and children got back to the Puke-puke Pa in safety.

A Waiata Composed on the Occasion of Rangi-Hau-Tu's Death, Sung by a Rangitane Woman of the Pakapaka Hapu (mo te Matenga o te Rangi-hau-tu i patua e Taka-wai me ona taina ki te Ruahine Manuka).

Me whakawai hoki e puanga akohu te patu tonu ai,
Ka rau-ai to ringa mo nga ringa kino
Kai te Ruahine mo Tanitia^* tena kei roto mo te rangi Whititua,^*
Tena kei roto mo te Rangi-tapu-ihi,^*
Tena kei roto mo taku roraruhu kai Pukepuke,
Mo te rorotuna ki Kai-kokopu,
I me kata atu au e hika l konei i.

—I waiatangia mai mo te Hakeke i le
whawhai ki kahutara,

“So died the great chief Rangi-hau-tu (storm-wind standing in the heavens) by treachery foul and dark. The proud canoe was broken up, and his people were left stranded, with the raging sea all around them, but they were not engulfed”—for Ao-kehu quickly sent messengers to Whanga-nui and Manga-whero, telling them what had happened, and seeking aid, which was readily given; and the combined forces travelled to Manawa-tu, where they defeated Rangi-tane at the Hara-keke Pa with great slaughter. (The site of the Harakeke Pa was the place now known as the Sugarloaf Hill, below the Manawa-tu Railway-bridge.)

When this pa was first surrounded, word was hurriedly sent to Te Ahuru-o-te-rangi, who was then on a visit to the South Island. As soon as he received the message, he crossed over the Rau-kawa Strait with his war-party in canoes; but by the time he arrived the pa had been captured, and many of its people killed and eaten. Te Ahuru-o-te-rangi then

gathered all his people and attacked the Waipu Pa (on the Turakina Lake, the Maori name of which was Otiti: it lies on Mr. Lethbridge's property, about three hundred yards from the railway-station), where the Ngati Apa were expecting and awaiting the inevitable attack; but the pa was a strong one and its people many, consequently it withstood the siege for a long time, and eventually Te Kahu-te-rangi, who was related to Te Ahuru-o-te-rangi, came to Waipu and made peace, after which the various hapus in the pa returned to their own homes. So ended the trouble in this quarter for a time; but only for a very short time, for Ngati Apa next joined forces with Nga Rauru (Wai-totara Tribe), and, for some real or fancied injury in connection with Rangi-hau-tu's murder, they successfully attacked Pihaia, a pa on the sandhills between Putiki and the sea, on the Whanga-nui River. In payment, Whanga-nui travelled to Whanga-ehu, where they captured a large pa named O-hake-to, near the beach at that place, and here they killed O-take-hoke and others. Smarting under the defeat, a woman of the Ngati Wairiki went to Hawke's Bay to get help to revenge her people. When she reached Wai-rarapa she collected forces and returned, and her reinforcements joined with the men of Rangi-tikei, Turakina, and Whanga-ehu, and came on to the pa Tuke-a-maui, at Pari-kino, on the Whanga-nui River, which they besieged. The top end of the pa was defended by Manumanu's descendants, and the middle by Ma-ruru. The pa was surrounded and eventually taken, but the part which the Manumanu people were defending was not attacked.

Sam Woon, a well-known Whanga-ehu Native, has in his possession a mere pounamu taken by Ngati Apa at the fall of this pa.

Seeking further details regarding this fight at Tuke-a-maui, the writer was told the following interesting story by the grandson of one of the chiefs who took part in the attack:—

“Some of the Ngati Apa people were badly beaten by Rangi-tane at Pohangina, and among those who were taken was a Ngati Apa chief named Te Ahuru.” [Te Ahuru was the man who, with his wife, arranged the attack on the Kai-inanga Pa, as related some few pages back. He was afterwards killed at Kapiti, when the combined tribes made their unsuccessful atack on Te Rau-paraha at that place. (An account of this attack has been published in the Jour. Polynesian Soc., so will not be further referred to here.) Details relating to the death of Te Ahuru's daughter will be related later on.] “However, in their eagerness to make this man a prisoner, they allowed some of his men to escape, who immediately fled away to Rangi-tikei, where they raised a party to seek revenge.

“Now, Rangi-tane, having captured Te Ahuru and others, kept them for a few days, and then set them to work to carry stones for the umus in which they were to be cooked. After enough stones had been gathered, they made the unfortunate men gather firewood for the ovens, then the leaves, and last of all, they forced them to dig out the umus, and when all was ready the conquerors lined up for the haka which was to celebrate the victory; but, in the middle of the song, down came Ngati Apa—the party that the recent escapees had brought along. They smote left and right, and before many minutes were over the ovens were steaming, but they contained Rangi-tane instead of Ngati Apa.

“Te Ahuru was doubtless well pleased at his release, but he desired still further revenge. So he sent messengers to Wai-totara and Patea

consequently Pehi Turoa, the great Whanga-nui chief, went to Manumanu's relatives and said, “We must have payment for this man's death.” So they gathered a force, and went to seek revenge at Muri-motu, where they killed Tama-te-kura, Te Kahu, Toetoe, and others belonging to Ngati Tu-whare-toa. They afterwards had another fight at Tiki-rere, where more people of this same tribe were killed. And so the quarrel went on; but, as the complicated law of utu entailed fighting among various tribes outside the Rangi-tikei district, these quarrels need not be followed further.

After this, more civil trouble arose owing to one of the Kauae people named Te Hina beating and otherwise ill-treating his wife. She objected to this, and fled across the river to her people to complain. They were angry with Te Hina for this, and to square matters they took from the woman a famous tiki belonging to her husband; and when she afterward returned without the tiki, he bethought him of ancient grievances (although up to this time Kauae and Maero had lived together as neighbours), and remembered the annihilation of his people by Rangi-te-muri; so he gathered some of his people, made a raid, and captured Maero, Tau-iri, Te Hanea, Mokomoko, and Pauhu, as well as many others. He also recovered his tiki and other property, and, to properly punish these people for taking his wife's part, or else taking his tiki, he made a great fire and scorched his prisoners over it, in much the same manner as eels are treated for fattening. (It was an old-time custom with the Maoris on this coast, when on an eel-fishing expedition, to gather together all the small and skinny eels caught, and then light a fire of fern down by the water's edge. Then the contents of the hinaki were emptied into the middle of the fire, and it was supposed that by this persuasive treatment the unfortunate eels that managed to crawl through and reach the water would eventually grow large and fat; and who would doubt it? This custom was called Tunutunu ki te ahi).

After the burning, Te Hina had his prisoners liberated and sent them away, and, as they were his wife's relatives, he acted kindly, and did not kill any of them except Pauhu; but they resented his kind treatment, and immediately commenced to make plans for avenging their insult. First they commenced going to Oroua, but eventually decided to go to Awa-mate. Soon after settling there they received a visit from a chief named Tama-whi-rangi, of Ngariki, who was connected with Maero, but who was also related to Te Hina. Him they took and killed as a first blow in revenge for their burning. When Te Hina heard how his relative had been received at Awa-mate, he left his pa at Tu-nuku, above Kara-riki, and hastened with a war-party to revenge that death; but he was himself killed, and his party driven home. When Wai-tene heard that Te Hina had been killed, he sought assistance to punish Maero, and was aided by the Muaupoko, Ngati Kahu-ngunu, Nga-wai-riki, and other hapus of Ngati Apa. This large force attacked Te Awa-mate, which was an island in a lake, but did not take it, not having canoes.

(The Awa-mate Lake is a long, narrow body of water, curved round something after the shape of a horse-shoe, lying on Mr. Dalrymple's property at Parewa-nui. When the writer first saw it, many years ago, the island referred to had a peculiar appearance, owing to a number of trees standing with their roots upwards—the remnats of ancient fortifications, called puwhara, upon which platforms were built. The same thing was noticed at other places when we were children, but not to the same extent; but these, like many other object of which we then took but little notice, have long since disappeared.)

below Parewa-nui, and sent out scouts to reconnoitre. The only person the scouts discovered was Kaewa (Te Hakeke's wife), whom they found with a companion gathering tutu-berries. She was uncertain whether she would be killed or not, but the scouts contented themselves by stating their object and asking for Hakeke, who was away at Turakina mustering a war-party to fight Rangi-tane. Leaving Kaewa unhurt, the scouts continued their search, and soon after found Ngoki, Kaewa's sister, who was surprised and killed at O-taka-po, close to where the township of Bull's now stands. As soon as Hakeke returned from Turakina, he discovered what had taken place, and made all haste to follow up the retreating war-party, and fell in with them accidentally at Wha-rangi (Manawa-tu), where they were busy in the swamps catching eels. Although thus engaged, they were working “with one eye open,” for they judged by the flight of some seagulls that they might be surprised by a pursuing party; so Tu-ranga-pito was ready with a long-handled tomahawk, and Hakaraia was also near to bear the brunt of the attack, and these two sought to engage the enemy while the rest of the Mua-upoko drew together. Then Hakeke rememberd that these people whom he had come out against were his own connections,^*. so he sought a truce, and to do so ran up and threw his dog-skin mat over Rihi-mona. Tu-ranga-pito was angry at thus being baulked of the excitement of a fight, so he tried to make trouble, and cried out, “Who is that tupapaku (dead body) you have there?” apparently endeavouring to excite them by reference to the late murder. But Hakeke seems to have been a man of peace, for, although Ngoki was Hakeke's sister-in-law, she was also a connection (whaea) of Tu-ranga-pito's. Notwithstanding Hakeke's command, Waitene (Ngoki's brother) still endeavoured to kill Hura and Rihi-mona, but was checked by the others. Eventually the Mua-upoko people crossed the Mikihi Stream, but while they were crossing some one called out “Ko Ngoki tonu”; but it was too late to cause further trouble, for by that time Mua-upoko were on the other side of the Manawa-tu. Hura and Rihi-mona never returned to Rangi-tikei.

After these things Pouhu was killed by some of the Nga Riki and Tupataua people. Pouhu, it will be remembered, was one of those who suffered scorching at the hands of Te Hina, but who recovered from his wounds. He was one of the Maero hapu, and he was killed by Tahataha and Maru-maru in revenge for the death of Te Hina, who was killed in assaulting Te Awa-mate pa, and also in revenge for Tama-whi-rangi, the visitor who was killed at the same place. It may be mentioned that this tribe, the Nga Riki, was a hapu toa, Hakeke and all the other leading chiefs of Ngati Apa being connected with it. As utu for Pouhu's death, Hori-te-hania and his companions killed one of the Rangaranga-tu people at Oroua. He thought first of all that he would kill Te Haena, who was an old man of Nga Riki living at Totara-tai-apa (Sandon), but he did not carry out that idea, as he was afraid of Te Hakeke; so he went on to Oroua, where he killed Pokana, of the Rangaranga-tu hapu, but spared his sister, who was connected with him by marriage. This murder was, even according to Maori ethics, a very discreditable transaction (he kanohi i pania ki te toto). The next item was that the Ngati Apa sought revenge for this, and went to Hakupu-rua (Oroua), where they killed, of the Ngati Tauira and Ngati Maero, the following persons: Mokomoko, Rereopa, Te Rangi-ta-koru, and Tara-wehi, who was a daughter of Hura, and also her brother Tahu-potiki;

besides, there were a number of women taken prisoners, but none of them of any great name. Te Waitene wanted to kill Hura's two children in revenge for his sister Ngoki; but Rangi-te-ika, of the Nga Wairiki, would not consent to this; so they were spared, and sparing their lives saved further trouble on that occasion. But rest was not yet. Ngati Maero, Ngati Tauira, and Rangi-tane combined to attack Ngati Apa, so they came to Te Puru, near Kaka-riki, on the Rangi-tikei River, where they met their foe; but they also met defeat and disaster, for at that siege two of their leaders—namely, Umupo and Rongo-mai-tai—were killed; but Kakapa, of Tauira, and Ropiha Piriha, who were both captured, were spared. The leaders of the victorious Ngati Apa were Hura and Rihi-mona, who had come up from Horo-whenua on a visit, but who afterwards returned to their Mua-upoko.

It was about this time that Te Rau-paraha settled for the second time on Kapiti (Te Rau-paraha actually settled on Kapiti in 1824, but he came down the second time from Kawhia in 1821), and when he was established there he fought against Rangi-tane and afterwards against Ngati Apa. Then other of the Taranaki, Ngati Awa, and Ngati Toa tribes shifted down to Kapiti, so as to get out of the road of the Wai-kato and Ngati Mania-poto tauas. Some of these hekes went by the sea-shore, others travelled inland searching for food, so all the hapus along the coast stayed in their various places, but for a short time endeavouring to evade these migrating parties.

Rangi-tane and Ngati Kahu-ngunu now sought revenge for the death of Rongo-mai-tai; so, when Te Hakeke found that they were on the way to Turakina, he decided to gather all the available Ngati Apa together and meet the enemy there. With this purpose in view he hurried to Turakina; but before he reached that place he fell in with a taua from Whanga-nui, who were travelling by canoe to Kapiti, but who had landed on account of bad weather. They caught him, and carried him on to one of their canoes, where they held him down, endeavouring to kill him by cutting his throat with a shark's-tooth knife; but he strove with his great strength, made a gigantic effort, and threw them aside as little children, and so broke clean away from them; and then, when at some little distance, he called back to his pursuers, “I am Hakeke, the great Hakeke. You cannot capture me.” They could not, although they tried; and Te Hakeke ran back to Rangi-tikei.

The Rangi-tane party went on to Turakina without knowing anything of this, and, as the Ngati Apa there had not received Te Hakeke's warning, they were quite unprepared. When the taua consisting of the Ngati Kahu-ngunu, Rangi-tane, and Mua-upoko hapus, under the chiefs Te Wheta, Te Aweawe, and Hori Kingi, in all 340 persons, were travelling down the coast to the attack, they were discovered by Te Wai-tene, who immediately warned his people. Only a small party of defenders could be raised at a moment's notice, but these few were angry and desperate men, and so, nothing daunted, Te Wai-tene the brave and his six companions of the Nga Riki attacked that great combined army; but, although brave and strong, these seven were but as a few grains of sand before the whirlwind, and soon Wai-tene and his brother Te Hokinga were speeding to meet their ancestors on the dim shores of the spirit-land. But Hori-te-mohi and his elder brother escaped—all the aries of the world were not strong enough to take them.^* This affair is known to the Maori as the Turaki-awatea

The next item in the chain of events was another heke, which the narrator affirms took place before the battle known as Hao-whenua, which was fought at Pakakutu, near Otaki, in 1833. The description of the journey was obtained from one of those who took part in it, as also was the previous one recorded. So the story may be given for the most part in our friend's own words.

“Wai-kato came down, a great migration of eight hundred strong. We came by way of Taupo, and joined the Turakina River at its head-waters, and were two days travelling down-stream. Then we stuck over to the Rangi-tikei, and at Wai-tuna, on the farther side of the river, we caught Makere-rua, Moekau, and others of the Ngati Apa. Before this, when travelling from the Turakina Valley to Pou-rewa, at the mouth of the Mangaraupi, we found other people of the same tribe, whom we caught, and carried along with us to kapiti. They were Tai-hapara and Mohi. Further on, at the Whaka-moe-takapau bush, we captured Tumata-whiti and others. They were busy preserving birds when we surprised and captured them. This man Tumata-whiti ws a sorcerer. His own wife said he was an ahi-taraiti” [probably this word means “firelight”; ahi=fire, taraiti = Maori mode of pronouncing “light”]. “So we killed him, and took the woman along with us. At Kiwitea we took Te Kiore prisoner; but Kaka-raia, Pouri, and other escaped. Afterwards, when we reached Kapiti, we released Kiore, and sent him back to assemble the hapu for the purpose of making an alliance with them. At Kai-kokopu” [one of the numerous lagoons lying on the sand between the lower Rangi-tikei and Foxton districts, about a mile from the sea, now known to sportsmen as Hunia's Lake] “Te Kiore found Te Hakeke, who acquiesced in the proposal. Te Kiore then came down the Rangi-tikei to Parewa-nui and other places. The tribes first met at Kai-kokopu, where the Ngati Rau-kawa chiefs met Te Hakeke, and the alliance was made.

“Soon after we comenced our journey down the Turakina Valley we came upon a hunting-party capturing and preserving birds. Of these we took ten prisoners, one of the principal captives being Amiria, the wife of Hirea. Also, at Manga-raupi, by the Pourewa Stream—that is, between the Tutae-nui and Pou-rewa streams—we took six more of the Ngati Apa, who were also preserving birds when we came upon them.

“We came out on to the river-beach Kokako-tahi, and travelled along the seaside to Otaki, from whichplace we sent a messenger back to Hakeke, who came and joined us, and after that came the fight at Hao-whenua. Immediately after that fight we returned to Wai-kawa, fifteen miles from Otaki, and we stayed there for some time. While we wer living there we heard that Hakeke had concentrated the Ngati Apa at Parewa-nui, so we went along to that place and found a pa built, where a great number of the Ngati Apa were residing with hakeke. We were then for hundred strong. Nepia's pa was on the other side of the Rangi-tikei, opposite to Parewa-nui. The Ngati Rau-kawa went into it and occupied it by force. This would be about the year 1830” [1833].

“We went straight on from Parewa-nui to Tu-rangi-wai-kani, on the other side of the Manuka bush inland” [an old pa on the flat below the Bull's racecourse]. “We went there for food, as the plantations of the Ngati Apa were very extensive. Tu-rangi-wai-kani was then very large settlement, about the same size as Putiki of the present day (1875). We stayed there for fully a month, the prisoners we had taken staying with us. Some of them we had returned to their tribes previous to Hao-whenua.

“Coming up the river form there, we came to Te Ana and Te Karaka, at both of which places the Ngati Apa were living in force. From there we went up to Te Pohue, and stayed there for two years and a half. There were three settlemnts between these places, full of Ngati Apa, for they were a very numerous people in those days. The reason why we stayed so long at Te Pohue was that we had taken a great liking to the land in consequence of the abundance of kakas. A whakatauki arose from this—namely, ‘Noku tenei whenua ko rangatira’; meaning, ‘This my land is the chief of lands.’ After we left Te Pohue we proceeded home.”

This may have been the migration known as the Heke Mai-raro, or “migration from below,” the north point being always referred to as down-ward. Another war is known as the Heke Whiri-nui, called by this name owing to the fact that the whiri or plaited collars of thier mats were made very large for journey. This is the name given by Travers, in the ‘Life of Te Rau-paraha,’ to the heke previously described, but called by the Maori narrator the heke Kariri-tahi; and the Kariri-tahi migration is described by him (Travers) as having come down later, under Tara-toa; but we are inclined to think the account given by our dark friend is the correct one, though it is difficult at this date to be certain, for after Te Rau-paraha was firmly established in his newly acquired land these hekes were constantly occurring, both to help him and also to participate in his newly acquired wealth.

Regarding the battle of Hao-whenua, to which some reference has been made, it appears that one of Te Rau-paraha's sons, named Tupoa, was killed by Ngati Parere, a hapu of Mua-upoko. He was discovered lighting a fire (probably figurative languag) at Kereru, so was waylaid and slain.

Knowing full well the storm that this action would bring about their ears, Mua-upoko prepared for battle. Invitations were sent out to Rangi-tane, Ngati Apa, Whanga-nui, and Nga Rauru, all of whom responded and sent their contingents; and all the old people women, and children of the Mua-upoko were sent to the pa at Papai-tonga for safety.

The battle was fought at Otaki, at the rear of the present hotel, about half a mile from the mouth of the river; Ngati Toa, in combination with Ngati Awa, Ngati Rau-kawa, and Ngati Tama, being victorious. It is said that seven hundred men were killed in this fight, and after it was over Te Rau-paraha attacked Papai-tonga, where he killed a hundred more.

When Te Rau-paraha reached Waikanae he noticed a black cloud hanging over Kapiti, and, seeing in this sign an omen of further success, he again attacked the combined tribes at Horo-whenua, where he seems to have had but indifferent success, for he was driven to Kapiti by Mua-upoko, Ngati Apa, Rangi-tana, and Pehi Turoa, of Whanga-nui, with his three hundred men. Between Hao-whenua and the next heke, which we are able to describe, occurred the death of Taka-rangi at Kohur-po. An account to has appeared in the Jour. Polynesian Soc.; but, as we have additional notes, we will proceed to describe the events that led up to that battle and other afairs; so we will retrace our steps to the time of Kawana Hunia's birth.

Kawana Hunia, Hakeke's son, was born at Wai-tapu, a pa far up the Rangi-tikei River, and when he had grown out of childhood his father took him to Oroua, and placed him in the care of Hamiora, who arranged to look after him. He did this with the idea of creating a friendship, and to prevent his people of the Ngati Apa molesting Ngati Tauira and Maero, who had ceased to reside at Te Awa-mate and that neighbourhood, and had taken up their abode at Oroua, on account of the strained relationship which had for a long time existed between these hapus.

After this victory Te Hakeke expected that, with the death of such a proninent man, there would be a strong combination against Ngati Apa, so he assembled all the brances of the tribe at Paewa, and all the rest of the country was deserted. Whanga-nui expected from these preparations that there would be a great war-party from Ngati Rau-kawa, who were by this time firm friends with Ngati Apa, and were living at Poutu, just across the river from Paewa. So Hori Kingi Te Ana-ua sent his brother Te Mawai to Hakeke to make peace—or, rather, to prevent a war; for the influence of Europeans was now being felt, and the Natives saw how their constant internal troubles were thinning their ranks. So peace was made at Paewa, and the Whanga-nui messengers returned home.

After the victory at Kohuru-po the death of Ao-kehu occurred. Once more the war-cloud gathered, when Rangi-tana came to Whanga-ehu and Turakina to kill the people of those places, and when they thought they had killed all the people they went away. Tawai-whea, a great chief of Ngati Kahu-ngunu, was the chief man of that party.

Now, when Te Ao-kehu heard that all the people of Whanga-ehu and Turakina had been killed, he pursued Rangi-tane, and overtook and killed them all on the sea-beach. Koko-pirangi also met that war-party at O-takapo (a well-known station between Bull's and Turakina), and again defeated them. (Here an effort was made to impress upon the narrator the fact that it must have been the ghosts of that war-party that Koko-priangi met, as they were kua mate; but he failed to see it.) These war-parties came straight to Turakina and Whanga-ehu from Here-taunga.

Then Rangi-haeata, or Mokau, as he was sometimes called, of Ngati Toa, Te Ratu, and others came down on the Rangi-waho and Maero people who were living at the Awa-mate Pa, and defeated them there, and then came on to Waipu. Here Te Ao-kehu, who was Hakeke's grand-uncle, fell in with them as he was travelling from Rangi-tikei to Whanga-nui. When the Wai-riki people heard the guns of the invaders they rushed to Rangi-tikei, leaving Te Ao-kehu and a few others to fight, and so by evening Te Ao-kehu and all his people had been killed.

When word was brought in that Te Ao-kehu had been killed, the whole of the hapus went to Oroua and to different places of the Rangi-tikei River, with the exception of one party who went up the Turakina to their pa Puke-ahua, where they lived with the Ngati Tupa-taua. Ngati Toa followed the fugitives, and some of the old men were caught at Oroua. Whare-peta and Hira were both caught there, as well as others whose names are forgotten.

After this a war-party from Wai-kato came down under Te Horita, of Ngati Wha-naunga,^* but in the meantime the Ngati Apa who had scattered before the Ngati Toa guns had come back to their own places. They fought wai-kato at the Te Ara Pa, where for a time Ngati Apa had some measure of success, but in the end they were worsted.

After Hao-whenua and Kohuru-po, came another heke from Taupo, the last of which we have any details. The journey was described by the same native that narrated the “Kariri-tahi” journey, and is as follows: “After we returned from Kapiti we remained a long time at taupo, and then came down again after Hao-whenua. We came down by the Mokai Patea road, mustering five hundred strong. At Mokai Patea a few of the Ngati Tama met us, and came on with us to Kawa-tau. We travelled overland this time, and did not canoe down the river, but travelled the track by the river, calling at Te Pounga, Otara and Mako-hine, Te Pohue, and Te Ana. Near here we found the whole of the Ngati Apa living in two separate fightingpas, put up in defence of Whanga-nui. We had heard of the death of Taka-rangi at Whanga-ehu, and found they had thrown these pas up in consequence of an expected attack. Their principal chiefs with them were Marumaru, Tahataha, Tu-ranga-pito, and Aperahama Tipae. All the Ngati Apa chiefs were there with the exception of Hakeke. Leaving Te Ana, we pushed on to the mouth of the Rangi-tikei. Here we found Ngati Mania-poto returning from Hao-whenua. Ngati Tu-whare-toa and Whanga-nui had been with them, but they parted at the mouth of the Rangi-tikei, the latter travelling along the coast on their way home, while Ngati Mania-poto returned by way of the Rangi-tikei River, with the intention of attacking Ngati Hau-iti and Ngati Hine-manu on their way, because the latter tribes had neglected the Maori custom of sending presents of birds and food to Te Heuheu when he had passed through them on a former occasion” [apparently as a king of tribute to his supreme position]. “These people had in consequence fled into the bush, and Ngati Mani-poto searched the neighbourhood for them, but in vain. From the Rangi-tikei River we pushed on, passed the Manawa-tu, and reached Otaki. The main body did not remain there long, and the rest stayed for about a year and a half, when they also returned by way of Manawa-tu, struck the river at Te Ana, and so returned home. This journey was called ‘Hou hou rongo ki Hao-whenua’—thatis, ‘The peacemaking of Hao-whenua,’ and took place about five years before Te Kuiti-tanga.” (Kuiti-tanga, 1839, took place the day before the arrival of the “Tory,” and is described in Wakefield's “Adventures in New Zealand.”)

“And now, after all this fighting and feasting, there came yet another army, few in number but mighty in power, armed not with guns, but books; and soon the last fight was fought, the last banquet finished, our captives were liberated and returned to their homes at Parewa-nui and Rangi-tikei, and we also sent those home whom we had captured.” (There is a song existing that refers to the returning captives. Hura is mentioned in it, and he is connected with Pukepuke: “Katahi te huhure ka tiketike.”) Parewa-nui became the assembling-place of all the people, and Te Hakeke was the first teacher appointed there. But with the desire for knowledge came also the desire for guns. So Ngati Apa went on a visit to their distant relatives the Kiki-rongo, to try to obtain these coveted weapons; and while

Ngapuhi, however, formed no permanent settlements south of Auckland; they only depopulated the Waikato and Waipa districts.

The tribes collectively called Ngatimaru and Ngatipaoa, of the lower Thames and south coast of Hauraki Gulf, were also by this time (1822) becoming well supplied with firearms, and they invaded, with intention of permanent settlement, the almost wholly depopulated great triangle formed on the west and east by the Waipa and Waikato Rivers, and by the Maungatautari Mountain and Range in the south.

Between the years 1814 and 1822, Ngatihaua, under their politic and warrior chief Te Waharoa, driven from their proper homes on the Waikato, maintained by sheer talent and bravery their tribal individuality and independence in the inland country north of Rotorua and between the Waikato and Thames Rivers. They established friendly relations with the Tauranga

Battle of Taumatawiwi.

tribes, collectively known as Ngaiterangi. Through these latter tribes Te Waharoa contrived to obtain a considerable number of firearms, and had greatly distinguished himself on behalf of Ngaiterangi against the Arawa and Rotorua Tribes.

Up to this time, however (1830), he had been quite unable to make any attempt to recover the ancestral lands of Ngatihaua in the Waikato; but now (1830) he learned that the other remnants of Waikato tribes, having obtained firearms through the ports of Manukau, Kawhia, and Mokau, were forming plans to attack the Ngatimaru and Ngatipaoa, who had taken permanent possession of the triangular district above mentioned. Now, it would, according to Maori custom, be very derogatory to the prestige (mana) of Ngatihaua and their chief Te Waharoa if that district was reconquered by any one other than themselves, for, although, supposing the Waikato

tribes were successful in expelling Ngatimaru and Ngatipaoa, Ngatihaua would certainly be allowed to return to their ancestral possessions, yet they would under such circumstances do so in a subordinate position.

Ngatihaua at this time mustered three hundred first-class warriors, ninety per cent. of whom had a firearm of some kind, and they had been disciplined by Te Waharoa, who for the previous eight years had taught every man of them to look forward to the time when they could burst into the Waikato, and by sheer valour recover their ancestral homes from the numerous enemy in possession.

News now came that the Waikato tribes had got together eight hundred well-armed men in the Hunua and Manukau Ranges. These now, under several chiefs, proposed to proceed up the Waikato and Waipa Rivers, while other parties were preparing to join them from the Pirongia Range on the west and Mokau on the south. It was time, therefore, for Ngatihaua to act, or leave to others the recovery of the land.

In this emergency Te Waharoa appealed to his friends (Ngaiterangi, of Tauranga) to lend him a thousand men, not to be exposed to imminent risk, but merely to make a show of force. Ngaiterangi consented. Te Waharoa got the thousand show allies, and the sketch on the preceding page will, I hope, illustrate the great battle that ensued while the Waikato war-parties were still several days distant.

The address of Te Waharoa to his people before leaving the Thames hills was short, and altogether to the point. “Our women and children,” he said, “go with us, for we go to stay. If we cannot conquer, we can die. And our women and children shall be with us in either case. Any of you who have had ‘omens’ can remain here and join Ngaiterangi. At dawn of day we march. The women and children will follow. Enough! You are each as good a man as I, and it is my fixed intention to conquer before the Waikato tribes come up.” There were no bad omens, and not a soul of Ngatihaua remained behind. In the afternoon of the following day they junctioned with their Ngaiterangi allies, and together they crossed the Waikato River a little above where the Town of Cambridge now stands.

The Ngatimaru and Ngatipaoa were formed along the brow of the gully and terrace, their left resting on their strong pa, their right on the perpendicular cliff of the Waikato River. Their whole line formed nearly a right angle, but they neglected to occupy the mass of loose rocks in the angle formed by the river-cliff and the steep terrace. These rocks, or mass of separate boulders, lay a few yards from the foot of the terrace. Te Waharoa noticed this, and these rocks became a distinct feature in his dispositions. He first of all disposed his thousand Ngaiterangi allies along the gully, with orders merely to keep up as hot a fire as they could across the gully, but he neither asked nor professed to expect from them any actual charge or hand-to-hand conflict. He, however, placed twenty picked men of his own Ngatihaua on the extreme right of his allies, with orders, on a given signal, to charge across the gully regardless of the number opposed to them, and to incite by their example as many as possible of their allies to follow. He then divided the remaining Ngatihaua into two bodies of 140 men each. The left detachment had no leader, as it was extremely uncertain which of them would reach their destined point of attack; but every man of this 140 knew the orders—viz., that they were to creep through the fern to the edge of the chasm, and lower themselves by ropes to the bottom. Five women were detailed to creep after the column and let the ropes go when all the

men had got to the bottom. The men were then, by means of notches cut in the papa cliff, to get at least one man and a rope to the top; then by means of the ropes they all could get up more speedily, taking cover in the little clump of trees until all were on the upper level; then at a given signal all were to run at best speed, and in the loosest possible order, to the rocks at the end of the level. There for a moment they were to halt and get together, and then charge with all their might on to the extreme end of the enemy's line.

While this operation was in progress, the right-hand 140 Ngatihaua advanced close to the waterfall, and kept up a hot fire on the angle formed by the terrace and the gully. Te Waharoa himself kept a little farther back, on the slope of Pukekura Hill, until he saw the attack from the rocks on the enemy's right taking effect. Then, shouting his battle-cry, he made the signal to his twenty men on the extreme right of his allies, and charged with the whole weight of his 140 men on the angle of the enemy's line, just over the waterfall. At the same moment the twenty Ngatihaua on his extreme right charged across the gully, and in the enthusiasm of the moment and the natural love of a Maori for battle many of the Ngaiterangi allies followed them.

About forty of the left column of Ngatihaua had fallen in the 500-yards race from the little clump of trees to the rocks, but the remaining hundred now came storming furiously and irresistibly along the enemy's long line. The determined charge of Te Waharoa, with his 140 men, on to the centre of the enemy kept them pretty well employed until the cry arose among the enemy that they were being cut off from their pa and their women by the desperate charge of the Ngatihaua twenty on the extreme right (left) of the enemy. This charge, too, was momentarily increasing in weight by parties of Ngaiterangi crossing the gully.

The left column of Ngatihaua from the rocks actually rolled up the enemy's line until the two parties of Ngatihaua met at the angle. Then the united columns, still holding the flank of the enemy, continued the charge, until the cry arose among the enemy that they were being cut off from their pa; then the fight became a rout.

The ten survivors of the right-flank Ngatihaua detachment stood as rocks, back to back, amid the deluge of the retreating enemy, until the last of these got within the pa. Ngatihaua and allies then immediately retired out of “Brown Bess” range—for there were no 1,000-yards rifles in those days.

Ngatihaua lost altogether seventy men killed and ninety wounded. The enemy lost 440 killed and about as many wounded. Those slightly wounded escaped to the pa. The enemy, however, had still considerably over two thousand men, and Te Waharoa could not implicity depend on his allies. The Ngatihaua dead were therefore carefully collected, and the bodies forthwith cremated, in case they might fall into the hands of the enemy. When the writer last saw the place, in 1880, a small flagstaff still marked the spot where the bodies were burned.

During the night after the battle negotiations were opened—at first between Te Waharoa's Ngaiterangi allies and the enemy in the pa. Next day the matter was referred to Te Waharoa, and that wise and politic chief readily agreed to cease hostilities, provided the Ngatimaru and Ngatipaoa retired at once, “bag and baggage,” from Waikato, and returned to their own proper district. This they accordingly did, escorted by Te Waharoa's Ngaiterangi allies and fifty Ngatihaua.